Party Cooperation in a Results Perspective
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No. 701, November 20, 1998
soC!: No. 701 ~X-623 20 November 1998 Down With. Starvation Blockade! U.S. Out of the Near East! • • et our ooav anas raq! NOVEMBER 17-Massively rein 1991, which included the use of de forcing its armada of warships, sub pleted uranium shells (see "Iraq marines, aircraft carriers, tighter Cancer Epidemic Made in U.S.A.," bombers and cruise missiles in the WV No. 690, 8 May). Down with Persian Gulf, U.S. imperialism is the starvation blockade! U.S. impe once again poised to unleash rialism: Get your bloody hands off bloody carnage on the Iraqi people. Iraq! The Clinton White House has now Fearful of stirring up domestic announced a postponement of the discontent, America's rulers rely military strike as the Iraqi regime on high-tech missile and bombing agreed to again allow free rein to strikes which minimize U.S. casu the imperialist spies who masque alties while wreaking devasta rade as "arms inspectors." Trum tion on the Iraqi population. peting Washington's aim of over An editorial in the New York Times throwing the Saddam Hussein (13 November), mouthpiece of regime, Clinton hellows, "Iraq has the liberal bourgeoisie, virtually backed down, but that is not screamed for Iraqi blood, calling enough." British Labour prime for a "sustained" bombing cam minister Tony Blair rants that the paign which would necessarily "slightest obstruction" of United include "a regrettable risk of civil Nations weapons inspectors will be ian casualties." met with an "immediate attack, no The repeated displays of terror warning whatever." Today's New by U.S. -
ADEPT Political Commentaries
ADEPT Political Commentaries October-December 2002 Bashkan elections in Gagauz Yeri October 2, 2002 Bashkan elections are scheduled in Gagauz-Yeri for October 6. The electoral campaign is characterized by mutual suspicions of falsification. In fact the upcoming elections is a way of settling the conflict arisen in January. Back then, after a control conducted by the Court of Accounts, Gagauz Yeri Parliamentary Assembly initiated the procedure of ousting the incumbent Bashkan. The initiative was supported by the President Vladimir Voronin who accused Bashkan Dumitru Croitor of embezzlement and called him a thief. Gagauz administration denied the accusations and opposed the referenda on ousting the Bashkan, which resulted in scission of the Parliamentary Assembly. Later on Dumitru Croitor and Ivan Burgugji, Chief of the Protocol Section of the PA were investigated for obstruction to referenda. In their turn, the two claimed the referendum was illegal and running counter to the Republic of Moldova laws. Domestic analysts believe those political games impaired the executive branch in the region and thwarted some extremely important investment projects in the southern region of Moldova. The investigation launched against him and his supporters determined Bashkan Croitor to resign in the summer of this year. In its turn the resignation led to early elections scheduled for October 6. One may say that the Bashkan position is disputed by the Communist Party representative Gheorghii Tabunscic, on the one hand and another five candidates on the other (Stepan Topal, Ilia Stamat, Mihail Formuzal, Gheorghii Burgudji and Constantin Tausanji), the latter stand to some extent in opposition to the Communist authorities. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Central Asia the Caucasus
CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS No. 6(54), 2008 CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS Journal of Social and Political Studies 6(54) 2008 CA&CC Press® SWEDEN 1 No. 6(54), 2008FOUNDED AND PUBLISHEDCENTRAL ASIA AND BYTHE CAUCASUS INSTITUTE INSTITUTE O OR CENTRAL ASIAN AND STRATEGIC STUDIES O CAUCASIAN STUDIES THE CAUCASUS Registration number: 620720-0459 Registration number: M-770 State Administration for Ministry of Justice of Patents and Registration of Sweden Azerbaijan Republic PUBLISHING HOUSE CA&CC Press®. SWEDEN Registration number: 556699-5964 Journal registration number: 23 614 State Administration for Patents and Registration of Sweden E d i t o r i a l C o u n c i l Eldar Chairman of the Editorial Council ISMAILOV Tel./fax: (994 - 12) 497 12 22 E-mail: [email protected] Murad ESENOV Editor-in-Chief Tel./fax: (46) 920 62016 E-mail: [email protected] Jannatkhan Executive Secretary (Baku, Azerbaijan) EYVAZOV Tel./fax: (994 - 12) 499 11 73 E-mail: [email protected] Timur represents the journal in Kazakhstan (Astana) SHAYMERGENOV Tel./fax: (+7 - 701) 531 61 46 E-mail: [email protected] Leonid represents the journal in Kyrgyzstan (Bishkek) BONDARETS Tel.: (+996 - 312) 65-48-33 E-mail: [email protected] Jamila MAJIDOVA represents the journal in Tajikistan (Dushanbe) Tel.: (992 - 917) 72 81 79 E-mail: [email protected] Farkhad represents the journal in Uzbekistan (Tashkent) TOLIPOV Tel.: (9987-1) 125 43 22 E-mail: [email protected] Aghasi YENOKIAN represents the journal in Armenia (Erevan) Tel.: (374 - 1) 54 10 22 E-mail: [email protected] -
The Res Publica Party in Estonia
Meteoric Trajectory: The Res Publica Party in Estonia REIN TAAGEPERA Formed in 2001, Res Publica won the Estonian parliamentary elections in 2003, and its leader became prime minister. It failed to win a single seat in the European Parliament in 2004 and was down to 5 per cent in opinion polls in 2005 when it dropped out of the cabinet. The founding chairperson of the party analyses here the causes for Res Publica’s rapid rise and fall, reviewing the socio-political background and drawing comparisons with other new parties in Europe. Res Publica was a genuinely new party that involved no previous major players. It might be charac- terized as a ‘purifying bridge party’ that filled an empty niche at centre right. Its rise was among the fastest in Europe. For success of a new party, each of three factors must be present to an appreciable degree: Prospect of success ¼ Members  Money  Visibility. Res Publica had all three, but rapid success spoiled the party leadership. Their governing style became arrogant and they veered to the right, alienating their centrist core constituency. It no longer mattered for the quality of Estonian politics whether Res Publica faded or survived. Key words: new parties; Estonia; Res Publica; rightist politics Democratization includes developing a workable party system. Around 2000, I would have told anyone who cared to listen that Estonia had too many parties. A study by Grofman, Mikkel and Taagepera1 also noted that no major new player had entered the field since 1995. We characterized the party constellation in the early 1990s as kaleidoscopic, but gave figures to show that the party system in Estonia seemed to stabilize. -
The Political Alignment of the Centre Party in Wilhelmine Germany: a Study of the Party's Emergence in Nineteenth-Century Württemberg
The Political Alignment of the Centre Party in Wilhelmine Germany: A Study of the Party's Emergence in Nineteenth-Century Württemberg The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Blackbourn, David. 1975. The political alignment of the Centre Party in Wilhelmine Germany: A study of the party's emergence in nineteenth-century Württemberg. Historical Journal 18(4): 821-850. Published Version doi:10.1017/S0018246X00008906 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:3629315 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The Historical Journal, XVIII, 4 (I975), pp. 82I-850 821 Printed in Great Britain THE POLITICAL ALIGNMENT OF THE CENTRE PARTY IN WILHELMINE GERMANY: A STUDY OF THE PARTY'S EMERGENCE IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY WURTTEMBERG By DAVID BLACKBOURN Jesus College, Cambridge LESS than a month before Bismarck's dismissal as German chancellor, the Reichstag elections of February I890 destroyed the parliamentary majority of the Kartell parties - National Liberals and Conservatives - with whose support he had governed. The number of Reichstag seats held by these parties fell from 22I to I40, out of the total of397; they never again achieved more than I69. To the multitude of problems left by Bismarck to his successorswas there- fore added one of parliamentaryarithmetic: how was the chancellor to organize a Reichstag majority when the traditional governmental parties by themselves were no longer large enough, and the intransigently anti-governmental SPD was constantly increasing its representation? It was in this situation that the role of the Centre party in Wilhelmine politics became decisive, for between I890 and I9I4 the party possessed a quarter of the seats in the Reichstag, and thus held the balance of power between Left and Right. -
Partisan Influence on Immigration: the Case of Norway
ISSN 0080–6757 Doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9477.2010.00250.x © 2010 The Author(s) Journal compilation © 2010 Nordic Political Science Association Partisan Influence on Immigration: The Case of Norwayscps_250 248..270 Frøy Gudbrandsen* Do governments decide the size of immigration? This article analyses partisan impact on refugee immigration to Norway.The first part maps party positions on refugee immigration and demonstrates that the views of Norwegian parties are far from consensual. The second part tests whether the number of refugees admitted has been affected by changes of government by way of a panel analysis covering the period 1985–2005 and 143 sending countries. Controlling for other determinants of immigration both in receiving and sending countries, the analysis suggests that that the number of refugees admitted to Norway has been significantly lower during Conservative rule. Among parties with government experience, the Conservative Party also has adopted the most restrictive stand in its manifestoes. No significant differences between Labour Party and centre governments were found, even though the centre parties express more liberal preferences. The partisan influence on immigration remains uncertain. Scholars come to diverging conclusions, both on the validity of the partisan theory in general (see, e.g., Blais et al. 1993; Imbeau et al. 2001) and on states’ capacity to control immigration (see, e.g., Sassen, 1996, 2000; Guiraudon & Lahav 2000). Although some studies reject a partisan effect on national economic indicators, many find strong empirical support for the hypoth- esis (e.g., Huber & Stephens 2000; Cusack 1997; Reed 2006; Pettersson- Lidbom 2004). Yet what about immigration? Do governments control it, or is it determined entirely by external determinants? Not only scholars, but politicians, too, disagree on their influence on immigration. -
How Unique Is the American Situation? Comparing Affective Polarization Across Party Systems Through the Inter-Party Marriage Measure
HOW UNIQUE IS THE AMERICAN SITUATION? Comparing Affective Polarization Across Party Systems Through the Inter-party Marriage Measure ERIK KNUDSEN WORKING PAPER SERIES 2018:4 DIGSSCORE DIGITAL SOCIAL SCIENCE CORE FACILITY UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN BOX 7802, 5020 BERGEN DECEMBER 2018 ISSN 2535-3233 © 2018 BY ERIK KNUDSEN. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. Running head: AFFECTIVE POLARIZATION ACROSS PARTY SYSTEMS 1 How Unique is the American Situation? Comparing Affective Polarization Across Party Systems Through the Inter-party Marriage Measure Erik Knudsen University of Bergen Short Working Paper — All comments are welcome AFFECTIVE POLARIZATION ACROSS PARTY SYSTEMS 2 Abstract Prior research has demonstrated that Americans are increasingly affectively polarized: viewing opposing partisans negatively and copartisans positively. While the literature has thus far provided mixed results to whether the U.S. situation is one-of-a-kind, we lack comparative evidence that takes into account that multiparty systems have multiple political parties. Without accounting for such differences, we risk exaggerating the uniqueness of the U.S. situation. To accommodate this concern, I test an experimental strategy for comparing affective polarization in a two-party setting (the U.S.) with a multiparty setting (Norway) through the inter-party marriage measure. The findings provide evidence to suggest that there are no observable differences in terms of partisan affective polarization in Norway and the U.S., indicating that the U.S. situation is not unique. AFFECTIVE POLARIZATION ACROSS PARTY SYSTEMS 3 How Unique is the American Situation? Comparing Affective Polarization Across Party Systems Through the Inter-party Marriage Measure Prior research has demonstrated that Americans dislike opposing partisans to the extent that they would be unhappy if their son or daughter married someone voting for the other party (Iyengar, Sood, & Lelkes, 2012). -
The “Pridnestrovskaia Moldavskaia Respublika” (Pmr)
1 THE “PRIDNESTROVSKAIA MOLDAVSKAIA RESPUBLIKA” (PMR) : BUILDING OF A EUROPEAN STATE AND EXPERIMENT OF DIRECT DEMOCRACY Report from Luc MICHEL Administrator-General and member of the Scientific Council of the "Eurasian Centre for Democracy and Elections" For the Mission of expertise and analysis conducted by European lawyers in PMR on 2-5 May 2007 under the direction of Mr Patrick BRUNOT State Doctor of Law, barrister at the Paris Court, advisor to the International Criminal Tribunal in The Hague www.eode.org __________________________________________________ EODE Report on the PMR – 2d issue 2010 Building of a New European State 2 CONTENTS PREFACE : A FEW WORDS OVER THIS REPORT * INTRODUCTION : TEAM OF EU LAWYERS IN “PRIDNESTROVIE” (PMR) TO EXAMINE STATEHOOD OF THE REPUBLIC * REPORT - PART 1 : THE “PRIDNESTROVSKAIA MOLDAVSKAIA RESPUBLIKA” (PMR) : BUILDING OF A EUROPEAN STATE I - "PRIDNESTROVIE" OR PMR: A HISTORICAL AND GEOPOLITICAL OUTLINE I-1: PMR AND MOLDOVA IN FRONT OF THEIR DIFFERENT HISTORIES AND PATHS I-2 : PMR DEFINITIVE REFUSAL : “NEVERMORE COMMON STATE WITH MOLDOVA” 1-3 : COUNTRY PROFILE OF PRIDNESTROVIE II - THE PRIDNESTROVSKAIA MOLDAVSKAIA RESPUBLIKA: A SOVEREIGN STATE II-1 : THE FACTS : PMR AS A REAL SELF-DERTERMINED STATE II-2 : PMR'S SOVEREIGNTY IN INTERNATIONAL LAW II-3 : THE ELEMENTS OF A STATE UPON THE INTERNATIONAL LAW II-4 : WHICH BASIS FOR THE CLAIMS OF MOLDOVA OVER PMR ? II-5: THE WEIGHT OF ECONOMY : TRADE RELATIONS EXPAND, INTERNATIONAL DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS III - THE INFLUENCE OF THE KOSOVO CASE IV - PMR AND EUROPEAN -
The Press in the Arab World
The Press in the Arab World a Bourdieusian critical alternative to current perspectives on the role of the media in the public sphere Hicham Tohme A thesis submitted to the Department of Politics in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy October 2014 1 Abstract The current literature on the role of media in the public sphere in general, and particularly politics, is divided among two opposing trends. The liberal/pluralists argue that media is playing a democratic role consisting of either representing public opinion and/or informing it. The critical theorists argue that media is in fact controlled by and represents elite interests. But even critical theories of the role of media in politics are driven by the belief that media ought to play a democratic and liberal role in society. Both theories therefore share a common normative understanding of what the role of media ought to be and are therefore the product of a common normative ideological framework, the liberal paradigm. This prevents them from properly framing the question of what media actually do in societies which lie beyond the scope of the experience of liberal Europe. This dissertation seeks to transcend this debate, and the liberal paradigm along with it, by arguing that, given a different historical context than the European one, the practice and ethos of media develop differently, and cannot therefore be understood from the lens of the European experience and the liberal paradigm born from within it. To do that, I use Bourdieu's theory of fields to trace the birth and evolution of the private press in Beirut and Cairo from 1858 till 1916. -
The Philippine Left in a Changing Land
The Philippine Left in a Changing Land On October 21 nine members of the Philippine National Federation of Sugar Workers were shot dead while participating in a protest. The killers are assumed to be employed by local capitalists. Killings of union, peasant, and other activists have increased sharply under President Duterte. Dozens of activists have already been killed. Under Duterte’s authoritarian rule, the Philippine left is faced with new difficulties. Three weeks before the killings of the trade unionists, the Philippine Daily Enquirer published the headline “Duterte fires last leftist in government.” The leftist in question is Joel Maglunsod, undersecretary of the Department of Labor and Employment, formerly a leader of the Kilusan Mayo Uno trade- union movement.1 Meanwhile, attacks by the armed wing of the Maoist Communist Party of the Philippines, the New People’s Army (NPA), increased after a ceasefire broke down in early 2017. Lasting roughly half a year, it was the longest ceasefire ever between the NPA and a Philippine government. But even when it still had allies in the government, the CPP had begun to denounce the Duterte regime as fascist and a pawn of the United States. How to explain such contradictions? Much international news about Duterte is concerned with the “war on drugs” he unleashed. Since Duterte assumed office in July 2016, conservative estimates indicate that the police or state- sponsored death squads have killed more than 12,000, almost exclusively from the most impoverished sections of Philippine society. The real number of casualties is likely much higher. During his presidential campaign, Duterte made clear that he was planning to organize large-scale violence. -
Why Do Political Parties Split? Understanding Party Splits and Formation of Splinter Parties in Turkey
WHY DO POLITICAL PARTIES SPLIT? UNDERSTANDING PARTY SPLITS AND FORMATION OF SPLINTER PARTIES IN TURKEY A PhD Dissertation by ÖZHAN DEMİRKOL Department of Political Science İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University Ankara August 2014 To Defne and Günay WHY DO POLITICAL PARTIES SPLIT? UNDERSTANDING PARTY SPLITS AND FORMATION OF SPLINTER PARTIES IN TURKEY Graduate School of Economics and Social Sciences of İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University by ÖZHAN DEMİRKOL In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE İHSAN DOĞRAMACI BİLKENT UNİVERSİTY ANKARA AUGUST 2014 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Zeki Sarıgil Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Professor Elizabeth Özdalga Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Cenk Saraçoğlu Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Ioannis N. Grigoriadis Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science.