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THE YOKE of ISABELLA: the WOMEN's SECTION of the SPANISH FALANGE 1934-1959 by Kathleen Jane Labum Richmond

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THE YOKE of ISABELLA: the WOMEN's SECTION of the SPANISH FALANGE 1934-1959 by Kathleen Jane Labum Richmond University of Southampton Research Repository ePrints Soton Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", University of Southampton, name of the University School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination http://eprints.soton.ac.uk University of Southampton The Yoke of Isabella: the Women's Section of the Spanish Falange 1934-1959 Kathleen J. L Richmond Doctor of Philosophy Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies December 1999 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON ABSTRACT FACULTY OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF SPANISH, PORTUGUESE AND LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES Doctor of Philosophy THE YOKE OF ISABELLA: THE WOMEN'S SECTION OF THE SPANISH FALANGE 1934-1959 by Kathleen Jane Labum Richmond The Women's Section (Seccion Femenina) of the Franco regime's bureaucratic framework was founded in 1934 as an offshoot of the small fascist party, the Falange. Its leader, Pilar Primo de Rivera, was the sister of the Falange's founder, Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera and remained in post throughout the regime. The present study is of Seccion Femenina (SF) as it developed following the death of Jose Antonio during the Spanish Civil War, becoming part of the regime's bureaucracy while retaining its original ideological base. The thesis examines the emerging role of SF in the Spanish Civil War as a supporter of the Nationalist cause and its mandate in 1939 to train and prepare the women and girls in Spain for life under the new regime. SF's influence on government legislation and its contribution to the nation's economic and social stability up to 1959 are examined in relation to the political events of the period as well as the compromises made as SF faced opposition from other sectors of the regime. The second focus of the thesis is SF's ideological base and inner identity, and particularly the degree to which it exhibited features of fascism. This is examined in relation to its elite members, whose belief system was so enduring that it survived the decline of Falangism in the regime. In the face of political realities, SF always saw its 1939 mandate as its own 'Falangist Revolution' and its elite members as capable of transforming society. The origins of these beliefs, the contribution of foreign influences and the transmission of SF ideology in SF's elite academy are analysed in relation to the work and self-image of the elites. The paradox of SF as a loyal supporter of Francoism while challenging the class and social base of the regime is also examined, and religion is shown as the most significant area where SF differed from mainstream opinion and practice. SF's programmes have been studied via primary sources, journals and archive materials. The major primary source, however, is the set of forty-five interviews, conducted principally in Madrid but also in Salamanca, Santiago de Compostela, Palencia, Medina del Campo, Zaragoza, Toledo, the province of Leon and Britain between 1994 and 1999. Interviewees are mainly former elite members of SF together with unaffiliated women, male Falangists and others with experience of SF's programmes. CONTENTS Introduction Chapter One Starting the Revolution: SF's programmes for all women Chapter Two The construction of ideology: rituals, icons and private spaces Chapter Three Modernity and reaction: SF and religion Chapter Four Loyalty, influence and moral authority: SF 1936-1949 Chapter Five Continuing the Revolution: SF 1945-1959 Chapter Six Gender, class and the SF mandos Conclusion Appendix The oral sources of the thesis Annexes Bibliography LIST OF ANNEXES Annexe I Departmental structure of the women's organisations of Germany and Spain 1937 and 1941 Annexe 2 The twin hierarchies ofSeccion Femenina (SF) in 1952 Annexe 3 Emblems and insignia ofSeccion Femenina (SF) Annexe 4 Senior National Training School 'Jose Antonio*, Castle of La Mota, Medina del Campo Annexe 5 Training centres ofSF in 1952 INTRODUCTION Fascism is a complex and contested label which has been the subject of much study since the 1920s. From Communist theory, which held it to be the 'agent of capitalism' to the belief that fascism could be placed within the broader category of totalitarianism, debate has now moved to an analysis of its conceptual framework. The belief that the ideological core of fascist regimes has a common base, with shared values, goals and operational style is expressed in the term 'generic fascism'.1 Under this definition, underpinning all fascist regimes is a core belief in the power of the nation as a higher entity and quasi-spiritual ideal. Service to the nation is thereby deemed as the worthiest of endeavours, requiring commitment and personal sacrifice. The fascist solution to the nation's ills depends on an acceptance that there must be a 'rebirth' or 'regeneration', whereby present systems and values are replaced by a 'new order', which itself finds its inspiration in defining moments or eras in the nation's history.2 Although the dictatorship of General Franco in Spain has been described as being 'authoritarian' and 'parafascist' rather than fascist, there can be no doubt that his official party apparatus, the National Movement, {Movimiento National) had genuinely fascist elements which remained in place throughout the regime. It had originated from the small Spanish fascist party, (Falange espafiola), founded in 1934 by Jos6 Antonio Primo de Rivera. After Jose Antonio's death in a Republican jail in the first months of the Civil War, the party leadership was appropriated by Franco in April 1937 to provide legitimacy to his military campaign, and later to his regime. Before the Civil War, and in particular before February 1936, the Falange had few members and could not be regarded as a significant political force. In broad terms, it shared political ground with other right-wing groups in its condemnation of the policies and reforms of the first government of Spain's Second Republic. The regionalist aspirations of Catalonia and the Basque Country, the politicisation of the working classes 1 Fascism was defined in 1935 by the Third International as 'the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinist, and most imperialist elements of finance capital'. S. Payne, A_ History of Fascism 1914-45, (London, U.C.L. Press, 1995), p. 443. 2 R. Griffin, The Nature of Fascism, (London, Routledge, 1991), pp. 32-8. 1 through the existence of marxist and anarcho-syndicalist trades unions, and the legislation which gave political and social freedoms to women were among the developments which were perceived as threatening the established order. Criticisms such as these were common to opponents of the Republic, but the Falange went further through its ideological analysis of Spain as a nation divided and having lost national pride and former greatness. Following the rhetoric of the philosopher Jose Ortega y Gasset, who in 1922 had talked of 'the serious illness from which Spain is suffering'3, the Falange constructed an ideological alternative to parliamentary democracy. The totalitarian system it advocated would end the 'disunity' caused by regionalism, political parties and the class struggle. The political conversion of Spaniards to the ideas of Jose Antonio was termed the 'Falangist Revolution' and it was this vision, more than anything else, which distanced the Falange from other parties of the Right. The 'healing' of the nation could begin, went the argument, once each citizen was working for the common good, without the competing interests of political parties and trades unions. Moreover, the Falangist Revolution would restore Spain to its former position as an imperial power. As Jose Antonio said: 'We have the will of Empire.... We reclaim for Spain a position of pre-eminence in Europe- Regarding the nations of Latin America, we support a unifying of culture, of economic interests and of power.'4 The Utopian vision of a nation restored to former greatness was given form through the Falange's operational style. The militarism and asceticism which characterised the language of Falangist orators and the conduct and setting of its meetings emphasised its political goals as being attainable through service and sacrifice. As Jose Antonio said: 'Spain has to be mobilised from top to bottom and put on a war footing'.5 Falangists were a 'resolute minority' who would mobilise the 'victims of a decadent period' to work for the common good.6 And in its understanding of how the 'Conquest of the State' was to take place, the Falange justified the use of violence, a further point of difference from other political groups. 3 J. Ortega y Gasset, Esparta invertebrada, (Madrid, Revista de Occidente en Alianza Editorial, 1981), p. 2. 4 J. A. Primo de Rivera, 'Norma Programätica de la Falange' in Textos de doctrina polftica, (Madrid, D.N. deiaS.F. de F.E.T. y de las J.O.N.S., 1966), p.339. 5 J. A. Primo de Rivera, 'Mientras Esparia duerme la siesta', ibid., p. 619. 6 J. A. Primo de Rivera, 'Acercade la Revoluciön', ibid., p. 664. 2 Falange membership began to increase following the parliamentary elections of February 1936. Although it failed to win parliamentary seats, the Falange began to seem a possible alternative to some, when a left-wing coalition won the narrowest of victories over the right-wing bloc.
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