THE METAMORPHOSIS OF THE SPECIAL ANTI-ROBBERY SQUAD (SARS)
Emem Ekpenyong
Introduction
Historical Evolution of the Nigeria Police Force
The Police Force of Nigeria came into existence with a thirty-member consular guard that was formed in Lagos colony in 1861. In 1879, a one thousand two hundred member armed Hausa Constabulary was formed.1 In 1896, the Lagos police was established.2 In 1894, a similar force, the Constabulary of Niger Coast was established in
Calabar with the newly announced protectorate of the Niger Coast.3 In 1888, in the northern part of the country, the Royal Niger Company created the Constabulary of Royal
Niger Company, and its headquarters was situated in Lokoja.4 In the early 1900s, when the
Northern and Southern Nigeria protectorates were declared, part of the Constabulary of
Royal Niger Company became the Northern Nigeria Police and part of the Constabulary of
Niger Coast formed the Southern Nigeria Police.5 Although the northern and southern protectorates were amalgamated in 1914, the police forces in the north and south were not merged till 1930.6 Upon the merger of the forces in 1930, its headquarters was situated in
Lagos.7
1 N Adegoke, ‘The Nigeria Police and the Challenges of Security in Nigeria’ (2014) (3)(6) Review of Public Administration and Management 2 Ibid 3 ibid 4 Anonymous,
In the colonial era, most police officers connected with the local authority.8 The colonial masters established the police institution for the purposes of advancing their commercial interest against the indigenes. The police was a tool of oppression deployed by the colonialists to subjugate the indigenous people.9 In the 1960s, during the First
Republic,the police forces were divided into regions and then nationalized.10 The key function of the police force was to provide supportive services to prisons, immigration and customs officials.11 NPF officers were usually unarmed and only carried weapons for certain assignments and missions.12 In 1989, the Ibrahim Babangida’s regime announced that all police officers who were hitherto deployed to different parts of the country, were to be re-deployed to their native area to promote police-community relationship.13
Towards the wee days of 1986, the Nigeria Police Force was restructured nationwide into seven area commands 14 and five directorates.15 What triggered the restructuring was the need to quell the tension that was brewing between the police and the
8 Adegoke (n 1) 9 Ibid 10 E Soriola, ‘Top Facts from the History of Nigeria Police Force’
Prior to 1989, the NPF was under the operational and administrative authority of the IGP, who was appointed by the President. The IGP was assisted by the deputy IGP and at the
State level by Commissioners of Police.20 The 1979 Constitution provided for a Police
Service Commission.21 In 1989, the Babangida’s regime scrapped the Police Service
Commission and replaced it with the Nigeria Police Council.22 The Nigeria Police Council came under the direct control of the President. In that same year, the NPF underwent another re-organization. It organized a quick intervention force in every State. The mobile police units were established. The primary mandate of the mobile police unit was to monitor political events and suppress unrest during the transition to civil rule. As of today,
Nigeria Police Force (NPF) is the principal law enforcement service. It is currently under the leadership of Mohammad Abubakar Adamu.
Statutory Framework Establishing the Nigeria Police Force (NPF)
Section 214 of the Constitution23 provides for the Nigeria Police Force. The statutory framework regulating the police is the Nigeria Police Act 2020. It was passed into law by
President Buhari on 16th September, 2020. The new Act repeals the Police Act, Cap P19
16 Anonymous (n 4) 17 Ibid 18 Ibid 19 Ibid 20 Ibid 21 Soriola (n 10) 22 Ibid 23 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004. The general objectives of the Act as captured in this preamble is to provide for a more efficient and effective police service that is based on the principles of accountability and transparency, protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms and partnership with other security agenda.24 The specific function of the Act is to provide for a police force that is more responsive to the needs of the general public and whose operations are based on values of fairness, justice and equity.
Other specific functions of the Act include the repositioning of the police force to uphold and safeguard the fundamental rights of every person in Nigeria in its operations, bringing about positive change in how the public perceive the police force, ensuring the police performs its functions in a manner that is sensitive to the needs and well-being of the general public, empowering the police to effectively prevent crimes without threatening the liberty of persons in Nigeria, strengthening the police force in the execution of its functions, developing professionalism in the police force by providing relevant training in all police formations in Nigeria for enhanced performance and respecting the rights of victims of crimes and understand their needs.25 The primary functions of the police are provided for in section 4.26
The police is mandated to protect and promote the fundamental rights of inmates in police custody.27 The highest policy making body in matters relating to the police force is
Nigeria Police Council.28 The responsibilities of the Inspector General of Police (IGP) are stipulated in section 9 of the Act and some of his responsibilities include ensuring regular training and re-training of police officers, ensuring the physical, mental and psychological
24 Nigeria Police Act 2020 s 1 25 Ibid s 2 26 Ibid s 4. Preventing and detecting crimes; protecting the constitutional rights and freedom of persons living in Nigeria; maintenance of public safety, law and order; protection of lives and property of all persons living in Nigeria etcetera 27 Ibid s 5 28 Ibid s 6 The council is comprised of the President who is the Chairman of the Council, the Governors of every State, the Chairman of the Police Service Commission and the Inspector General of Police. well-being of all police personnel and seeing to the welfare and conditions of service of police personnel. The powers of the police are enumerated in Part VII of the Act. It is empowered to investigate allegations of crime and report its findings to the Attorney
General of the State for legal advice.29 The police is empowered to make arrest of suspects alleged to have committed a crime, provided it does not arrest a person who committed a civil wrong.30 The Act empowers the police to touch or confine the body of the person to be arrested except the person submits voluntarily.31 The police can only handcuff, bind or restrain a suspect if there is reasonable apprehension of violence or attempt to escape. A suspect can also be handcuffed if the restraint is considered necessary for the safety of the suspect or if the court orders the restraint.32
The Act mandates a police officer to immediately inform a suspect of the reason for his arrest. But if the suspect is arrested in the course of committing the offence or is pursued immediately after the commission of the offence, then the need to inform him of his crime can be dispensed with.33 The police making the arrest must inform the suspect of his right to remain silent or avoid answering questions without consulting a legal practitioner of his choice. The authority having custody of a suspect must notify the suspect’s next of kin or relative of the suspect of the arrest of the suspect at no cost to the suspect.34 The police is forbidden from arresting another person in place of a suspect.35 A suspect is entitled to be accorded humane treatment and his right to dignity of human person must be respected. He shall not be subjected to any form of torture, cruelty or degrading treatment.36 Section 38 provides circumstances in which the police can arrest
29 Ibid s 31 30 Ibid s 32 31 Ibid s 33 32 Ibid s 34 33 Ibid s 35 34 Ibid s 35(3) 35 Ibid s 36 36 Ibid s 37 without warrant.37 A private individual can arrest a person whom he reasonably suspected to have committed an offence or committed an offence in his presence, if the offence is one a police can arrest without warrant.38 When a private person makes an arrest, he shall immediately hand over the suspect to the police or the nearest police station.39 Upon arresting a suspect his photograph, fingerprints impressions and any other means of identifying him must be captured and recorded within forty-eight hours.40 The Act makes provisions for the electronic recording of confessional statement in a retrievable video or audio visual means.41
The Inspector General of Police is mandated to remit quarterly reports of the number of arrests made in relation to federal offences. Similarly, Commissioners of Police are to remit quarterly reports of the number of arrest made in relation to State offences to the Attorney General of the Federation and the States respectively.42 The police is empowered to search a premises.43 It also has power stop and search persons in public places.44 The Act empowers the police to detain and search any person or vehicle where there is reasonable suspicious that such person or vehicle is carrying unlawful article, stolen property or any article unlawfully obtained.45 But before the person or vehicle can be searched, the police officer is mandated to properly identify himself, the police station he is attached to, the object of his search and his reasons for undertaking the search.46 The
37 If the offence was committed in the police’s presence; if the person obstructs the police in the execution of his duty; if the person escapes or attempts to escape from lawful custody etcetera. 38 Ibid s 39 39 Ibid s 40 40 Ibid s 44 41 Ibid s 44(4) 42 Ibid s 47 43 Ibid s 48 44 Ibid s 49(1) 45 Ibid s 49(2) 46 Ibid s 50 police officer exercising the right of stop and search must be in police uniform or wear visibly a valid police identity card.47
While the power of the police to stop and search persons or vehicles under certain circumstances is allowed under the Act, the police is mandated to make reasonable effort to ensure that the person whose property is searched is exposed to minimal embarrassment.48 The co-operation of the person searched should be sought in every case.
The police shall only forcibly search the person if the person neglects to co-operate with the officer.49 Searches in public shall be restricted to superficial examination of outer clothing.50 Where there is need for a more thorough search that requires a person to remove his cloth or headgear, it shall be done out of public view, by an officer of the same gender as the person being searched.51
Under the Act, a suspect arrested without warrant for an offence which is not punishable by death shall be entitled to bail, if it is impracticable for him to be arraigned before a court of competent jurisdiction within twenty four hours.52 The Police is mandated to take the measurement, photographs and fingerprint impressions of all suspects who are in lawful custody.53Where a suspect refuses to allow the Police to take his measurements, photograph and fingerprint impressions, the Police is empowered to apply to the court to compel the suspect to submit himself.54On the last working day of every month, an officer in charge of a police station is mandated to report to the nearest magistrate the cases of all arrests made without warrant in his jurisdiction and state whether or not the suspect had been admitted to bail.55 Chief magistrates are empowered
47 Ibid s 50(4) 48 Ibid s 51 49 Ibid s 51(3) 50 Ibid s 51(5) 51 Ibid s 51(6) 52 Ibid s ss 62, 63 53 Ibid s 68 54 Ibid s 68(3) 55 Ibid s 69(1) to visit police stations monthly and during the visit can call for and inspect the record of arrests, direct the arraignment of suspects and grant bail in appropriate cases.56 Section 72 of the Act provides for the content of a warrant of arrest. Part VIII of the Act generally provides for warrant of arrest.57 The police while carrying out its lawful functions of maintaining law and order, must adhere and uphold constitutional provisions and respect the fundamental human rights of all persons living in Nigeria without any form of discrimination.58 The police is mandated to mobilise its personnel to provide security coverage for meetings, rallies and processions, where those who intend to hold such gatherings have duly notified the police.59
The Act makes provisions for recognition of gallantry and exceptional service rendered by officers of the police force.60 It is unprofessional conduct for an officer to get into any indebtedness of any kind, while in active service. Such misconduct attracts disciplinary action, and the debt can be recovered from the officer’s remuneration if his creditor can prove the debt.61 However, if the officer incurred the debt before he was recruited into the force, his debts shall not be recovered from his remuneration.62 The Act forbids a police officer from exhibiting bias or discriminating against any person while discharging his official duties.63 It is an offence to assault a police officer, the penalty upon conviction is a fine of five hundred thousand Naira or a custodial sentence of six months or both.64 Refusing to assist a police officer who is being assaulted is also an offence and upon conviction attracts a fine of one hundred thousand Naira or a custodial
56 Ibid s 70 57 Ibid ss 71-80 58 Ibid s 83 59 Ibid s 83(4) 60 Ibid s 92 61 Ibid s 93 62 Ibid s 94 63 Ibid s 96(2) 64 Ibid s 98 sentence of three months or both.65 It is unlawful for a police officer to consume alcoholic drinks or use psychotropic substances and stimulant while on duty.66 Impersonating a police officer is an offence, upon conviction attracts a fine of one hundred thousand Naira or a custodial sentence of one year or both.67
The Birth of Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS)
The Nigeria Police was first established in 1820.68 However, it was in 1930 that the northern and southern police forces amalgamated into the national police force known as the Nigeria Police Force.69 Combating armed robbery was part of the key mandate of the
Nigeria Police Force until 1992 when the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) was birthed to combat armed robbery and other serious crimes.70 Before the establishment of
SARS, the wave of armed robbery was alarmingly high in most part of Lagos and
Southern Nigeria.71 There was therefore need to create separate anti-robbery units as part of the various states’ criminal investigation departments.72 One Simeon Danladi Midenda was in charge of the anti-robbery unit of the criminal investigation department in Benin.
His unit recorded a number of successes combating armed robbery.73
With rising wave of crime in Lagos State, Midenda was transferred to that jurisdiction and tasked with responsibility of breaking the stronghold of armed robbers,
65 Ibid s 99 66 Ibid s 100 67 Ibid s 101 68 Anonymous, ‘History of Policing in Nigeria’
According to Officer Midenda, the major incident that led to the establishment of
SARS was due to a misunderstanding between the police and the military, which forced the police to retreat to the barracks to prevent reprisal attack by the military.75 One Col.
Rindam, a military officer from Plateau State, met an untimely death at the hands of police operatives at a check point in Lagos State. When the army was seized of this fact, they invaded the streets of Lagos State, determined to exact a revenge. The police fled the streets and restricted their activities to their respective barracks. The streets were accordingly left unprotected. Before the military and police authorities could reach an amicable resolution on the police/military crisis, armed bandits had taken over Lagos State and had unleashed a reign of terror on her residents.76
During the early days of SARS, its officers operated undercover. They wore mufti and moved around in unmarked vehicles. They did not carry arms in public. Their main job was to monitor radio communications and facilitate successful arrests of criminals and armed robbers.77For ten years, SARS operations were restricted to Lagos. In 2002, it expanded its operation to cover the entire nation. Before its disbandment in October,
74 E Nnadozie, ‘How I founded SARS in the Police- RTD CP Midenda.’ Vanguard News (Online) (Lagos 23 December 2017)
Investigation and Intelligence Department.79 SARS delivered on its mandate by serving as repellent against armed robbery.
Impact of SARS Since its Inception
There are legions of successes recorded by SARS in the area of combating armed banditry. For instance, the case of two suspected notorious armed robbers who allegedly terrorized and robbed residents of Ire Akari Street, Ejigbo and Isolo areas of Lagos, snatched and vandalized their vehicles were arrested by operatives of the Federal Special
Anti-Robbery Squad (FSARS) in Adeniji Adele Road, Lagos Island.80 The interception of these suspected criminal brought respite to the residents of the area. In 2015, when cultists, kidnappers and armed robbers had a field season in Edo State, the then Inspector General of Police (IGP) Ibrahim Kpotun Idris, dispatched a special crack squad comprising SARS officers to the State to counter the operations of these criminal elements. Within few days of the presence of the crack squad, the situation was brought under control.81 The resourcefulness of SARS led to the arrest of the notorious kidnappers that terrorized the country for more than six years; Henry Chibueze alias Vampire and Onwumadike
Chukwudumeme alias Evans.82 The deployment of SARS to the kidnappers’ enclave along
Abuja-Kaduna Highway helped to arrest the ugly incidences recorded along that route. It
78 D Paquette, ‘Nigeria Abolishes Special Police Squad After Nationwide Protests’
Like every human institution, SARS had its shortcomings. Some of its official got corrupted by greed. They got drunk with raw powers, and derailed from its core mandate.
They began to mount roadblocks and extorted money from motorists. They paraded arms in public with the intent of intimidating their victims at these road blocks. Over time, the squad became a nightmare not only to notorious criminals but to innocent Nigerians who had the misfortune of encountering them on the streets. Human right abuses, extra-judicial killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, unlawful detention and extortion became the favorite pastime of the squad.84
These unscrupulous officers got easily influenced by those with the financial wherewithal. Those with social, financial and political capital paid them to suppress, intimidate, harass, frame, arrest and jail and harass innocent citizens under the guise of combating crimes. SARS shifted its focus to harassing every youth on the streets in possession of a backpack, laptop, an expensive phone or a flashy car. Those wearing dreadlocks were not spared. Every young person that exuded affluence was automatically profiled and labelled an internet fraudster85 by SARS officials. The officers were unprofessional in their conducts and left behind tales of woes. It is alleged that the squad’s officers extorted their victims and pressured them to part with money in exchange for their freedom.86
Due to widespread complaints against SARS, Amnesty International in September
2016 visited one of the SARS detention centres in Abuja, situated in a disused abattoir.
There, it found one hundred and thirty detainees living in overcrowded cells and being
83 ibid 84 Ogbette (n 80) 85 In Nigeria, the street name for an internet fraudster is G boy 86 Muhammad (n 81) regularly subjected to horrific torture in form of hanging, starvation, beatings, humiliation, shootings, mock executions and extortions.87 According to Amnesty International, the
Nigeria Police Force (NPF) is responsible for a number of extra-judicial executions and enforced disappearances yearly. .
During the October 2020 #endsars protests, some of the protesters recounted their
87 D Ugwu, ‘Nigeria: Special Police Squad ‘get rich’ Torturing Detainees and Demanding Bribes in Exchange for Freedom’< https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2016/09/nigeria-special-police-squad-get- rich-torturing-detainees > accesssed 20 November 2020 experiences with SARS. One of the protesters narrated how he lost the use of one of his legs few weeks after his wedding. According to him, SARS’ target was the driver of a flashy vehicle they were hotly pursuing but unfortunately he was hit by bullets discharged by the SARS officials.88 During the night of songs organized by the protesters in Abuja, it was alleged that SARS arrested and detained a young man, Chijoke, deceived his father to bring huge sum of money in exchange for the son’s freedom and upon receiving the money, led the man to a river of corpses and supervised how he turn dead bodies one after the other in search of his son’s corpse.89
88 Sherry, ‘EndSARS Protester Shares Story of how SARS Officer Shot and cut off his leg After Wedding’ < https://ab.tc.com/endsars-protestant-shares-story-of-how-sars-officer-shot-and-cut-off-his-leg-after-his- wedding/ > accessed 27 November 2020 89 V Ogunyinka, ‘#EndSARS: Chijoke’s Dad Swam in River of Dead Bodies to Identify his Son - Lady Narrates Ordeal’ Vanguard Newspaper (Lagos 17 October 2020)
Another protester recounted how SARS almost wasted his brother simply because he was driving a flashy car. She alleged that they were driving around a town in Eastern
Nigeria when they ran into officials from SARS. That her brother was asked to step out of the car and he complied. The next thing she noticed was the officers trying to force his brother into their van on grounds that he had the features of a yahoo boy. She narrated that she was pregnant at the time. She stated that she threw herself on the highway, rolled her pregnant body in the middle of the highway, all the while crying for intervention of other motorists. Her action created a traffic gridlock. Luckily, a military van was approaching the area and due to the traffic jam could not have smooth passage. She narrated that the presence of the military caused SARS officials to hurriedly release her brother, helped her to their car and ordered them to leave immediately before the military boys who stepped out of the van to assess the reason for the gridlock got to the locus.
Due to the departure of SARS from its key mandate and the wide-spread allegations of human rights abuse, one Segun Awosanya, a human rights activist popularly known as Segalink started a campaign on social media in 2016 against the continuous existence of SARS.90 His campaign #endsars gained momentum on Twitter. In response to the outcry against SARS, the President, Muhammadu Buhari led administration ordered a comprehensive reformation of SARS in 2018.91 The Vice President, Prof Yemi Osinbajo also directed National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) to set up a judicial panel to investigate SARS alleged unlawful activities.92 Hours later after Vice President’s
90 Anonymous, ‘#Endsars: From Anti-Robbery Squad to Anti-People’s Squad’
SARS’ public accountability for its actions.93
The measures aimed at reforming SARS were amongst others, changing the name from Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) to Federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad
(FSARS), the appointment of high-ranking police officers to supervise the operation of
FSARS and the restriction of FSARS operations to the prevention of armed robbery and kidnapping. Despite the attempt to reform SARS and make it accountability for human rights violations, the officers of the renamed unit, FSARS continued to subject suspects to inhuman and in-dignifying treatments.94 Amnesty International for instance holds the
93 Ibid 94According to a report by the human rights group Amnesty International, there have been at least 82 cases of torture, ill-treatment and extra-judicial execution by the Federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad within the opinion that the change of name could not cure the identity flaws of the police force. It suggested that positive change could only be attained if the entire police force was subjected to reformative orientation. It advanced the argument that FSARS was a sub-set of a macro structure, the Police Force. It believed that FSARS, a microcosm of the system, was a mirror which reflected the unprofessional-ism, rot and decadence harboured in the macrocosm. It recommended holistic reforms within the Force.
On the 4th of October 2020, a video of SARS official brutality went viral on the internet. The video showed a SARS officer shooting a young motorist in Ughelli, Delta
State. He then proceeded to discard his victim’s corpse from the car, took over the sterling wheel and took off with the victim’s Lexus SUV.95 That video triggered the rage of
Nigerian police force between January 2017 and May 2020. Also, a report by SBM Intelligence, Nigeria's leading geopolitical intelligence firm, shows major incidents, harassment and extortion that has been carried out by men of the SARS in the last 18 months. 95 A George, ‘The Roots of the #EndSARS Protests in Nigeria’
They also called for the resignation of the IGP for failing to curb the excesses of his men.96
The Inspector-General of Police, IGP Mohammed Adamu, responded to the agitation for the abolition of SARS by disbanding the unit. The protesters were not satisfied with what they termed ‘audio disbandment’. They pressed for all erring SARS officers to be prosecuted and where found guilty, should be dismissed from the force.
They demanded justice for those who lost their lives cruelly in the hands of SARS operatives. They demanded for reformation of the entire police force to reflect the ideals of modern policing. For twelve days, the protesters poured out into the streets demanding for ‘Five for Five’.97 The protest gained momentum both on the streets and on social media. It attracted the attention of foreign media. Both Nigerians and non-Nigerians in the diaspora lend their voices and weight to the #endsars protest. For twelve days, the youths revolted against the system and demanded an end to police brutality and bad governance which has encouraged the arbitrary use of force by the police. The youths accused the political class of being the huge beneficiaries of police brutality as they deploy police officers to harass, arrest and silence perceived enemies. The #endsars protest was the biggest social protest Nigerians have ever undertaken. Nigerians from all demographies, religion and tribes were unanimous in their resolve to this common cause. The first such massive protest was the Occupy Nigeria protest that took place in 2012.
96 Anonymous, ‘#EndSARS: Nigerian Youths Double Down, Call for IGP’s Resignation’
It is glaring that prior to disbandment of SARS, it derailed from the visions of its founding fathers. During the proceedings of judicial panel of inquiry and restitution for victims of SARS-related abuses in Lagos State, a lot of allegations were made against the disbanded units. One Mojeed alleged that SARS personnel broke into his home in the night of October 2014, wielding guns. That he initially mistook them for robbers as they packed his valuables, until they whisked him away to their office in Ikeja and detained him there for fourteen days.98 That he was later arraigned in court on trump-up charge of stealing ninety-seven million naira but the police consistently failed to show up to prosecute the case, which led to the charge being struck out. That the police forced him to sign three different cheques totally four hundred and fifty thousand naira. In addition,
Mojeed alleged that the police forcibly obtained his bank’s card’s password and withdrew the sum of three hundred and ninety-five thousand naira.99 He further alleged that he was taken to Diamond Bank and forced to transfer forty one million, eight hundred thousand naira from his corporate account into the account of one Obinna Edward. In spite of the extortion perpetuated by the police against the complainant, he was not spared some degree of assault by his captors.100 Medical report presented by the complainant shows that the complainant (Mojeed) suffered from hearing difficulty, bad eyesight and recurrent chest pain as a result of police brutality.
Another petitioner, Okolieagu Obunike alleged that SARS operatives stole his car, a Volkswagen bus, bags of cement, land documents and inverter. He further alleged that he was detained and tortured for forty-seven days in SARS office in Ikeja. He alleged that he was beaten, hung on a pole and paraded as a thief in Alaba market after he refused
98 B Edokwe, ‘How ‘Super Cop’ DCP Abba Kyari Extorted over N41m from me’ - Lagos Businessman Petitions #EndSARS Panel’
Another petitioner, Mr Okuchukwu Obiechina and his wife Ndubisi alleged that in 2017,
SARS arrested them and detained them for twenty-two days. Mrs Ndubisi alleged that due to the torture she was subjected to, she lost her pregnancy.103 From these allegations, it is obvious that SARS conducted itself impunity and total disregard to the rights and freedom of its victims.
Conclusion
The way forward accordingly is not by giving SARS a new baptismal name. There should be training and re-training of police officers to ensure that their operations align with International best practices and their operations are intelligence-driven. Otherwise
SWAT (Special Weapons and Tactics), will end up being an unsavoury extension of
SARS. The analog pattern of policing should be phased out as it no longer serve the need of the digital age. Any squad dedicated to prevention of armed robbery or kidnapping should restrict itself to its responsibilities and not peddle in regular police functions.
Beyond the razzmatazz of panels of inquiries, human right desks should be created in all
States across the country, including the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, where complaints of human rights violations by the police can be lodged. The complaints lodged therein should not be for cosmetic purposes or data collation. Police found guilty of the allegations levelled against them should be severely disciplined by the police force and in
101 B Edokwe, ‘Ikeja SARS Tortured me for 47 days, sold my car, Others Properties in 2012- Victim Tells Lagos Panel’