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POLITICSCONTRIBUTORS & SOCIETY Contributors Lucio Baccaro ([email protected]) is a senior research officer at the Interna- tional Institute for Labour Studies in Geneva, Switzerland, and an assistant professor of labor and human resource policy at Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland, Ohio (on leave). His previous research has appeared in the European Journal of Industrial Relations, Industrial Relations Journal, Industrial and Labor Relations Review, Economic and Industrial Democracy, and Stato e Mercato. He is presently completing a book manuscript based on his doctoral dis- sertation at MIT, examining the anomalous coexistence in the Italian political economy of neocorporatist patterns of policy making and democratic decision- making procedures within unions. Karen Beckwith ([email protected]), a professor of political science at the College of Wooster, Ohio, is the author of various articles on women, political parties, and social movements in the United States and West Europe and is a coeditor of the forthcoming Women’s Movements Facing the Reconfigured State. Her current research focuses on women’s movements and labor movements in Britain and the United States. Richard Biernacki ([email protected]) is an associate professor of sociology at the University of California, San Diego. His current research, conducted as a Fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study in Berlin, extends the analysis pub- lished in this issue to the commodification of the labor of professional writers in eighteenth-century Europe. An overview of his comparison of the commodification of intellectual and manual work appears in “The Social Manufac- ture of Private Ideas in Germany and Britain, 1750-1830” in Jahrbuch des Wissenschaftskollegs zu Berlin 1998/99, 221-46. Bo Rothstein ([email protected]) is August Röhss Professor in political science at Göteborg University in Sweden. He received his Ph.D. from the Univer- sity of Lund in 1986 and worked at the Department of Government at Uppsala University from 1986 to 1995. He has been a visiting scholar at the Russell Sage Foundation, Cornell University, Harvard University, and the University of Wash- POLITICS & SOCIETY, Vol. 29 No. 2, June 2001 171-172 © 2001 Sage Publications, Inc. 171 172 POLITICS & SOCIETY ington in Seattle. Among his publications are The Social Democratic State: The Swedish Model and the Bureaucratic Problems of Social Reforms (University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996) and Just Institutions Matter: The Moral and Political Logic of the Universal Welfare State (Cambridge University Press, 1998). His most recent article is “Trust, Social Dilemmas and Collective Memories,” pub- lished in the Journal of Theoretical Politics (2000). Javier Astudillo Ruiz ([email protected]) is an assistant professor of political science at the Pompeu Fabra University of Barcelona, Spain, and a doctoral-member of the Juan March Institute of Madrid in Spain. He is author of Los Recursos del Socialismo: Las cambiantes relaciones entre el PSOE y la UGT, 1982-1992 (1998). Astudillo Ruiz was a Fulbright scholar and visiting fellow at the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies at Harvard University during 1998-2000..

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Bo Rothstein Happiness and the Welfare State
Bo Rothstein Happiness and the Welfare State Happiness, politicS and tHe Welfare State It may be considered presumptuous to discuss what could be consid- ered the ultimate goal of politics. A so-called realist (or cynic) would probably say that politics, also in established democracies, is to be considered as no more than a power game between different self- interested elites; expectations that it would produce “welfare” for the majority of the population are for the most part in vain. A more idealis- tic—or Aristotelian—approach would state that the goal of politics in a democracy is to create a population consisting of virtuous individuals. Virtue, according to this Aristotelian view of politics, is supposed to lead to life satisfaction, which would then be the ultimate goal for the political system (Bradley 1991; Kraut 2006). Obviously, the democratic system as such (however defined) could not be the ultimate goal since it is merely a process for making collectively binding decisions about policies. Moreover, there is nothing in the democratic process that in itself can serve as a guarantee against normatively bad outcomes that would create the opposite to virtue. A number of possible alternatives to what should be the ultimate goal of politics in a democracy can of course be put forward. Protection of human rights could certainly be one suggestion as could an extension of human capabilities. Recently, a number of scholars have argued that various measures of population health would be a good measure of what should count as a successful society. From an empirical point of view, this has an obvious advantage because of the availability of a number of “hard” measures, such as social research Vol 77 : No 2 : Summer 2010 1 infant mortality and life expectancy.
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European Political Science Review Explaining the Welfare State: Power
European Political Science Review http://journals.cambridge.org/EPR Additional services for European Political Science Review: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Explaining the welfare state: power resources vs. the Quality of Government Bo Rothstein, Marcus Samanni and Jan Teorell European Political Science Review / FirstView Article / October 2012, pp 1 28 DOI: 10.1017/S1755773911000051, Published online: 15 April 2011 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S1755773911000051 How to cite this article: Bo Rothstein, Marcus Samanni and Jan Teorell Explaining the welfare state: power resources vs. the Quality of Government. European Political Science Review, Available on CJO 2011 doi:10.1017/S1755773911000051 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/EPR, IP address: 88.117.61.108 on 09 Nov 2012 European Political Science Review, page 1 of 28 & European Consortium for Political Research doi:10.1017/S1755773911000051 Explaining the welfare state: power resources vs. the Quality of Government 1 1 2 BO ROTHSTEIN *, MARCUS SAMANNI AND JAN TEORELL 1Department of Political Science, The Quality of Government Institute, University of Gothenburg, Gothenburg, Sweden 2Department of Political Science, Lund University, Lund, Sweden The hitherto most successful theory explaining why similar industrialized market economies have developed such varying systems for social protection is the Power Resource Theory (PRT), according to which the generosity of the welfare state is a function of working class mobilization. In this paper, we argue that there is an under-theorized link in the micro-foundations for PRT, namely why wage earners trying to cope with social risks and demand for redistribution would turn to the state for a solution.
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This article was published online on April 19, 2020 Final version July 27, 2020 Essays in ECONOMIC & BUSINESS HISTORY The Journal of the Economic &Business History Society Editors Mark Billings, University of Exeter Daniel Giedeman, Grand Valley State University Copyright © 2020, The Economic and Business History Society. This is an open access journal. Users are allowed to read, download, copy, distribute, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ISSN 0896-226X LCC 79-91616 HC12.E Wellander and Sanandaji TRACING THE HISTORIC ROOTS OF GENERALIZED TRUST Benjamin Kalischer Wellander [email protected] Tino Sanandaji1 Institute for Economic and Business History Research (EHFF) Stockholm School of Economics [email protected] This paper discusses the problem of empirically measuring past trust. Today, the share of the population who generally trusts others ranges from 60-70 percent in Scandinavian countries to as low as 3-4 percent in countries like Colombia and the Philippines. The reasons why certain countries have developed higher trust than others require an understanding of when trust emerged; for instance, whether the high rates of trust in Scandinavia preceded or followed the welfare state. The key problem in disentangling the historic roots of trust is that systematic measurements do not go back far enough. Trust was first systematically measured in 1942 in the United States and 1948 in Germany. The lack of older data has led scholars to develop other methods to indirectly trace historic roots of contemporary trust.
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Making Development Work: the Quality of Government Approach
07 2015 MAKING DEVELOPMENT WORK: THE QUALITY OF GOVERNMENT APPROACH Bo Rothstein, Marcus Tannenberg Making Development Work: The Quality of Government Approach Bo Rothstein and Marcus Tannenberg University of Gothenburg Rapport 2015:07 till Expertgruppen fr biståndsanalys (EBA) Bo Rothstein holds the August Rhss Chair in Political Science at the University of Gothenburg and is co-founder of the Quality of Government Institute. As of January 2016, he will serve as Professor in Government and Public Policy at the Blavatnik School of Government at Oxford University and as Professorial Fellow at Nuffield College. Marcus Tannenberg is a PhD student at the Department of Political Science at the University of Gothenburg. He has been responsible for the implementation of the “Poznan declaration” established by the Compostela Group of Universities for promoting ethics, anti- corruption and social trust in higher education. Acknowledgements We would like to thank the members of the EBA reference group – David Booth, Rachel Gisselquist, Sten Heckscher, Lars Heikensten and Molly Lien for very valuable comments and suggestions. We would also like to thank Sren Holmberg and Paul M. Heywood for very helpful advice and comments. This report can be downloaded free of charge at www.eba.se This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. ISBN 978-91-88143-09-9 Printed by Elanders Sverige AB Stockholm 2014 Cover design by Julia Demchenko Table of content Preface............................................................................... 1 Sammanfattning .................................................................. 3 Mål och forskningsresultat ................................................................. 3 Sveriges biståndspolicy och kvalitet i samhällsstyrningen ...............
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Bo ROTHSTEIN Professor of Government and Public Policy Blavatnik School of Government University of Oxford
Bo ROTHSTEIN Professor of Government and Public Policy Blavatnik School of Government University of Oxford Bo Rothstein is Professor of Government and Public Policy at the Blavatnik School of Government and Professorial Fellow of Nuffield College. Before coming to Oxford he held the August Röhss Chair in Political Science at University of Gothenburg in Sweden where he was co-founder and head of the Quality of Government (QoG) Institute. He took his PhD in Political Science at Lund University and before coming to Gothenburg he was assistant and associate professor at Uppsala University. Bo has been a Visiting Scholar at the Russell Sage Foundation, Collegium Budapest for Advanced Study, Harvard University, University of Washington-Seattle, Cornell University, Stellenbosch Institute for Advanced Study, the Australian National University and Stanford University. His book Corruption and the Opposite of Corruption will be published by Cambridge University Press in 2016. His recent books English are The Quality of Government: Corruption, Inequality and Social Trust in International Perspective (University of Chicago Press 2011 and the co-edited volume Good Government: The Relevance of Political Science (Edward Elgar 2012). Among his other books in English are Just Institutions Matter: The Moral and Political Logic of the Universal Welfare State and Social Traps and the Problem of Trust (both published by Cambridge University Press). He has published in journals such as World Politics, World Development, Comparative Politics, Governance, Comparative Political Studies and Politics & Society. Since 2012 he is a member of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences. In 2003, he was awarded a Leading Scholars grant by the Swedish Science Council and in 2013 he received an Advanced Research Grant from the European Research Council.
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What Is Quality of Governance
QualityQuality ofof Government:Government: WhatWhat youyou getget –– WhatWhat itit isis -- HowHow toto getget itit Bo Rothstein The Quality of Government Institute Department of Political Science University of Gothenburg TheThe QualityQuality ofof GovernmentGovernment InstituteInstitute (QoG)(QoG) StartedStarted inin 20042004 (minor(minor grantgrant toto buildbuild database)database) MajorMajor fundingfunding fromfrom JanuaryJanuary 20072007 (Bank(Bank ofof SwedenSweden Foundation)Foundation) andand 20092009 (Wallenberg(Wallenberg Foundation)Foundation) AboutAbout 2525 researchersresearchers ++ 66 assistantsassistants AA problemproblem drivendriven resarchresarch programprogram TwoTwo openopen accessaccess majormajor crosscross --countrycountry databankdatabank AboutAbout 100100 reports,reports, articles,articles, etc.etc. JustJust GoogleGoogle ””QoGQoG ”” IntellectualIntellectual backgroundbackground InstitutionalInstitutional economicseconomics DevelopmentDevelopment studiesstudies DemocratizationDemocratization studiesstudies WorldWorld BankBank ResearchResearch InstituteInstitute SocialSocial capitalcapital researchresearch TI,TI, EBRD,EBRD, CouncilCouncil ofof Europe,Europe, AfricanAfrican UnionUnion AnAn internationalinternational antianti --corruption/goodcorruption/good governancegovernance regime?regime? TheThe IssueIssue ofof WaterWater WHO:WHO: AboutAbout 12.00012.000 peoplepeople diedie everyevery dayday duedue toto lacklack ofof accessaccess toto cleanclean waterwater TwoTwo thirdsthirds areare childrenchildren
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Anti-Corruption – a Big Bang Theory
Anti-Corruption – A Big Bang Theory Bo Rothstein This is very much work in progress – please handle with care QoG WORKING PAPER SERIES 2007:3 THE QUALITY OF GOVERNMENT INSTITUTE Department of Political Science Göteborg University Box 711 SE 405 30 GÖTEBORG May 2007 ISSN 1653-8919 © 2007 by Bo Rothstein. All rights reserved. To be presented at the Conference on Corruption and Democracy organized by the Centre for the Study of Democratic Insitutions, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, June 8-9, 2007. Anti-Corruption – A Big Bang Theory Bo Rothstein QoG Working Paper Series 2007:3 May 2007 ISSN 1653-8919 Bo Rothstein The Quality of Government Institute Department of Political Science, Göteborg University Box 711 SE 405 30 Göteborg, Sweden [email protected] 1. Prologue – searching for the keys In January 2005, my colleague Sören Holmberg and I were approached by the CEO of one of the major funding agencies for research in Sweden - The Foundation for Strategic Environmental Research. The reason was that he had heard about our new research initiative - The Quality of Government Institute - and wondered whether we would be interested in working out a “greenish” research program that they could fund. He envisioned “big money”, but the proposal came with a string attached. Our research had to become “user-friendly” and, In order to ensure this goal, we had to work under the direction of a board made up of potential users not only for the eventual research program, but also (and to my surprise) in preparing the application. As head of the board he appointed Mr.
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Einstein's Solution
The Middle East Conflict: What would Albert Einstein have said? Bo Rothstein1 Albert Einstein was not only the most celebrated genius of the 20th century. He was also a man that put imagination before knowledge. So, imagine that we would get the possibility to set his mind today on how solve the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. What would he have said, where would his imaginative mind have led him? This is certainly a speculative question, not least because since Einstein died in 1955 there have been four major wars in the region. However, considering the stalemate this conflict has reached and how far away the parties are from anything even approaching a stable peace, it does not seem unreasonable try such an exercise. The thought experiment was in fact Einstein’s preferred scientific method. As a theoretical physicist he spent hardly any time in the lab and he was also not the sharpest of mathematicians. His genius was foremost his ability to think in unconventional ways or as the current wording goes, “to think outside the box” and for this he used thought experiments. Einstein was not only the foremost theoretical physicist and natural scientist during the 19th century. As is well known he was also strongly engaged in political and ideological issues and became, during the last decades of his life, something of a moral world conscience. His outspoken criticism of all kinds of nationalism, chauvinism, oppression, racism and militarism made headlines and infuriated his opponents. However, contrary to what is often thought of him nowadays, he was neither aloof from the real world nor was he politically naïve.
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Gender Equality, Corruption and Meritocracy
BSG Working Paper Series Providing access to the latest policy-relevant research Gender equality, corruption and meritocracy BSG-WP-2017/018 June 2017 Bo Rothstein, Blavatnik School of Government, University of Oxford Copyright for all BSG Working Papers remains with the authors. 1 Gender Equality, Corruption and Meritocracy June 2017 Bo Rothstein Blatvatnik School of Government and Nuffield College University of Oxford [email protected] This paper has been presented at the International Conference “Gender and Corruption” at the Quality of Government Institute at University of Gothenburg, May 15-16, 2016. This paper is part of the Performance of Democracies project funded by the European Research Council. 2 Abstract This paper presents following arguments: 1) Corruption in its various forms is a serious social ill. 2) Democracy is not a safe cure against corruption. 3) Increased gender equality seems to be one important factor behind getting corruption under control. 4) Impartiality in the exercise of public power, not least when it “translates” into meritocratic recruitment and promotion in the public administration, has a powerful effect for lowering corruption. 5) While some aspects of impartiality are central for gender equality, research results are mixed. Some show that impartial principles promote gender equality, others show that gender bias exists also in many processes designed to be impartial. Going from these results to policy recommendations is thus fraught with many difficulties. One is how to handle problems of legitimacy in the implementation process for various forms of preferential treatment of discriminated groups. Since these problems are impossible to handle, we may be in for a “Churchillian” argument.
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THE INTERNAL ENEMY a Helsinki Commission Staff Report on Corruption in Ukraine
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Working Right with Worker Rights Corruption and Worker Right Violations, a Quantitative Analysis
Working right with worker rights Corruption and worker right violations, a quantitative analysis Alex Jankell DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT Uppsala University Bachelor Thesis C Supervisor: Per Ola Öberg Semster and year: Spring 2021 Wordcount: 12469 (Excluding Appendix) Abstract The rights that govern a person's workplace relationship, worker rights, are an important part of everydaylife for many people on earth. As these rights are violated, the safety of the workers livelihood is threatenedand as such the lack of security undermines the socialcontract in society. The social contract approach to corruption, as championed by Bo Rothstein, holds that as the social contract is rejected, corruption ensues. This study examines the relationship between worker rights violations and corruption using OLS regression with a range of control variables. The essay findsthat there is a relationship between the degree of worker right violations and corruption, but only in higher welfare countries. In the studied countries with the lowest welfare, the relationship does not manifest itself. The essay also finds that in comparison to other factors of rule of law worker right violations is perhaps notthe most important one when finding determinants of corruption. 1 Introduction 1 2 Theoretical assumptions 2 2.1 Previous research on corruption 2 2.2 The social contract theory of corruption and a possible mechanism 2 2.2.1 Public goods and worker right violations 3 2.2.2 A relationship based on trust 4 2.3 Reasons for investigating the potential relationship 5
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The Historical Roots of Corruption
The Historical Roots of Corruption State Building, Economic Inequality, and Mass Education Eric M. Uslaner and Bo Rothstein The problem of curbing corruption has concerned philosophers, social scientists, and policy makers since Aristotle.1 While some countries seem to have been able to carry out substantial reductions of corruption, perceived levels of corruption remain high throughout much of the world. In the 2010 Corruption Perceptions Index from Trans- parency International (TI) measuring elites’ evaluations of the honesty (or dishonesty) of political and economic institutions in their countries, 131 of the 178 nations fell below the midpoint on the 10-point scale of the index, with higher scores representing low corruption. Only twenty-three nations had scores of seven or higher, indicating that their governments are basically honest. In the Global Corruption Barometer 2013, which drew on public opinion surveys conducted by TI, Denmark was the only country [of the 107 surveyed] in which a majority of respondents did not indicate corruption to be a major problem. We do not try to resolve the debate over what corruption means. Some recent analyses have defined corruption as behavior that is opposite to “ethical universalism”2 or “impartiality” in the exercise of public power.3 The conceptualization of corruption as officials turning “public goods” into private goods for their own benefit may be a debatable one, but the approach is useful for its comprehensiveness.4 Our central argument is that systemic corruption is deeply rooted in a state’s under- lying social and historical political structure. This argument is in line with a growing body of literature on historical institutionalism, which argues that historical conditions ranging from institutions to natural resources can have long-term effects on economic prosperity and democratization.5 Our work is close to that of Glaeser et al.,6 who show that countries with the largest primary school enrollments in 1900 had the greatest gross domestic product per capita a century later.
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