Theodorick Bland, On the Condition of , 1818

In 1917, U.S. President selected Theodorick Bland, a politician and judge in , , to be part of an official mission to meet the leaders of the new South American republics and help determine the potential for developing more cordial relations.

The fair prospects which seemed to be opening upon some portions of the people of South America; the lively sympathy for their cause felt by the citizens of the United States; and the deep interests of our country in the fate of those provinces where colonial rule or independent freedom seem to have been put at issue, and contested with all the energy which such a stake never fails to excite, justly attracted the most serious situation of the Government. In whatever disposition of mind the South American contest and its scenes were contemplated, whether with feelings of benevolence, and the best wished, or with regret, and under a sense of injury, the first thought, that which appeared most naturally to arise in the mind of every one, was the want of information as to the actually existing state of things. A new people were evidently making every possible effort against their transatlantic masters, and preparing themselves to claim a recognition in the society of the nations of the earth. In the struggle, each contending party endeavoring to strike his antagonist beyond the immediate area of the conflict, our commercial rights had frequently received a blow, and our municipal regulations were sometimes violated. New and fertile regions, rich and extensive channels of commerce, were apparently about to be opened to the skill and enterprise of the people of the United States, as to all which, their feelings and their interests seemed to require to be gratified with further information. Under these considerations, it became the earnest wish, and was deemed the right and the duty of our Government, to explain the views it had in some of its measures; by timely representation and remonstrance’s, to prevent the further injury which our commercial and other rights were likely to sustain, and to procure correct intelligence as to the existing state of affairs in those pairs of our continent where the revolutionary movements had attracted the most attention and excited the strongest interest.

For this purpose, three persons, of whom I had the honor to be one, were selected, and sent in a public ship to South America; who being, among other things, directed that “If, while in the execution of their instructions at Buenos Ayres, they should find it expedient or useful, with reference to the public services, that one or more of them should proceed over land to Chili, they were authorized to set accordingly.” They did, therefore, at Buenos Ayres, take into consideration the expediency and utility of going to Chili, and did there determine that, under the then existing circumstances, it would be expedient and useful for one or more of them to go to that country. In consequence of which, I crossed the Andes; and, having returned, it now becomes my duty to communicate a statement of such facts, circumstances, and documents, as I have been able to collect, and which presented themselves as most likely to be of importance, or in any manner useful to the nation…

On the 15th of April, 1818, I left Buenos Ayres, and on the 26th arrived in Mendoza. The distance, by the way of the post road which I travelled, is estimated at nine hundred miles. After making the necessary preparations in Mendoza for crossing the Andes, I set out on the 29th April, and arrived in de Chili on the 5th May following. On the 7th of May I called on Don Antonio José de Irisarri, and told him I wished to present my respects to the Supreme Director of the state, and to make some communications to him, with which I was charged by the President of the United States. Mr. Irisarri, after seeing the Director, replied that would it be agreeable to him to receive my visit on the next day at ten o’clock, when he would do himself the pleasure of introducing me.

On the next day, accordingly, at the hour appointed, I waited on the Director, and found him in the common half of audience and business. He received me respectfully, and I congratulated him on the late splendid victory of Maipu, which had freed his country from its foreign foes, secured its independence,

WEBSITE DOCUMENTS: CHAPTER 01 (TAFFET/WALCHER) 1 and would, I was sure, be attended with the happiest consequences. He expressed his pleasure at my congratulations and good wishes.

I told him I was one of those who had been sent by the President of the United States in a public ship to that country, for the purpose of obtaining correct information of its situation, and of making some communications as to the course pursued by the United States, as well in a general as a particular point of view; that the President and people of the United States felt a lively interest in the fate of that country, whose people were not looked on as insurgents in rebellion, but as waging a civil contest, in which each of the contending parties were entitled to equal rights and respect; that the United States had, and would, observe the most strict and perfect neutrality; and that nothing should be yielded, or in any manner conceded to the one, which would not, in like manner, be granted to the other, according to the law of nations. He said he had already been assured of the friendly and neutral disposition of the United States, and that it was expected the independence of Chili would be first recognized by the first independent Government of their own continent. I assured him that the United States wished no advantages of any kind whatever of this infant republic; that he would see, by the late message of the President to Congress, the United States neither wished, nor would ask, any commercial advantages of that country, in any treaty which might hereafter be formed between them; that the interests of my country were altogether and perfectly compatible with the best interests of that; that the United States not only wished that country independent, but also earnestly hoped it might be free; so that each might thus form a security to free institutions, and contribute to the prosperity of the other; and that the late splendid victory having swept from Chili every thing like a foreign foe, I presumed it would now set about forming a constitution and form of government for itself. He said he felt assured of the mutual interests and goodwill which substituted between our countries, and that he should be glad to see the President’s message to Congress; that country, hitherto, had been such, that no constitution could be formed; but that in a short time a provisional regulation would be promulgated for its temporary government. He added that, under existing circumstances, it was deemed impracticable to form a constitution, and dangerous to convene a congress. I expressed a hope that there could not now be the least apprehension of a foreign foe. He said there was not; but that congresses had been found to be very dangerous; that they brought with them and excited foods, and jealousies, and party spirit, and intrigue; that that country had once already been lost by a congress; that Venezuela and other provinces had been lost by a congress; therefore no representation would be convened there until affairs were more suitable. I told him I had been charged by the President to seek and to ask for information concerning that country from the most correct sources and the highest authorities; that the Government of the United States, owing to that country’s having been so entirely closed against all foreign intercourse under its late system, was, comparatively, very uninformed as to its situation, strength, and resources: I was, therefore, directed to ask for a statement of its population, its military and naval forces, its revenue, and resources of every description, and its relations with our Powers; that the communication might be made confidentially; or, in whatever way it should be made, I could assure him that Government of the United States was actuated only by the most frank and friendly motives, by no other views than those of regulating its conduct hereafter with a correct knowledge of the state of affairs, and that no use whatever should be made of the information thus communicated, other than to promote the amicable relations and the best interests of both countries; that it was important, as well to that country as to the United States, that any measures hereafter to be taken should be adopted advisedly, and with a perfect knowledge of the state of things. He expressed his assent to what I stated respecting the propriety of acting with information of circumstances; and added, that he should take pleasure in ordering the communication to be made out as requests. I then told him I should take the liberty of again troubling him when he was at leisure, with some other communications, which I was directed to present to his view. He replied that he should feel great pleasure in having an interview with me upon matters relative to our countries whenever it might be convenient, and I took my leave.

On the 9th May I called on the Director, and delivered to him a printed copy of the President’s message of the 2nd December last, which he had expressed a wish to see. I said to him that he would perceive by it

WEBSITE DOCUMENTS: CHAPTER 01 (TAFFET/WALCHER) 2 that the United States were desirous of cultivating the most friendly intercourse with that country. He replied that they felt sensibly the value of our amicable dispositions, and should not be wanting, on their part, in promoting amicable relations on the most liberal terms. I expressed a hope that the information I had asked for would be made on as soon as the convenience of the public offices would allow, as I was anxious to return by the first safe opportunity. He replied that it should be made out without delay. I told him there were some other points which I should, at another time, bring into view, but with which I would not then engage his attention. In answer to which, be expressed a readiness to hear me with pleasure when convenient. I asked hint if there was any news or any occurrence of importance of late. He said there was nothing but the singular and unlucky affairs of their ship, the Lautaro, which, after having vanquished two frigates of the enemy, the Esmeralda and Pezuela, had, in the most unaccountable manner, suffered them to escape. I observed that I had heard it spoken of as an extraordinary event. He said he could only attribute it to the misconduct of the Chilinos on board the Lautaro, who were wholly unacquainted with maritime affairs. I observed that I presumed there were but few sailors among the people of the country. He replied it was true; for, indeed, there was not a sailor to be found among all the people of chili; and he added, that such was their information of the then circumstances of Peru, and the feebleness of the royal forces there, that, if Chili now had but a few ships of war to clear the coast, and to transport its forces to Lima, that city, with the whole province, would at once be relieved from under the colonial yoke; but that the difficulties of procuring a naval armament were very great. I expressed my regret that an achievement so splendid, one so important in its consequences, and on every account so much to be desired by them, should be obstructed by a difficulty so serious and insurmountable, and bade him adieu.

On the 14th May I called again on the Director. I told him that there were some other points which I had been directed by the President to bring into the view of the public authorities of the Patriot Powers I should visit…With regard to the present condition of Europe, it seemed to be admitted by all that it was in the most unsettled and unhappy state; that it could not, and would not, long remain pacific; and whenever its peace should again be entirely broken up, then that country must look to its neutral friend, the United States, as its only carrier; that former experience has evinced, under similar circumstances, that, while the contending nations and warring monarchs of Europe, pursuing a policy peculiarly their own, and with which the United States is fortunately not entangled, had closed every channel of commerce against each other, the peaceful republic became the same carrier to them all; so, when a similar state of things shall again arise, as seemed by no means improbable, Chili, being without a single seaman, most see that the only neutral willing and able to conduct its commerce in such an event would be the United States. Indeed, in whatever light the subject was viewed, that country must see that the United States was its natural, permanent and fast friend, who had no interest incompatible with its most rapid prosperity, its greatest welfare, and must perfect freedom; that, although Chili formed a portion of this vast continent, yet such were the natural barriers which divided it from the rest, passable only at certain seasons of the year, along mere mule paths, it should be regarded, in many respects, as an island separated from the world, perfectly secure, and capable of being defended by its own citizens, unaided, against any foreign force whatever that Chili was now truly independent; nor was it by nature tied by any ligatures, other than those of free and mutual benefits, to any other country on earth, and therefore, should henceforth regard itself as holding its destinies in its own hands. The people of the United States wish you independent, not to bargain with you, by treaty, for commercial advantages, (for, as you have seen by the President’s message, they stand pledged before the world to ask no such stipulations from the new-born nations of our continent,) but to trade freely, upon terms of equality and mutual benefit. They ask justice and equality—no more; and, for the rest, rely on their own skill and enterprise. You are reproached with the epithet rebel…

The people of the United States recollect when the term, with as little liberality, was cast upon them; and they sympathize with you. They are free; and their freedom has caused them to prosper above all other nations: they wish you, in like manner, to be free, that, by freedom, you too may prosper, and because free institutions are better calculated than any other to preserve the peace of nations; and the more you

WEBSITE DOCUMENTS: CHAPTER 01 (TAFFET/WALCHER) 3 flourish, the greater will be the scope of our commercial and beneficial intercourse with you. It is with these views that I have been directed to visit and seek correct information of you, to the end that the relations between our countries may be better understood, and, in [??] season and manner, matures into strong and lasting friendship. The Director expressed himself much gratified at my view of things; declared that, on his part, nothing should be wanting to promote the most perfect amity, and that he did most cordially reciprocate the friendly dispositions of the United States; but, he said, in times of revolution, we have seen that it is difficult at once to bring about any important, material change, however desirable and reasonable, without endangering every thing. We have seen that our people are not like yours; they are not used to congresses, and, therefore, congresses have often lost the country. The Mexican Congress lost that country; the Congress of Venezuela had once lost that country; and the Congress of Buenos Ayres had endangered that country, until now of late it had learned to act more in concept and worth greater propriety. I observed that, no doubt, in the beginning, errors would be committed; but that everything good must have a beginning, notwithstanding some minor evils might arise; then I hoped soon to see the representative system introduced into the country; and that, if it could not be effected at once upon a large and comprehensive scale, by filling some of the leading offices by election the whole system would soon begin to flourish: and, if cherished and sustained by a perfectly free press, I felt no doubt that the happiest effects would soon arise, and that the principles of free government would be as well understood there as in the United States. He said it was his determination to adopt, as soon as possible, the representative system of government; and that, in a few days, his manifesto would be published, in which all his views and intentions would be disclosed…

On the 9th of July… I told him that the people of the United States sympathized very strongly with that country in its struggle for freedom, and had, in various ways, more particularly in the mission which had been sent to it, shown a very great disposition to sanction the independence, and to cultivate the friendship of Chili, but, with regard to any commercial advantages to which he alluded, I had no instructions to speak; indeed, on the contrary, he would perceive that the President, in his late message to Congress, had taken that manly, open, and generous ground from which I did not believe the nation would wish to depart. The United States wanted no commercial advantages held out to them as an inducement to the acknowledging, or as a compensation for sustaining the recognition of the independence of Chili; the republic to which I belong wishes to be informed—to see its way clear—to act with a due degree of circumspection, and it will then treat with a new people contending for their liberties, as it ought, upon terms of the most exact equality and reciprocity, and he prepared to meet all consequences. But, said the Director, we shall certainly make regulations in favor of that nation which shall first recognize our independence; our people will expect it, and it will be done. I observed, that the people of the United Sates would not fail duly to appreciate whatever municipal regulations, in favor of the commerce of their country might flow from the voluntary goodwill of the Government of Chili, in the event of its independence being (recognized, but I felt confident that my Government would not ask to have any advantageous stipulations inserted to any treaty it might enter into with Chili; that the United States sought only for justice and perfect equality, and relied for the advantages on the intelligence, skill, and enterprise of its citizens, to insure to them every benefit they could wish from their good friends the Chilinos. The Director then desired that I would present his highest respect to the President of the United States, and express to him his amicable disposition, as well for himself, personally, as in the name and in behalf of Chili. I wished him much happiness &c., and bade him adieu.

On the next day, the 10th July, 1818, I left Santiago de Chili. On the day following I arrived in Valparaiso. On the 15th I sailed from thence, in the brig America, Captain Daniel Rea, bound, by the way of Cape Horn, for , where I arrived on the 29th October, 1818.

“Report of Theodorick Bland on the Condition of South America, November 2, 1818,” American State Papers, Volume IV (Washington: Gales and Seaton, 1834).

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