The Labour Church Movement
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The Labour Party Is More Than the Shadow Cabinet, and Corbyn Must Learn to Engage with It
The Labour Party is more than the shadow cabinet, and Corbyn must learn to engage with it blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/the-labour-party-is-more-than-the-shadow-cabinet/ 1/11/2016 The three-day reshuffle of the shadow cabinet might have helped Jeremy Corbyn stamp his mark on the party but he needs to do more to ensure his leadership lasts, writes Eunice Goes. She explains the Labour leader must engage with all groups that have historically made up the party, while his rhetoric should focus more on policies that resonate with the public. Doing so will require a stronger vision of what he means by ‘new politics’ and, crucially, a better communications strategy. By Westminster standards Labour’s shadow cabinet reshuffle was ‘shambolic’ and had the key ingredients of a ‘pantomime’. At least, it was in those terms that it was described by a large number of Labour politicians and Westminster watchers. It certainly wasn’t slick, or edifying. Taking the best of a week to complete a modest shadow cabinet reshuffle was revealing of the limited authority the leader Jeremy Corbyn has over the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP). Against the wishes of the Labour leader, the Shadow Foreign Secretary Hilary Benn and the Shadow Chief Whip Rosie Winterton kept their posts. However, Corbyn was able to assert his authority in other ways. He moved the pro-Trident Maria Eagle from Defence and appointed the anti-Trident Emily Thornberry to the post. He also imposed some ground rules on Hillary Benn and got rid of Michael Dugher and Pat McFadden on the grounds of disloyalty. -
Radical Nostalgia, Progressive Patriotism and Labour's 'English Problem'
Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour©s ©English problem© Article (Accepted Version) Robinson, Emily (2016) Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour's 'English problem'. Political Studies Review, 14 (3). pp. 378-387. ISSN 1478-9299 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/61679/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk Author’s Post-Print Copy Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour's 'English problem' Emily Robinson, University of Sussex ABSTRACT ‘Progressive patriots’ have long argued that Englishness can form the basis of a transformative political project, whether based on an historic tradition of resistance to state power or an open and cosmopolitan identity. -
The Theological Socialism of the Labour Church
‘SO PECULIARLY ITS OWN’ THE THEOLOGICAL SOCIALISM OF THE LABOUR CHURCH by NEIL WHARRIER JOHNSON A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Theology and Religion School of Philosophy, Theology and Religion College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham May 2015 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The thesis argues that the most distinctive feature of the Labour Church was Theological Socialism. For its founder, John Trevor, Theological Socialism was the literal Religion of Socialism, a post-Christian prophecy announcing the dawn of a new utopian era explained in terms of the Kingdom of God on earth; for members of the Labour Church, who are referred to throughout the thesis as Theological Socialists, Theological Socialism was an inclusive message about God working through the Labour movement. By focussing on Theological Socialism the thesis challenges the historiography and reappraises the significance of the Labour -
Birmingham's Evangelical Free Churches and The
BIRMINGHAM’S EVANGELICAL FREE CHURCHES AND THE FIRST WORLD WAR by ANDY VAIL A Thesis Submitted to The University of Birmingham For the degree of MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY School of History & Cultures College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham 2019 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This thesis demonstrates that the First World War did not have a major long-term impact on the evangelical free churches of Birmingham. Whilst many members were killed in the conflict, and local church auxiliaries were disrupted, once the participants – civil and military – returned, the work and mission of the churches mostly continued as they had before the conflict, the exception being the Adult School movement, which had been in decline prior to the conflict. It reveals impacts on local church life, including new opportunities for women amongst the Baptist and Congregational churches where they began to serve as deacons. The advent of conscription forced church members to personally face the issue as to whether as Christians they could in conscience bear arms. The conflict also speeded ecumenical co-operation nationally, in areas such as recognition of chaplains, and locally, in organising local prayer meetings and commemorations. -
Proposed Development, Grange Road, Longford, Coventry
PROPOSED DEVELOPMENT, GRANGE ROAD, LONGFORD, COVENTRY HERITAGE STATEMENT Woodhall Planning & Conservation, Woodhall, Woodhall Lane, Calverley, Leeds. LS28 5NY Tel: 0113 255 4660 Email: [email protected] 2863/4B March 2016 CONTENTS Page No 1.00 Introduction 1 2.00 The Site and its context 3 3.00 Impact of the proposed development 10 4.00 Conclusions 14 APPENDICES A List entry descriptions B Photographs C Historic maps 1.00 INTRODUCTION 1.01 Woodhall Planning and Conservation has been commissioned by Westleigh Developments to prepare a Heritage Statement in connection with the proposed development of land at Grange Farm on the north-west side of Grange Road, Longford in Coventry. Grange Farmhouse is Grade II listed and the whole site is located within the Coventry Canal Conservation Area. In addition, the brick outbuildings that are located to the south-west of the farmhouse are included on the Local List held by Coventry City Council. Immediately to the south-east of the site, Nos. 175 and 177 Grange Road are also Grade II listed. Planning permission was granted in 2009 for the demolition of a section of the outbuildings and the erection of 5no. houses to the west of the farmhouse. 1.02 Woodhall Planning & Conservation is a professional architectural and planning consultancy operating in the specialised areas of historic building conservation, urban design and planning law. The consultancy has extensive experience of building evaluations, conservation area appraisals and management plans, historical and archaeological research, public inquiry and “expert witness” work, condition surveys, strategies for conservation and re-use, the design and management of repair and conversion projects and conservation legislation. -
Manchester and Salford Politics and the Early Development of the Independent Labour Party
JEFFREY HILL MANCHESTER AND SALFORD POLITICS AND THE EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY The grass-roots activities of the Independent Labour Party have been the subject of increased scrutiny from historians over the past few years, especially in the pages of this journal.1 Consequently we can now be a little surer about the contribution of the party to the development of an in- dependent labour movement in Britain at the end of the nineteenth cen- tury, though with every fresh case-study a different local strategy seems to come to light. The one outstanding profile in this field is the closely observed account of the ILP in Bradford by J. Reynolds and K. Laybourn, who identify several key features in the party's growth in that city, notably the reformist nature of ILP socialism and the close associations with local trade unionism. "From the outset", they tell us, "Bradford trade unionism and the Bradford ILP were seen as two aspects of a single homogeneous labour movement aimed at the emancipation of the working class from poverty and exploitation."2 But how far this pattern of development was repeated elsewhere is a different matter. David Rubinstein's account of the ILP's intervention in the Barnsley bye-election of 1897, for example, reveals that the ILP in this area did not take up a Bradford-style policy of labour alliance until the late 1890's, and suggests that this was the case for the ILP as a whole.3 Yet studies of the party's activities on the other side of the Pennines indicate a different story still. -
5. Christian Socialism: a Phenomenon of Many Shapes and Variances
Debating Poverty Christian and Non-Christian Perspectives on the Social Question in Britain, 1880-1914 Dissertation zur Erlangung des philosophischen Doktorgrades an der Philosophischen Fakultät der Georg-August-Universität Göttingen vorgelegt von Angelika Maser aus München Göttingen 2009 1 1. Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Bernd Weisbrod Seminar für Neuere und Neueste Geschichte Georg-August-Universität Göttingen 2. Gutachterin: Prof. Dr. Ilona Ostner Institut für Soziologie Georg-August-Universität Göttingen 3. Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Jan-Ottmar Hesse Institut für Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte Georg-August-Universität Göttingen Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 04.08.2010 2 Eidesstattliche Erklärung Hiermit versichere ich an Eides statt, dass ich die eingereichte Dissertation „Debating Poverty. Christian and Non-Christian Perspectives on the Social Question in Britain, 1880-1914“ selbständig und ohne unerlaubte Hilfe verfasst habe. Anderer als der von mir angegebenen Hilfsmittel und Schriften habe ich mich nicht bedient. Alle wörtlich oder sinngemäß den Schriften anderer Autorinnen und Autoren entnommenen Stellen habe ich kenntlich gemacht. Die Abhandlung ist noch nicht veröffentlicht worden und noch nicht Gegenstand eines Promotionsverfahrens gewesen. Angelika Maser Göttingen, den 25.09.2009 3 Acknowledgements Like many doctoral theses, this one has taken a lot longer than planned. Along the way, many people have helped me with my work and supported me through difficult periods. To them it is owed that this study has finally become reality. I started work on this thesis as a scholar at the graduate research group „The Future of the European Social Model“ (DFG-Graduiertenkolleg „Die Zukunft des Europäischen Sozialmodells“) at the Georg-August-Universität Göttingen. I would like to thank the German Research Foundation for the scholarship I received. -
William Z. Foster and the Turn Towards the Labour Movement
chapter 4 William Z. Foster and the Turn Towards the Labour Movement In the lead-up to the Profintern’s founding, Cannon suggested that Browder be enlisted to find suitable American delegates. In May, Browder bragged in a letter to Trotsky that ‘it was within the realm of possibility in the immediate future for the Communists of America to take over the direction of the labor movement’. In retrospect, this appears outlandish, but at the time, it had a ring of truth. Although attempts to recruit the IWW were frustrated, Browder did convince other important labour figures to attend. One delegate was Ella Reeve ‘Mother’ Bloor, one of the party’s experienced labour organisers. But Browder’s most important catch was William Z. Foster, with whom Browder had worked before the war. Not then a Communist, Foster—at times a Socialist, dissident Wobbly, and AFL organiser—was a hero of radical labour militants, and argu- ably the period’s greatest labour leader. Foster soon joined the Communist Party, and with Browder, Cannon and Cannon’s associate William F. Dunne, was instrumental in ‘Americanising’ Communism and rooting it in the labour movement.1 Foster, who would head the Communist Party during much of the Cold War, has received much attention from scholars, including two full-length biogra- phies published after the opening of the archives in the former Soviet Union. Part of this attention is due to his varied history in the American labour move- ment, perhaps best encapsulated in the title of his 1937 autobiography, From Bryan to Stalin. He joined the Socialist Party in 1901, after becoming interested in politics by a SLP soapboxer the year before. -
George Lansbury and the Middlesbrough Election of 1906
A. W. PURDUE GEORGE LANSBURY AND THE MIDDLESBROUGH ELECTION OF 1906 The different elements which came together to form the Labour Representation Committee1 in February 1900 were, when it came to party organisation, at once its strength and its weakness. Labour was not in the position of a totally new political party having to build up a political machine from scratch, rather the LRC was able to utilise and build upon existing organisations: these were the Independent Labour Party, the Fabian Society, those trade unions which supported the LRC, and trades councils throughout the country (the Social Dem- ocratic Federation disaffiliated from the LRC after little more than a year's membership). At both a local and a national level, however, these organisations were often hostile to each other, jealous of their independence and suspicious of attempts by the LRC Executive2 to control them. The early history of the LRC in the North East of England has many examples of the result- of these divisions within the Labour movement. In 1902 the Labour movement in Jarrow and the NEC had been hopelessly split over the question of whether Alexander Wilkie, Secretary of the Shipwrights' Union, or Peter Curran, General Organiser of the Gasworkers' Union, should be LRC candidate for Jarrow. This was much more than an inter-union squabble as Curran was a socialist and leading ILPer while Wilkie was a moderate trade unionist pre- pared to work closely with local Liberalism; Curran's adoption was therefore a victory for the more militant forces within the Labour movement. Many trade unionists in the North East who supported the LRC were opposed to a complete break with Liberalism and especially wished to work harmoniously with the existing Liberal-Labour MPs. -
The Challenge of Britain's Jeremy Corbyn
JANUARY 2015 THE CHALLENGE OF BRITAIN’S JEREMY CORBYN By Jeremy Black Jeremy Black is a professor of history at the University of Exeter and a senior fellow of the Foreign Policy Research Institute. He is author of over 100 books, most recently Other Pasts, Different Presents, Alternative Futures (Indiana University Press, 2015) and A Short History of Britain (Bloomsbury, 2015, 2nd ed.). To be congratulated by Hamas, Russia and Syriza on your election may not be what most of us would want, nor to celebrate by singing the Red Flag and making clear one would not bomb ISIS militants in Syria. It is not surprising, however, if you are pro-Russia, pro-Hamas, pro-Hizbullah and pro-IRA. The election of a new head for the Labour Party in Britain, however, raises major questions about the future not only of that party but also of British politics and foreign policy and thus of Britain’s relations with the remainder of the European Union, with the United States, and more generally. The tone of British politics has also radically changed. The Prime Minister’s comment that Jeremy Corbyn posed a clear threat to Britain’s security reflected the hard-left, indeed Marxisant, character of the new Labour leader. The chairman of the Stop the War Coalition has made a range of comments over the years indicating a degree of hostility to the United States and to Britain’s defense profile that are deeply troubling. They are also totally out of line with the tradition of the Labour Party. Not only did it join a coalition government during World War Two, but Labour governments also negotiated the establishment of NATO and the development of the British atom bomb. -
Clement Attlee Was Born on 3 January 1883 in Putney, the Seventh of Eight Children
P R O F I L E Clement Attlee was born on 3 January 1883 in Putney, the seventh of eight children. His father, Henry Attlee, was a solicitor and senior partner in the firm of Druces and Attlee, whose offices were in the Middle Temple. After being home-schooled, Attlee was educated at the preparatory school Northaw Place and then Haileybury College, both in Hertfordshire. At Haileybury, which had a strong military ethos, Attlee became an enthusiastic member of the Volunteer Rifle Corps. After leaving Haileybury in 1901 Attlee went on to University College, Oxford, where he studied Modern History. He specialised in Italian and Renaissance history and graduated in 1904 with a second-class degree. After leaving Oxford Attlee followed in his father’s footsteps and entered the legal profession, although without any great enthusiasm for it. He had been admitted to the Inner Temple on 30 January 1904, and in the autumn of that year entered the Lincoln’s Inn chambers of Sir Philip Gregory. His father’s connections meant he had already C L E M E N T dined at the Inner Temple; he was called to the Bar in March 1906. In October 1905, Attlee accompanied his brother Laurence to the A T T L E E Haileybury Club, a club in Stepney, East London for working-class boys, run by former Haileybury College pupils. It was connected to B O R N 1 8 8 3 the Territorial Army, and volunteers were expected to become non- D I E D 1 9 6 7 commissioned officers. -
Militancy and Pragmatism an International Perspective on Maritime Labour, 1870-1914*
FRANK BROEZE MILITANCY AND PRAGMATISM AN INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE ON MARITIME LABOUR, 1870-1914* SUMMARY: The militancy of maritime workers led worldwide to strikes of great magnitude, visibility and impact. In many countries these strikes had vast repercus- sions for the industrial and political development of the labour movement. As this comparative overview of maritime labour and unionism in some ten countries shows, however, after the first wave of strikes two conflicting tendencies arose which became a permanent feature of the maritime scene. The men themselves never lost their potential for militant action and adherence to radical ideologies. By contrast, many union leaders became increasingly pragmatic and even accommoda- tionist. This article investigates the causes of this dichotomy and assesses the resulting tensions and conflicts. In many ports these led to break-away moves, spontaneous action and the replacement of moderate by radical leaders. In others the pragmatic tendency survived in power. This included a strong interest in alliances with adjacent unions and international unions. Introduction The historiography of trade unionism and the labour movement in general in recent years has grown at such a frenetic pace that it is doubtful whether any individual can still command or even oversee the whole field. Amongst the plethora of themes several vie for primacy on centre stage: the identity of the proletariat, and the extent and nature of its working-class conscious- ness and class-war strategies; the identification of chronologically distinct phases in the development of trade unionism and, in particular, the nature of the so-called "new unionism"; the influence of socialist ideology on the developing trade-union movement and, more generally, the relationship between the syndicalist and political wings of the labour movement; and, of more recent vintage, the nature of union leadership and reconstructions and social analyses of workers' lives both on the job and within the circles of their families and communities.