In an attempt to stay consistent, I have chosen to analyze six letters written by to over the time period of May 1777 to March 1826. I have intentionally excluded any letters written by John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, because I want to focus on how Thomas Jefferson’s letters change over time. Aside from the famous letter in which Jefferson tries to reconcile their friendship, I had no particular method for choosing my letters. Aside from limiting myself to one letter per decade, I chose each letter randomly so as to get an unbiased sample of Jefferson’s thoughts on any particular day. I have included each letter, followed by my analysis of its content.

Jefferson to Adams Williamsburg May 16. 1777. Pg. 4

Dear Sir Matters in our part of the continent are too much in quiet to send you news from hence. Our battalions for the Continental service were some time ago so far filled as rendered the recommendation of a draught from the militia hardly requisite, and the more so as in this country it ever was the most unpopular and impracticable thing that could be attempted. Our people even under the monarchical government had lernt to consider it as the last of all oppressions. I learn from our delegates that the Confederation is again on the carpet. A great and necessary work, but I fear almost desperate. The point of representation is what most alarms me, as I fear the great and small colonies are bitterly determined not to cede. Will you be so good as to recollect the proposition I formerly made you in private and try if you can work it into some good to save our union? It was that any proposition might be negatived by the representatives of a majority of the people of America, or of a majority of the colonies. I have mentioned it to many here. The good whigs I think will so far cede their opinions for the sake of the Union, and others we care little for. The journals of congress not being printed earlier gives more uneasiness than I would ever wish to see produced by any act of that body, from whom alone I know our salvation can proceed. In our assembly even the best affected think it an indignity to freemen to be voted away life and fortune in the dark. Our house have lately written for a M.S. copy of your journals, not meaning to desire a communication of any thing ordered to be kept secret. I wish the regulation of the post office adopted by Congress last September could be put in practice. It was for the riders to travel night and day, and to go their several stages three times a week. The speedy and frequent communication of intelligence is really of great consequence. So many falshoods have been propagated that nothing now is believed unless coming from Congress or camp. Our people merely for want of intelligence which they may rely on are become lethargick and insensible of the state they are in. Had you ever a leisure moment I should ask a letter from you sometime directed to the care of Mr. Dick, Fredericksburgh: but having nothing to give in return it would be a tax on your charity as well as your time. The esteem I have for you privately, as well as for your public importance will always render assurances of your health and happiness agreeable. I am Dear Sir Your friend and servt: TH: Jefferson Analysis: This is the first of several hundred letters written between Jefferson and Adams. The two men met “in Philadelphia during the summer of 1775,” (1) when both men served as delegates of the . Despite the many differences that existed between the two men, they quickly became friends, and went on to serve together on the committee assigned to draft the Declaration of Independence in 1776. The letter concerns a draft (draught), which was proposed to strengthen the , however, Jefferson is pleased to report that enough men had enlisted to make the draft unnecessary. This was good news because the idea of a draft was very unpopular at the time. One of Jefferson’s main concerns in the letter is the balance of representation between the larger and smaller colonies, both of which do not want to give up power. The smaller states are concerned that the larger states will have too much power, while the larger states are concerned that individuals in smaller states will be given a disproportionate amount of power compared to individuals in larger states. This is the reason that the has both a Senate, which consists of two members from each state, and a House of Representatives, which consists of a proportional amount of representatives for each state representative of the population of each state compared to the total population. Jefferson fears that these tensions could lead to the dissolution of the Union, something that he has spent a tremendous amount of effort to preserve. It is also a relevant topic at the time, because the main reason the United States seceded from Britain is because they were not allowed representation in Parliament. Jefferson is also unhappy with the speed in which Congress issues its proclamations and wishes that they would be issued more quickly. He also references the increasing speed in which information is able to be disseminated, and is concerned about the influence of propaganda and misleading information.

Jefferson to Adams Paris July 1. 1787. Pg. 180

Dear Sir I returned about three weeks ago from a very useless voiage. Useless, I mean, as to the object which first suggested it, that of trying the effect of the mineral waters of Aix en Provence on my hand. I tried these because recommended among six or eight others as equally beneficial, and because they would place me at the beginning of a tour to the seaports of Marseilles, Bourdeaux, Nantes and Lorient which I had long meditated, in hopes that a knowlege of the places and persons concerned in our commerce and the information to be got from them might enable me sometimes to be useful. I had expected to satisfy myself at Marseilles of the causes of the difference of quality between the rice of Carolina and that of Piedmont which is brought in quantities to Marseilles. Not being able to do it, I made an excursion of three weeks into the rice country beyond the Alps, going through it from Vercelli to Pavia about 60 miles. I found the difference to be, not in the management as had been supposed both here and in Carolina, but in the species of rice, and I hope to enable them in Carolina to begin the Cultivation of the Piedmont rice and carry it on hand in hand with their own that they may supply both qualities, which is absolutely necessary at this market. I had before endeavored to lead the depot of rice from Cowes to Honfleur and hope to get it received there on such terms as may draw that branch of commerce from England to this country. It is an object of 250,000 guineas a year. While passing thro' the towns of Turin, Milan and Genoa, I satisfied myself of the practicability of introducing our whale oil for their consumption and I suppose it would be equally so in the other great cities of that country. I was sorry that I was not authorized to set the matter on foot. The merchants with whom I chose to ask conferences, met me freely, and communicated fully, knowing I was in a public character. I could however only prepare a disposition to meet our oil merchants. On the article of tobacco I was more in possession of my ground, and put matters into a train for inducing their government to draw their tobaccos directly from the U.S. and not as heretofore from G.B. I am now occupied with the new ministry here to put the concluding hand to the new regulations for our commerce with this country, announced in the letter of M. de Calonnes which I sent you last fall. I am in hopes in addition to those, to obtain a suppression of the duties on Tar, pitch, and turpentine, and an extension of the privileges of American whale oil, to their fish oils in general. I find that the quantity of Codfish oil brought to Lorient is considerable. This being got off hand (which will be in a few days) the chicaneries and vexations of the farmers on the article of tobacco, and their elusions of the order of Bernis, call for the next attention. I have reason to hope good dispositions in the new ministry towards our commerce with this country. Besides endeavoring on all occasions to multiply the points of contact and connection with this country, which I consider as our surest main-stay under every event, I have had it much at heart to remove from between us every subject of misunderstanding or irritation. Our debts to the king, to the officers, and the farmers are of this description. The having complied with no part of our engagements in these draws on us a great deal of censure, and occasioned a language in the Assemblees des notables very likely to produce dissatisfaction between us. Dumas being on the spot in Holland, I had asked of him some time ago, in confidence, his opinion on the practicability of transferring these debts from France to Holland, and communicated his answer to Congress, pressing them to get you to go over to Holland and try to effect this business. Your knowlege of the ground and former successes occasioned me to take this liberty without consulting you, because I was sure you would not weigh your personal trouble against public good. I have had no answer from Congress, but hearing of your journey to Holland have hoped that some money operation had led you there. If it related to the debts of this country I would ask a communication of what you think yourself at liberty to communicate, as it might change the form of my answers to the eternal applications I receive. The debt to the officers of France carries an interest of about 2000 guineas, so we may suppose it's principal is between 30. and 40,000. This makes more noise against [us] than all our other debts put together.

I send you the arrets which begin the reformation here, and some other publications respecting America: together with copies of letters received from Obryon and Lambe. It is believed that a naval armament has been ordered at Brest in correspondence with that of England. We know certainly that orders are given to form a camp in the neighborhood of Brabant, and that Count Rochambeau has the command of it. It's amount I cannot assert. Report says 15,000 men. This will derange the plans of oeconomy. I take the liberty of putting under your cover a letter for Mrs. Kinloch of South Carolina, with a packet, and will trouble you to enquire for her and have them delivered. The packet is of great consequence, and therefore referred to her care, as she will know the safe opportunities of conveying it. Should you not be able to find her, and can forward the packet to it's address by any very safe conveiance I will beg you to do it. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the most perfect friendship and esteem Dear Sir your most obedient and most humble servant,

TH: Jefferson Analysis: This letter deals primarily with commodities, foreign trade, commerce, and deficit spending. Jefferson recounts a trip in which he traveled to England, France, and Italy exploring opportunities for trade with these countries. The primary commodities that Jefferson was interested in were rice, whale oil, tobacco, tar, pitch, turpentine, and fish oil. While he was in Piedmont, he wanted to compare the quality of rice from Piedmont to that of Carolina. He found that there was little difference in how the rice was farmed; however, the rice in Piedmont was of a different species than the rice in Carolina, and Jefferson wants to allow the people of Carolina to begin to grow the species of rice found in Piedmont. He believes that if they can begin trading rice with France and England they could make about 250,000 guineas per year. A guinea was an English form of currency at the time. While in the towns of Turin, Milan and Genoa, Jefferson introduced the people to American whale oil. While in France and Italy, he urged the governments to buy tobacco from the U.S. rather than from Great Britain. Another goal of his was to reduce tariffs on tar, pitch, and turpentine, which are abundant in the United States, and valuable for their practical uses in wooden shipbuilding. This would make trade of these commodities more profitable to the U.S. Jefferson also noticed that the codfish oil available in Lorient was of good quality and he hoped that they could increase trade of American whale oil for French cod oil. He further talks about strengthening relations with these countries, but also mentions his concerns about the effect of the debts of the United States is a great concern of his. The tone of the letter, elicits a strong, open, and trusting relationship between Jefferson and Adams. In more than one instance, Jefferson acknowledges he is taking liberties in making decisions on Adam's behalf. But he also is careful to note “I have had it much at heart to remove from between us every subject of misunderstanding or irritation.” This statement gives us a strong sense of how important it is for Jefferson to communicate his intentions clearly to Adams in order to maintain a strong and trusting relationship.

Jefferson to Adams Monticello February 28. 1796. Pg. 259

I am to thank you, my dear Sir, for forwarding Mr. D'Ivernois' book on the . I recieve every thing with respect which comes from him. But it is on politics, a subject I never loved, and now hate. I will not promise therefore to read it thoroughly. I fear the oligarchical executive of the French will not do. We have always seen a small council get into cabals and quarrels, the more bitter and relentless the fewer they are. We saw this in our committee of the states; and that they were, from their bad passions, incapable of doing the business of their country. I think that for the prompt, clear and consistent action so necessary in an Executive, unity of person is necessary as with us. I am aware of the objection to this, that the office becoming more important may bring on serious discord in elections. In our country I think it will be long first; not within our day; and we may safely trust to the wisdom of our successors the remedies of the evil to arise in theirs. Both experiments however are now fairly committed, and the result will be seen. Never was a finer canvas presented to work on than our countrymen. All of them engaged in agriculture or the pursuits of honest industry, independant in their circumstances, enlightened as to their rights, and firm in their habits of order and obedience to the laws. This I hope will be the age of experiments in government, and that their basis will be founded on principles of honesty, not of mere force. We have seen no instance of this since the days of the Roman republic, nor do we read of any before that. Either force or corruption has been the principle of every modern government, unless the Dutch perhaps be excepted, and I am not well enough informed to except them absolutely. If ever the morals of a people could be made the basis of their own government, it is our case; and he who could propose to govern such a people by the corruption of their legislature, before he could have one night of quiet sleep, must convince himself that the human soul as well as body is mortal. I am glad to see that whatever grounds of apprehension may have appeared of a wish to govern us otherwise than on principles of reason and honesty, we are getting the better of them. I am sure, from the honesty of your heart, you join me in detestation of the corruption of the English government, and that no man on earth is more incapable than yourself of seeing that copied among us, willingly. I have been among those who have feared the design to introduce it here, and it has been a strong reason with me for wishing there was an ocean of fire between that island and us. But away politics.

I owe a letter to the Auditor [Richard Harrison] on the subject of my accounts while a foreign minister, and he informs me yours hang on the same difficulties with mine. Before the present government there was a usage either practised on or understood which regulated our charges. This government has directed the future by a law. But this is not retrospective, and I cannot conceive why the treasury cannot settle accounts under the old Congress on the principles that body acted on. I shall very shortly write to Mr. Harrison on this subject, and if we cannot have it settled otherwise I suppose we must apply to the legislature. In this I will act in concert with you if you approve of it. Present my very affectionate respects to Mrs. Adams, and be assured that no one more cordially esteems your virtues than Dear Sir Your sincere friend and servt. TH: Jefferson

Analysis: This letter, written from Jefferson to Adams, from Monticello, in February of 1796, is interesting because the topics on which Jefferson is writing to communicate; those concerning a letter to address to an auditor on his accounting of activities while a foreign minister, become secondary to his more important message on his personal feeling about politics, and the evils of corrupt governments and individuals. This letter puts into context Jefferson's deep concern about politics. Referring to Mr. D'Ivernois' book on the French revolution, he writes, “But it is on politics, a subject I never loved, and now hate. I will not promise therefore to read it thoroughly.” Jefferson is talking specifically about the French Revolution, and the dangers of an oligarchical government. But he is quick to compare these concerns to the newly formed democracy of the United States and his hopes that this new form of government, with its focus on morals, ethics, and honesty will be experimented with by others and ultimately lead to just and honest government based on moral principles. He writes to Adam’s, “Never was a finer canvas presented to work on than our countrymen.” Jefferson’s remarkable foresight is evidenced by this observation. He also allows us to get a feeling for the true respect he has developed for Adam’s by ending this letter with “be assured that no one more cordially esteems your virtues than Dear Sir Your sincere friend and servt.”

Jefferson to Adams March 8. 1801. Pg. 264

TH: Jefferson presents his respects to Mr. Adams and incloses him a letter which came to his hands last night; on reading what is written within the cover, he concluded it to be a private letter, and without opening a single paper within it he folded it up and now has the honor to inclose it to Mr. Adams, with the homage of his high consideration and respect.

Analysis: Once Jefferson concluded this letter was personal in nature, he declined to read it, and instead “folded it up and now has the honor to inclose it to Mr. Adams.” This entry from Jefferson to Adams demonstrates the highest level of respect Jefferson has for Adam’s personal privacy because he could have read the contents of the letter. However, once he realized that the nature of the letter was private, instead of giving into curiosity of what the letter might contain, he decided to respect Mr. Adams privacy, and sent the papers to Adams without reading them. I don’t think enough can be said for the level of respect the two men had for each other.

Jefferson to Adams Monticello May 27. 1813 Pg. 323

Another of our friends of 76. is gone, my dear Sir, another of the Co-signers of the independance of our country. and a better man, than Rush, could not have left us, more benevolent, more learned, of finer genius, or more honest. we too must go; and that ere long. I believe we are under half a dozen at present; I mean the signers of the Declaration. yourself, Gerry, Carroll, and myself are all I know to be living. I am the only one South of the Patomac. is Robert Treat Payne, or Floyd living? it is long since I heard of them, and yet I do not recollect to have heard of their deaths.

Moreton’s deduction of the origin of our Indians from the fugitive Trojans, stated in your letter of Jan. 26. and his manner of accounting for the sprinckling of their Latin with Greek, is really amusing. Adair makes them talk Hebrew. Reinold Foster derives them from the soldiers sent by Kouli Khan to conquer Japan. Berewood from the Tartars, as well as our bears, wolves, foxes Etc. which he says ‘must of necessity fetch their beginning from Noah’s ark, which rested, after the deluge, in Asia, seeing they could not proceed by the course of nature, as the unperfect sort of living creatures do, from putrefaction.’ Bernard Romans is of opinion that God created an original man & woman in this part of the globe. Doctr Barton thinks they are not specifically different from the Persians; but, taking afterwards a broader range, he thinks ‘that in all the vast countries of America, there is but one language, nay that it may be proven, or rendered highly probable, that all the languages of the earth bear some affinity together.’1 this reduces it to a question of definition, in which every one is free to use his own. to wit, what constitutes identity, or difference in two things? (in the common acceptation of sameness.) all languages may be called the same, as being all made up of the same primitive sounds, expressed by the letters of the different alphabets. but, in this sense, all things on earth are the same, as consisting of matter. this gives up the useful distribution into genera & species, which we form, arbitrarily indeed, for the relief of our imperfect memories. to aid the question, from whence are our Indian tribes descended? some have gone into their religion, their morals, their manners, customs, habits, and physical forms. by such helps it may be learnedly proved that our trees and plants of every kind are descended from those of Europe; because, like them they have no locomotion, they draw nourishment from the earth, they clothe themselves with leaves in spring, of which they divest themselves in autumn for the sleep of winter Etc. our animals too must be descended from those of Europe, because our wolves eat lambs, our deer are gregarious, our ants hoard Etc. but when, for convenience, we distribute languages, according to common understanding, into Classes originally different, as we chuse to consider them, as the Hebrew, the Greek, the Celtic, the Gothic; and these again into genera, or families, as the Icelandic, German, Swedish, Danish, English; and these last into species, or dialects, as English, Scotch, Irish, we then ascribe other meanings to the terms ‘same’ and ‘different.’ in some one of these senses, Barton, and Adair, and Foster, and Brerewood, & Moreton, may be right, every one according to his own definition of what constitutes ‘identity.’ Romans indeed takes a higher stand, and supposes a separate creation. on the same unscriptural ground, he had but to mount one step higher, to suppose no creation at all, but that all things have existed without beginning in time, as they now exist, and may for ever exist, producing and reproducing in a circle, without end. this would very summarily dispose of mr Morton’s learning, and shew that the question of Indian origin, like many others pushed to a certain height, must recieve the same answer, ‘Ignoro.’ You ask if the usage of hunting in circles has ever been known among any of our tribes of Indians? it has been practised by them all; and is to this day, by those still remote from the settlements of the whites. but their numbers not enabling them, like Genghis Kahn’s 700,000. to form themselves into circles of 100. miles diameter, they make their circle by firing the leaves fallen on the ground, which gradually forcing the animals to a center, they there slaughter them with arrows, darts and other missiles. this is called firehunting, and has been practised in this state within my time by the white inhabitants. this is the most probable cause of the origin & extension of the vast prairies in the Western country, where the grass having been of extraordinary luxuriance, has made a conflagration sufficient to kill even the old, as well as the young timber.

I sincerely congratulate you on the successes of our little navy; which must be more gratifying to you than to most men, as having been the early and constant advocate of wooden walls. if I have differed with you on this ground, it was not on the principle, but the time, supposing that we cannot build or maintain a navy, which will not immediately fall into the same gulph which has swallowed, not only the minor navies, but even those of the great second rate powers of the sea. whenever these can be resuscitated, and brought so near to a balance with England that we can turn the scale, then is my epoch for aiming at a navy. in the mean time one competent to keep the Barbary states in order, is necessary; these being the only smaller powers disposed to quarrel with us. but I respect too much the weighty opinions of others to be unyielding on this point, and acquiesce with the prayer ‘quod felix faustumque sit,’ adding ever a sincere one for your health and happiness.

Th: Jefferson

Analysis: Jefferson has now been in Monticello for over 17 years. This letter is a letter of reflection; an attempt to rekindle a strained relationship with Adams. In the letter, Jefferson relates to Adams that there are but only a few remaining signing members of the Declaration of Independence still alive. He states, “I believe we are under half a dozen at present; I mean the signers of the Declaration. Yourself, Gerry, Carroll, and myself are all I know to be living. I am the only one South of the Patomac.” He asks if Adams knows of any others to be living, or dead for that matter. The rest of the letter deals with Native Americans, identity and religion. He talks about the way of life of Native Americans, and references the controversy that exists surrounding their acceptance by U.S. citizens because of their strange and different languages and religions etc... In conclusion, Jefferson congratulates Adams on the success of the U.S. Navy, which is now comparable to that of Great Britain, and he adds a prayer for the health and happiness of his good friend to whom the letter is addressed.

Jefferson to Adams Monticello March 25. 1826 Pg. 613

Dear Sir My grandson Th: Jefferson Randolph, being on a visit to Boston, would think he had seen nothing were he to leave it without having seen you. Altho’ I truly sympathise with you in the trouble these interruptions give, yet I must ask for him permission to pay you his personal respects. Like other young people, he wishes to be able, in the winter nights of old age, to recount to those around him what he has heard and learnt of the Heroic age preceding his birth, and which of the Argonauts particularly he was in time to have seen. It was the lot of our early years to witness nothing but the dull monotony of colonial subservience, and of our riper ones to breast the labors and perils of working out of it. Theirs are the Halcyon calms succeeding the storm which our Argosy had so stoutly weathered. Gratify his ambition then by receiving his best bow, and my solicitude for your health by enabling him to bring me a favorable account of it. Mine is but indifferent, but not so my friendship and respect for you. TH: Jefferson

Analysis: In this letter, Jefferson asks Adams if he will be so kind as to meet with his grandson Jefferson Randolph. I think this letter is very interesting because it shows the passage of time between one generation and the next. Jefferson's grandson seems to have a lot of respect for John Adams, and he wants to meet him before he dies so that when he is old and grey, he can tell the story of how he met the famous founding father, John Adams, and recount his stories of “the Heroic age preceding his birth.” The fact that Jefferson so strongly desires that his grandson has the opportunity to meet John Adams just further reinforces the level of respect that he has for him. This letter also puts in context Jefferson’s historical perspective of all that he and John Adams have accomplished, as he recognizes the significance that their actions will have on the history of the United States and the lives of future generations: “Theirs are the Halcyon calms succeeding the storm which our Argosy had so stoutly weathered.” From this quote, he is implying that the work that has been done by himself and John Adams, laid the foundation for a more peaceful future. They were the ones who had to weather the storm, but they are passing on a legacy because their struggles will allow future generations to live in peace and happiness. One might interpret that they gained some sort of god like status from their role as founding fathers of such a great nation, and this is Jefferson’s way of acknowledging that status.