STUDY OF GROUNDWATER-RELATED ABORIGINAL CULTURAL VALUES ON THE GNANGARA MOUND,

for DEPARTMENT OF ENVIRONMENT

by Dr Edward McDonald PhD. Bryn Coldrick, B.A. (Hons), M.A.

and

Linda Villiers, B.A. (Hons), M.A.

October 2005

______EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Estill and Associates Pty Ltd was commissioned by the Department of Environment to conduct a study into Aboriginal cultural values associated with groundwater-related environmental features and processes on the Gnangara Mound in ’s northern metropolitan region. The information contained in this report is intended to assist the Department in determining the Social Water Requirements (SWRs) which are to be incorporated into a Sub-Regional Management Plan for use in the water allocation decision-making process. The study involved a detailed literature review, a comprehensive examination of sites listed on the Register of Aboriginal Sites and consultation with key Aboriginal stakeholders both on and off country. The study included exploring the key Aboriginal cultural values associated with groundwater-related environmental features and processes; identifying places of cultural heritage interest associated with these values; highlighting the most significant places based on available information; discussing the potential impact on cultural values brought on by declining groundwater levels; and identifying ways in which Aboriginal people can become involved in the long-term management of groundwater resources on the Gnangara Mound. The study found that the Aboriginal people of the South West (known collectively as the Nyungar people) base much of their culture, identity and spirituality on their close association with groundwater. The Nyungars share these associations with Aboriginal groups throughout the Australian continent. Naturally, access to healthy freshwater sources was central to the survival of the Aboriginal people since they first arrived in Australia, and it has been argued that Aboriginal people are now so closely connected with groundwater in all its forms, that the long-term health of their culture depends on its maintenance. There are a number of primary cultural values explored in this report. These include, and are expressed through, traditional knowledge and use of water resources; historical associations with groundwater features and groundwater-dependent ecological processes; spiritual values; rights and responsibilities; and archaeological evidence. Each of these issues is explored separately using information collected from the various sources utilised during the study including academic writings; published histories; nineteenth-century explorers’ journals; heritage survey reports; studies and papers relating to similar issues elsewhere in Australia; the Register of Aboriginal Sites; and the consultations undertaken as part of the current study. The findings demonstrate the close historical associations Nyungar people have with the groundwater features of the Gnangara Mound including its lakes, rivers, swamps and springs. The historical, ethnographic and archaeological evidence collected over recent decades, mainly during development-led heritage surveys, highlights the intensity of Aboriginal activity around such places. They were the focus of camping, hunting, tool making, collecting plant resources, holding gatherings and ceremonies, and all other forms of human activity. It is little wonder then that contemporary Nyungars feel such a close cultural attachment to groundwater features as almost everything their ancestors did took place in these locations. Of primary importance are the groundwater-related spiritual values of the Nyungar people which centre on the Waugal, but also involve other creatures from . The Waugal, like similar rainbow serpents across Australia, is believed to Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 1 Department of Environment October 2005

______have created most of the major rivers, smaller creeks, springs and lakes which drain the . It is believed that during the Dreamtime, as the Waugal travelled through parts of the South West, it formed these rivers and lakes and left other environmental features, including caves and other limestone formations, in its path. Many Nyungars believe that the spirit of the Waugal still inhabits deep water and that its life force is present in flowing water. The health and wellbeing of the Waugal is directly connected to the vitality of the groundwater features, and both are intertwined with the health of Nyungar cultural identity. If the Waugal is killed or leaves, then the springs and other features with which it is associated will dry up and the processes of renewal with which it is associated will be brought to an end. Many Nyungars would argue that with the decline in groundwater levels, which is becoming increasingly visible, that this in fact happening. Although most Nyungar people recognise that climate change is a contributing factor in this decline, they consider residential and industrial development as a greater and more immediate cause because these activities, coupled with the Gnangara Pine Plantation, are causing an unsustainable drawdown effect on increasingly limited groundwater resources. Many believe that this is causing the lakes, springs, swamps and caves to dry up which is not only leading to the loss of environmental features they hold dear for historical, cultural and spiritual reasons, but is in turn impacting the flora and fauna that have also been central to Nyungar traditions and culture for millennia. Any actions Government take to reverse the degradation of groundwater-related features and associated ecological processes, and to restore these to their natural state, will have the support of Aboriginal people. Aboriginal people consistently request that water flow and vitality and associated ecological values (e.g. important natural habitats) be protected from development. Therefore, any long-term strategy to manage such resources over a large area such as the Gnangara Mound will be welcomed, particularly if the development and implementation of such a strategy includes a high level of Aboriginal involvement. One of the key principles in managing Aboriginal heritage issues is to ask first and those consulted welcomed the opportunity to contribute to this study and recognised the positive step the Department of Environment has taken by commissioning this report. This spirit of inclusion, partnership and co-operation should be developed further so that Aboriginal people can contribute to and take ownership of the long- term management and monitoring of groundwater resources on the Gnangara Mound. The report makes a number of recommendations aimed at avoiding further negative impacts on groundwater-dependent cultural values including: • Limiting drawdown of groundwater; • Preserving and restoring ; and • Preserving water flow.

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______The report also makes a number of recommendations aimed at including Indigenous cultural values and involving Indigenous people in the long-term management of the groundwater resources of the Mound including: 1. That the DoE formally recognise and integrate Nyungar cultural values and knowledge into their Sub-Regional Management Plan for the Gnangara Mound. 2. That the DoE establish an Indigenous Knowledge Support Plan (IKSP) to support, enhance and maintain Indigenous knowledge in respect of the hydrological systems of the Swan Coastal Plain generally and the Gnangara Sub-Region specifically. 3. That the DoE enter into a strategic alliance with Nyungar groups in respect of the planning for the Gnangara Mound. 4. That the DoE develop dedicated resource to effect Nyungar participation in the Gnangara Sub-Regional Management Plan. 5. That the DoE devote time and resources to building the capacity of Nyungar people to participate in the planning process. 6. That the DoE devote time and resources to building the capacity of Departmental staff and those of other agencies to work effectively with the Indigenous community.

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______TABLE OF CONTENTS Page

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 7

2. METHODOLOGY ...... 9

2.1 DESKTOP STUDY ...... 9 2.1.1 Literature and Documentary Sources ...... 9 2.1.2 Review of Existing Heritage Survey Reports ...... 10 2.1.3 DIA Register of Aboriginal Sites ...... 10

2.2 CONSULTATION WITH ABORIGINAL REPRESENTATIVES ...... 10

2.3 REPORT COMPILATION...... 11

2.4 CONSULTATION REGARDING STUDY FINDINGS...... 12

2.5 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS ...... 12

3. STUDY FINDINGS ...... 13

3.1 ABORIGINAL CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH GROUNDWATER DEPENDENT ENVIRONMENTAL FEATURES AND ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES ...... 13 3.1.1 Water is Life...... 13 3.1.2 Traditional Knowledge and Use of Water Resources ...... 16 3.1.3 Aboriginal Historical Associations ...... 20 3.1.4 Spiritual Values ...... 25 3.1.5 Rights and Responsibilities...... 34 3.1.6 Archaeological Evidence ...... 36

3.2 SIGNIFICANT AND REPRESENTATIVE AREAS OF CULTURAL VALUE...... 38 3.2.1 Discussion...... 38 3.2.2 Significant Sites Based on DIA Register of Aboriginal Sites ...... 41 3.2.3 Significant Sites Based on Current Consultation...... 51

3.3 REGISTERED ABORIGINAL SITES ...... 53 3.3.1 Lakes ...... 55 3.3.2 Wetlands and Swamps...... 57 3.3.3 Rivers, Brooks and Creeks ...... 57 3.3.4 Water Sources ...... 58 3.3.5 Wells ...... 59

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______3.3.6 Caves ...... 59 3.3.7 Ceremonial Areas ...... 60 3.3.8 Terrestrial Waugal Sites...... 61 3.3.9 Limestone Formations – Mythological Associations ...... 61 3.3.10 Camping Areas ...... 62 3.3.11 Hunting Areas...... 64 3.3.12 Water-Associated Artefact Scatters ...... 64 3.3.13 Modified Trees...... 68 3.3.14 Healing Pits...... 68

3.4 HOW ABORIGINAL CULTURAL VALUES WILL BE AFFECTED BY WATER LEVEL CHANGES...68 3.4.1 General Cultural Impacts ...... 68 3.4.2 Ecological Impacts ...... 70 3.4.3 Alteration of the Natural Flow ...... 74 3.4.4 Sand and Silt Build-up...... 75 3.4.5 Impacts to Burials ...... 75 3.4.6 Impacts to Modified Trees ...... 76 3.4.7 Artefact Scatters...... 76

3.5 RECOMMENDATIONS REGARDING AVOIDANCE OF NEGATIVE IMPACTS ON WATER DEPENDENT ABORIGINAL CULTURAL VALUES ...... 77 3.5.1 Avoid negative impacts on groundwater-dependent cultural values...... 77 3.5.2 Limit Drawdown of Groundwater ...... 77 3.5.3 Preserve and Restore Wetlands...... 78 3.5.4 Preserve Water Flow ...... 79 3.5.5 Recognising Indigenous Rights and Responsibilities...... 80 3.5.6 Include Aboriginal Cultural Values in the Management Plan ...... 82 3.5.7 Establish Strategic Alliances for Co-management of Groundwater Resources...... 83 3.5.8 Include Indigenous Groups in NRM Planning and Decision Making...... 87 3.5.9 Find Roles for Indigenous People ...... 88

4. CONCLUSIONS ...... 89

4.1 RECOMMENDATIONS...... 89

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______5. REFERENCES ...... 95

APPENDIX 1: REGISTERED ABORIGINAL SITES ASSOCIATED WITH GROUNDWATER FEATURES AND ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES ...... 102

APPENDIX 2: ABORIGINAL HERITAGE ACT 1972 ...... 119

APPENDIX 3: REPORT ON CONSULTATIONS WITH THE COMBINED METROPOLITAN NATIVE TITLE WORKING GROUP ...... 121

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1. INTRODUCTION The Gnangara Mound extends from the and Gingin Brook in the north; in the east; the Swan River in the south; and the to the west. The groundwater of the Mound is a major source of fresh water and of vital importance to the continuing social and economic development of the Perth region. The Mound supplies water to the Integrated Water Supply Scheme (IWSS) which supports a population of about 1.3 million inhabitants as well industry, irrigation water for public open space, recreation grounds, horticulture and household gardens. As the watertable is often close to the surface, the groundwater supports a variety of significant environmental features such as wetlands, shallow cave streams and seepages. In addition, much of the native vegetation in the area is dependent on groundwater and the many wetlands provide important social and recreational values to both Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities. The Department of Environment is currently preparing a Sub-regional Management Plan which will consider the hydrogeological aspects of the resource in terms of its capability to supply water. The Management Plan includes Environmental Water Provisions (EWPs) which are provided as a result of the water allocation decision- making process. The EWPs take into account ecological, economic and social impacts including impacts on Aboriginal culture. They may meet in part or in full the Ecological Water Requirements (EWRs) which are the water regimes needed to maintain ecological values of water dependent ecosystems at a low level of risk. Ecological studies have already been carried out over the study area to determine the EWRs. This study aims to identify some of the social and Aboriginal cultural values to help determine the Social Water Requirements (SWRs) of the in-situ groundwater dependent environmental features (e.g. wetlands, phreatophytic vegetation, caves, groundwater) and future groundwater resources with further drawdowns. This study stems from the Department’s recognition that social and Aboriginal cultural values are essential elements for developing strategies to manage the water resources of the study area into the future (DoE Tender Request 2004). The aim of this study, therefore, is to provide the Department with information concerning Aboriginal cultural values associated with groundwater dependent environmental features and to advise on the sensitivity of these values to water level changes. The information contained in this report is intended to assist the Department in determining EWPs. The objectives of the study were to: 1. Consider the groundwater and surface water resources of the study area in terms of the Aboriginal cultural values associated with groundwater dependent environmental features and ecological processes; 2. Describe the Aboriginal cultural values and assess the significance of the identified values and identify the most significant or representative areas in terms of those values; 3. Identify any registered Aboriginal heritage sites linked to the groundwater dependent environmental features and ecological processes;

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______4. Identify how the Aboriginal cultural values will be affected by water level changes; 5. Involve the Aboriginal groups with knowledge of and traditional links to the land in the study area and associated with the potentially affected resources outside the study area; 6. Provide advice on Aboriginal involvement in the development of the Management Plan and ongoing management of the water resources; 7. Make specific recommendations on avoidance of negative impacts on the water dependent Aboriginal cultural values; and 8. Include consideration of the ways in which Aboriginal people can be involved in future monitoring, assessment and management of the resource. The study was conducted by Dr Edward McDonald, Bryn Coldrick and Linda Villiers with contributions from Stuart Fisher of Fisher Research Pty Ltd. No information of a confidential or culturally-sensitive nature is included in this report.

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2. METHODOLOGY The following methodology was followed during the study:

2.1 Desktop Study A desktop study was carried out drawing on available literature and documentary sources, heritage survey reports and DIA site files. The desktop study provided background information relating to Aboriginal cultural and historical associations with groundwater-dependent environmental features and ecological processes and identified registered Aboriginal heritage sites linked to these. The key environmental features taken into consideration included lakes, swamps, wetlands, springs, wells and caves. In addition to features with surface expression, the heritage values of subterranean watercourses and the water basin itself were considered. Ecological processes considered included the notion of living water and the spiritual significance this has for Indigenous people, as well as Aboriginal activities centring around water-related processes such as alluvial systems (e.g. yam exploitation at Gingin Brook and Swan Valley). During this phase, the consultation team liaised with the Department of Environment, the Swan Catchment Council, the Department of Indigenous Affairs and the Discipline of Anthropology and Sociology at the University of Western Australia to obtain information of relevance to the study. The key sources of information utilised during the desk study are described in more detail below. A full list of documentary references used is provided in Section 5.

2.1.1 Literature and Documentary Sources The literature review took into account published and unpublished material relating primarily to Aboriginal associations with and use of groundwater resources within the study area. The review provided background information from archaeological, ethnohistorical and ethnographic literature including published material such as Hallam’s Fire and Hearth, the published work of Daisy Bates (Native Tribes of Western Australia) as well as her unpublished collected papers. The literature review also included selected nineteenth-century explorers’ journals such as those compiled by Grey (1983/84 [1841]), Landor (1998 [1847]) and Salvado (1977 [1855], either in primary or secondary form. These sources include material relating to Aboriginal use of water resources, camping and hunting, and provide information relating to some of the areas specifically under study. The literature review also included examining predictive models for the identification of previously unrecorded archaeological sites as put forward by Hallam, Anderson, Strawbridge, Edwards and others. Predictive modelling allows areas of high archaeological potential to be identified so that unrecorded archaeological sites can be taken into account during planning. Finally, the review included an examination of best practice models for consultation with Aboriginal people on heritage issues and for Aboriginal involvement in heritage resource management. This included publications by government and non-government

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______agencies such as the Australian Heritage Commission (e.g. Ask First – A Guide to Respecting Indigenous Heritage Places and Values).

2.1.2 Review of Existing Heritage Survey Reports A number of Aboriginal heritage surveys have been conducted within the area encompassed by the Gnangara Mound and the key findings of these reports have been incorporated into this study where possible. Some of the heritage survey reports reviewed relate specifically to water-dependent resources; others concern projects of a different nature but contain information of relevance. In recent years, the Water and Rivers Commission has commissioned a number of studies to examine Aboriginal cultural associations with water-related environmental features. These studies include a survey of Aboriginal cultural values in the South West Yarragadee Blackwood groundwater area conducted by Brad Goode and Associates in 2003. Similar studies were carried out by the University of Western Australia’s Centre for Anthropological Research in relation to the La Grange sub-basin in the Kimberley region and the Fitzroy Valley. Earlier reports by O'Connor, Quartermaine and Bodney (1989) and O’Connor, Quartermaine and Yates (1995) on the Aboriginal significance of wetlands and rivers in the Perth-Bunbury Region and the Busselton-Walpole Region respectively, were also reviewed. The key findings of these reports have been used here as supporting evidence of Aboriginal associations with similar groundwater features in the Gnangara Mound area. What these other studies demonstrate is that the cultural values expressed by the Perth Metropolitan Aboriginal community are consistent with those of other Indigenous groupings across the State and indeed Australia as a whole.

2.1.3 DIA Register of Aboriginal Sites The Department of Indigenous Affairs (DIA) maintains a Register of Aboriginal Sites under the Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972. The Gnangara Mound study area contains more than three hundred places listed on the Register, the overwhelming majority of which are associated with groundwater features in some way. Many of these places are themselves groundwater features of cultural significance such as river systems, lakes, wetlands and springs. Others, such as camping areas, hunting places and artefact scatters, are directly associated with the presence of water although the water source itself may have since disappeared. Information relating to sites on the Register is stored in an electronic database and a paper archive of site files at DIA’s head office in Perth. The site files include descriptive and locational information regarding the sites listed on the Register in the form of report extracts, location maps, photographs and correspondence. This component of the desk study involved reviewing the information contained in the Register for all water-related heritage sites within the study area.

2.2 Consultation with Aboriginal Representatives The consultation phase of the study had two main objectives: 1. To involve the Aboriginal groups with knowledge of and traditional links to the study area, and associated with the potentially-affected resources outside the

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______study area, in the identification of heritage values associated with water-related resources; and 2. To explore ways in which Aboriginal people can be involved in future monitoring, assessment and management of the resources. The consultation took the form of a series of meetings with representatives of the various Nyungar groups and individuals with recognised rights and interests in the study area. Those consulted were predominantly senior Nyungar elders — men and women with authority to speak for country. They included representatives of the following groups: • Combined Swan River and Native Title Claimant Group; • The Bibbulmun Tribal Group; • The Ballaruk Aboriginal Corporation; and • The Independent Environmental Nyungahs. A meeting was also held with Rev. Cedric Jacobs. The meetings followed standard procedures and protocol for heritage consultation and were mainly held ‘on country’. The meetings included, where feasible, visits to key areas nominated by the Aboriginal representatives. During these visits, the significance of each area was discussed and the potential impact of altering water levels was considered. Unfortunately, the amount of fieldwork undertaken, and consequently the number of new sites identified, was much less than was anticipated in the early stages of the project. This was due to a number of factors, including the large size of the study area itself and the high costs involved with Aboriginal consultation and the particular interests and concerns of each of the Indigenous groups themselves. For instance, each of the Nyungar groups consulted was particularly concerned about the increasing loss of wetlands and bush clearing associated with urban development. The researchers were taken to a number of examples in the course of field visits. Aboriginal consultants expressed grave concerns about the impact of destruction and bush clearing on the groundwater and interrelated ecological processes.

2.3 Report Compilation Relevant data collected during the desktop study and the consultation phase of the project was then used to compile this report. The report addresses the study objectives outlined in Section 1 above. As a whole, the report aims to: • Integrate the findings of the literature review and information gathered from consultation with Aboriginal communities and addresses the key research questions of the project; • Provide evidence of consultation with relevant Aboriginal people in the study area; • Identify groundwater dependent ecosystems valued by the Aboriginal people including their location and extent; • Describe the valued features and their defining attributes; Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 11 Department of Environment October 2005

______• Identify who values the features, why they are valued and when they are valued most; • Collate the social and cultural information on the features (including their values and water level requirements) and describe a shared desired future state for the resource; and • Describe the Aboriginal cultural values of the selected environmental sites on the Gnangara Mound. The report also contains suggested mechanisms for Aboriginal involvement in the long-term management of groundwater resources based on best practice models for heritage assessment and consultation as developed by the Australian Heritage Commission, the Commonwealth Department of the Environment and Heritage and the Department of Indigenous Affairs.

2.4 Consultation Regarding Study Findings One of the objectives of the consultation component of the study was to obtain broad endorsement from key Aboriginal stakeholders of the study’s findings. This involved supplying the groups and individuals consulted with copies of the draft report and inviting comments. No objections or concerns were raised by any of the groups in relation to the draft.

2.5 Presentation of Findings The consultation team provided a verbal presentation to the Department of Environment following submission of the final report. The presentation described the project background, methodology, key findings and outcomes.

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3. STUDY FINDINGS

3.1 Aboriginal Cultural Values Associated with Groundwater Dependent Environmental Features and Ecological Processes

3.1.1 Water is Life The saying “water is life” is axiomatic to all human societies, not least to the Indigenous people of Australia, the driest inhabited continent in the world. Consequently, it is unsurprising that water is central to Aboriginal social, economic and religious life throughout Australia (Langton 2002; Rose 2004). Nyungar society in the South West is no exception even though the Swan Coastal Plain was probably better watered than many other parts of the continent.

The Swan Coastal Plain was traditionally an area with abundant water supplies and a variety of environmental zones that provided rich resources. Swan Region Strategy for Natural Resources Management (2004:137)

In Aboriginal Australia, ‘Living Water’ is the term generally used to describe permanent water sources. As Rose (2004:39) notes, the term conveys both the sense of water having a life of its own and also contribution to the life of others — human, animal and vegetable.1 Concern for the protection of flora, fauna, environmental values and a clear flow of water are constants in the Nyungar approach to water and wetlands. These themes are repeated again and again by Aboriginal consultants during heritage surveys undertaken in relation to proposed developments.

Nyungars have a sense of respect and kinship with the biota and environment and regard themselves as inseparable from the eternal process of nature. Green 1984

In November 2004, the National Water Conference in Sydney heard that Indigenous people do not regard water as “a mere resource or an inert commodity”. Rather, water supports life and is itself a sacred source of life. Water gives Indigenous communities throughout Australia a sense of identity, and brings with it particular rights and responsibilities under Indigenous law. Most importantly, water and waterscapes are inseparable from the land on which people live (McFarlane 2004). This study into Aboriginal cultural values on the Gnangara Mound demonstrates that Nyungar associations with groundwater, most famously expressed through stories of the Waugal, are entirely consistent with these attitudes.

1 Indigenous people see all three as sharing the same essential life force that is derived from the Dreaming. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 13 Department of Environment October 2005

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…we have a holistic approach to water. For this water is a source of healing when we are sick … it is our life blood which we need to survive. It allows us to continue our ceremonies which incorporate our rich and unique culture… For it is these sources of water that provide an adequate and valuable food source rich in fish and other foods for my people. Senior Witjira Ranger, in McFarlane 2004

Well it’s like your heart; isn’t it? The heart keeps you alive, keeps the spirit alive, keeps the country alive. When your heart’s dead, the spirit leaves your body… the spirit’s gone! Senior Nyungar Elder on the importance of wetlands, 2005

In recent years, both State and Federal governments have commissioned a number of reports to examine the strategic planning of groundwater use and management in a way that takes into consideration Indigenous views. Sarah Yu observes that “these reports consistently emphasise the need for ecologically sustainable usage of the groundwater” (Yu 2000: 15). Langton (2002:44) has pointed out that ‘waterscapes’ have the same essential characteristics as landscapes for Aboriginal societies. Indeed, it is probably true to say that Aborigines did not distinguish between landscapes and waterscapes per se as both were an integral part of ‘Country’ (Rose 1996:6–9).

Waterscapes are construed as not only physical domains, but also as spiritual, social and jural spaces, according to the same fundamental principles as our affiliations to places in the landscapes. The dialogic relationship in Indigenous thought between the ancestral past and its effect on human existence derives from the Aboriginal understanding of the transformative powers of the spiritual beings that inhabit those places. Langton 2002:44

Traditional Aboriginal people view all natural features as part of a symbiotic whole and this belief permeates the Dreamtime stories (see Section 3.1.4 below for more details on spiritual values). Acknowledging this fundamental Aboriginal belief about the interconnectivity between all natural features, both of the landscape and the waterscape, is crucial. Nor is it far removed from Western scientific understanding where it is becoming increasingly obvious that damage to one aspect of the natural environment affects another. In the modern Australian context, where climate change and an increasing demand for fresh water are simultaneously taking a visible toll on groundwater features, Aboriginal theories of interconnectivity are being expressed with increasing frequency.

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Water, culture and land. That’s our country. You can’t divide them, doesn’t matter which language you speak. Senior Karajarri Elder in Yu 2000

During the recent consultation in relation to the Yarragadee Aquifer (Goode 2004), the Nyungar representatives argued that Indigenous peoples have respected and preserved the water courses, floodplains and surrounding areas for thousands of years and that Indigenous people did not interfere with the flow of water and did not cause pollution. It was pointed out that all water bodies (lakes, soaks, rivers and creeks) had Nyungar names which indicated their significance to Indigenous people and that different places had different stories and rituals, such as the practice of throwing sand into the water and calling out to warn the spirit of the water of one’s approach. Previous studies by O'Connor, Quartermaine and Bodney (1989) and O’Connor, Quartermaine and Yates (1995) also highlighted the significance to Nyungars of wetlands and rivers in the metropolitan area and throughout the South West. The Aboriginal people consulted during these studies felt that there was no understanding of the importance of nature to Nyungar people by Government Departments. Crucially, they felt that non-Indigenous people need to understand that Aboriginal cultural significance is not restricted to what we term a ‘site’. The Waugal stories, for example, are about the creation of the whole landscape and not just individual rivers. It was explained that all waterways, including rivers, chains of lakes or water holes, are considered to be Dreaming trails by the Nyungar people and that there are paths to follow between one place and another. Interconnected water sources are considered part of the same spiritual energy and, therefore, part of the same ‘site’. For example, the was described as a significant and sacred site; the water entering the river was also sacred, and this made the Yarragadee Aquifer significant and sacred as well. These views are not confined to the Nyungar people of the South West and Metropolitan Perth, but are consistent with the views of Indigenous peoples throughout Australia. For example, in 2002, the Water and Rivers Commission commissioned research to ascertain the significance of groundwater to the Karajarri and other Traditional Owners to assist in preparing water allocation plans for the La Grange sub-basin and the Kimberley Region (Yu 2000). Yu reported that for the Karajarri, permanent water sources are ‘living water’.

They may be surface waters such as springs … or may require digging…. They are all said to be connected to the underlying groundwater, whether regional or local, which is referred to as kurtany, literally ‘mother’. Yu 2000

As we have already seen in relation to the Nyungar people, Yu found that all water sites are culturally significant to the traditional owners of the Kimberley region. All Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 15 Department of Environment October 2005

______water sites are named places with toponyms derived from Dreamtime beings and many of these places have mythological narratives associated with them. Permanent waters are said to support all other less permanent water sources (e.g. soaks). The jila and permanent waters are referred to as ‘living waters’, usually created by the metamorphoses of supernatural beings who become pulany (water serpents similar to the Waugal). These are respected as powerful animate beings who “provide not only permanent water for the Karajarri but generate life-giving waters (rain) for the whole country” (Yu 2000). Traditional Owners refer to the watertable as the ‘balance of water’ and they see it as their responsibility to maintain that balance (i.e. to keep it at the same level). The Karajarri recognise two main categories of water sources: ‘on top’ water and ‘bottom’ water. ‘On top’ water is for drinking and digging up both by traditional practices and modern technology (i.e. bores and windmills). This is groundwater-dependant and replenished by rainfall and it includes soaks, permanent waters, ecosystems surrounding springs, freshwater seepages on mudflats and various ephemeral surface waters. ‘Bottom’ water, described as ‘big stream’, is under the ground and is not used for drinking. The knowledge of these artesian waters is credited to their forefathers’ stories (Yu 2000). It is apparent from the foregoing that water is central to Aboriginal culture and way of life and that groundwater-dependent environmental features and ecological processes are themselves Aboriginal cultural values. The following sections explore in more detail the critical bond that exists between groundwater and Nyungar people as expressed through traditional knowledge and use of water resources, historical associations, spiritual values, and the rights and responsibilities Indigenous people have in its preservation.

3.1.2 Traditional Knowledge and Use of Water Resources Rose (2004:36) notes that “Indigenous people’s organisation of their use of freshwater, including care and restraint, constitutes their essential adaptation to this driest of inhabited continents.” In this regard, she notes (1996: 52), following Gould (1969), that Aboriginal use of water differs quite significantly from that of settlers by focusing first on the most arid regions with ephemeral waters and then moving to the areas with permanent waters.

Boodjar or land is important to Nyungars because of its economic, social and spiritual significance. The south-west of the State prior to colonisation, was a plentiful area being well watered, with a mild climate and abundant natural foods. The Swan River and its freshwater tributaries were surrounded by the lightly wooded plains abundant in food and water to those who knew plants, birds and seasonal fluctuations. Green 1984

Rose (2004:36) concluded that Indigenous people’s use of freshwater resources is reflected in the local organisation of Aboriginal country groups throughout Australia. Aboriginal people spaced themselves across the continent in densities that reflected Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 16 Department of Environment October 2005

______the rainfall and water resources of a given area. The following observations have also been made: • Group size was fairly constant but the size of territory was adjusted to suit water resources (Tindale 1974); • Cultural blocs and major drainage systems show a high degree of correlation (Peterson 1976); • At a finer level of resolution, where there is a network of creeks and rivers, ownership of country tends to flow with the water (Rose 1996); and • Groups who share adjacent junctions on large rivers, or whose countries come together at watersheds or floodouts, share close relations in marriage and trade, and often share a language. One collective noun used to describe Aboriginal groupings was the ‘band’ which comprised a number of family groups cooperating in social, economic and reproductive activities.2 The band is typically seen as the fundamental residence and economic unit of Aboriginal hunter and gatherer societies (Keen 2004).3 The band varied in size throughout the year depending upon seasonal and social factors as individuals and their spouses might visit other relatives, including parents-in-law groups. Early settlers quite often referred to these bands as ‘tribes’ and various ‘territories’ have been described in which these social units were principally located and moved. Colonists also ascribed Aboriginal ‘leaders’ to these territories. According to Lyon, much of the Gnangara Mound at the time of colonisation was located in the district known as ‘ country’ and its leader was Yellagonga (Lyon 1833 in Green (ed.) 1979). Lyon reports that Yellagonga’s territory was bounded by the Indian Ocean to the west, Melville Water and Swan River to the south, Ellen’s Brook to the east and Gyngoorda [the Moore River] to the north (Green 1979:49). This description does not accord with that of Tindale (1974) who places the boundary between the Wadjuk and the Juat just north of (see Tindale’s ‘Tribal Boundaries Map: S.W. Sheet, which accompanies his 1974 book; see also Bindon and Walley 1992). The focal area of the band’s resource utilisation, according to Hallam and Tilbrook (1990:349) was the ridge which runs from Mount Eliza to the Swan River at Heirisson

2 In Aboriginal anthropology, a distinction is typically made following Stanner (1965) between a range, which is the total area that a band or domestic kin group occupies and economically exploits, and an estate which is the area ‘owned’ by a local descent group or estate group. An estate in classical Aboriginal societies includes a number of sacred sites with associated mythology, ceremonies and rituals, a number of important watercourses or waterholes and areas of exploitable resources. 3 Keen (2004) argues that the term ‘band’ is problematic and it is preferable to examine the range of variations, residence groups and camps on the ground.

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 17 Department of Environment October 2005

______Island, where the Perth CBD is now located. From this ridge, Aborigines were able to use the river on the south and the lake and wetland system on the north. However, as the archaeological and ethnohistorical evidence indicates, other parts of the band’s range, including the areas around what is now the area included in the Gnangara Mound study, were also used intensively, including the Swan River, watercourses and wetlands.

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 18 Department of Environment October 2005

______Figure 1: Tribal boundaries after Berndt (1979)

SOUTH-WEST TRIBAL BOUNDARIES AFTER BERNDT 1979 N WIDI AMANGU

30°S GELAMAI PERTH TYPE

JUEDJUED . KalgoorKalgoorlieKalgoorlie lie

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. NorthamNortham

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EatonEaton . WaginWagin . . CollieCollieCollie

BusseltonBusBusselton s elton . BusseltonBusBusselton s elton . KatanningKatanningKatanning WUDJARIWUDJARI KANEANG KojonupKojonup NYUNGA WADANDI . KojonupKojonup WUDJARI TYPE . BrBrBr idgetow idgetow idgetow n n n GORENG . ManjimupManjimupManjimup AugusAugusAugus ta ta ta . BIBELMEN BIBELMEN TYPE

MINENGMINENG MINENGMINENG E 35°S °E °

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°

1 2 1 1 5

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-100 0 100 200 300 Kilometres Scale: 1: 5, 000,000

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 19 Department of Environment October 2005

______

3.1.3 Aboriginal Historical Associations Indigenous people have inhabited the Australian continent, including the area now occupied by Metropolitan Perth, for more than 40,000 years and relied on the natural environment for their survival. In this respect, nothing was more important to mobile populations than access to fresh water and the ethnohistorical evidence, supported by archaeological data, shows that the rivers, creeks and wetlands of the Swan Coastal Plain were intensively occupied, given the availability of fresh water and food resources (see, for example, Hallam 1975; 1998a).

Thus we see family groups, before European intrusion, centred on the rich alluvial soils along the Swan, particularly in the spring and autumn; moving freely eastward into the hills, mainly in winter and westward to the wetlands of the Wanneroo area, particularly in the summer and autumn. Hallam 1998a:94

The wetlands of the Swan Coastal Plain provided one of the most seasonally stable populations of waterfowl in Western Australia as fresh water was plentiful in all seasons. Lakes and estuaries supported aquatic animals such as swans and ducks and Black Swans and pelicans were available in winter. Towards the end of summer when the inland water sources dried up, the waters of the inland coastal plain became “drought refuges”, leading to concentrations of enormous numbers of waterfowl. Swamps also provided other food sources such as tortoises, freshwater crustaceans and frogs (Meagher and Ride 1979). Forest resources were used little by Aborigines of the Swan Coastal Plain. The main staples were reed rhizomes in sandplain swamps and yams from alluvial soil and gravel (Hallam 1975; 1998a). The major rivers, local watercourses and wetlands were connected by a series of pads or tracks (bidi). Bates (1992:1) reports these bidi did not take a straight line for “neither track nor road nor path in Bibbulmun country ran straight, and we turn off east or west or south or north for the special something in the way of food that is there just then.”

This is the main crossroads of all the bidi (tracks) where people used to go hunting. … They followed the fresh water springs and lakes — that was their survival. Senior Nyungar Elder in Macintyre, Dobson and Associates 2002

Chains of freshwater lakes and swamps were necessary stopping places and would have dictated the course of routes connecting one area to another like watery stepping stones over an arid landscape. It is for this reason that the vast majority of artefact scatters and camping areas on the Register of Aboriginal Sites are situated in close

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 20 Department of Environment October 2005

______proximity to groundwater features, in particular lakes, wetlands, springs and other water sources. In the Perth metropolitan area, the most important chains of lakes are located between the Serpentine and Murray Rivers northwards towards and from north of Perth through Lake and beyond Yanchep towards the Moore River (Tilbrook 1987).4

It goes back miles and miles up the coast to where the water comes down through the lake system … and all that through to Lake Monger … and right own through the system to Perth into the Swan River. … the whole area was once known by the Nyungah name Nookenburra and incorporated all the swamps once there and linked through the wetlands, swamps and lakes between Lake Joondalup and … Senior Nyungar Elders in Australian Interaction Consultants 2004

The alignment of many of the present roads in the Perth area and South West follow the general alignment of these Aboriginal tracks (bidi). For example, Bolton and Gregory (1999:11) write that in respect of Claremont “it is noteworthy, though it should not be surprising, that modern Claremont’s major thoroughfares – Stirling , Princess Road, Gugeri Street, Victoria Avenue – follow closely the tracks used by the Mooro” (see also Williams 1984 on the City of Nedlands). Coy (1984:4) and Popham (1980:17) make similar remarks about the alignment of the and respectively following Aboriginal bidi. Bolton and Gregory (1999:11) also remark that though geography played a part in the selection by both Aborigines and non-Aboriginal settlers of the alignment of tracks/roads, their development nevertheless shows how much the first settlers in the colony relied “on Aboriginal practical knowledge in coming to terms with the country”. The geographical layout of the and other areas of settlement around the study area, therefore, in part reflect the pre-settlement Aboriginal landscape. As Hallam (1998a: vii) observes, when British colonists first entered the Swan River area and other parts of the South West, they did not find the landscape “as God made it, but as the Aborigines had made it over tens of millennia.” Aboriginal land management techniques, or as Hallam refers to them “skilled ecological regimes”, including the use of regular firing of the bush, had an enormous impact on the natural environment (see also Hallam 1975). Nyungars, according to Lyon (cited in Green (ed.) 1979), categorised the Swan Coastal Plain into three broad zones: Booyeembara, Gandoo and Warget. Booyeembara was “the division along the coast, consisting principally of limestone rock; and generally bearing the Xanthorrhoea, and a species of the eucalyptus, called white gum” (Lyon 1833, cited in Green (ed.) 1979:176). The Nyungar word for rock (booyee) forms the root of the term Booyeembara as well as placenames, including, for example,

4 See Roe, J.S., Field Book No. 1, 1839. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 21 Department of Environment October 2005

______Booyeeanup [Mount Brown]. Gandoo, which was inland from and ran parallel to Booyeembara, was a “sandy division and abounds with that species of Eucalyptus, called Mahogany [Jarrah]”, whereas Warget ran along the foot of the mountains [Darling Range] and “abounds with clay, red loam, and alluvial plains”. Blue and flooded gums, according to Lyon were common in the Warget zone. Lyon (cited in Green (ed.) 1979:176) wrote that “these divisions have no reference whatever to the territorial boundaries of different tribes. They seem to be purely geological.” The Gnangara Mound study area intersects with all of the traditional Nyungar geomorphological units to some extent. Following the foundation of the Swan River Colony in 1829, Nyungars suddenly found themselves sharing the resources of the Swan Coastal Plain with white settlers. The natural groundwater resources that had sustained Nyungars and the flora and fauna on which they had survived for millennia were equally attractive to the new arrivals. The first colonist to travel a significant distance from Perth was John Butler who reported large lakes with “an abundance of game of all descriptions” (Costello 2002– 03). George Grey (1983/84 [1841] vol. 1) recorded the names of a number of places he encountered on his travels, specifically wetlands north of Joondalup including Nirro- ba (Lake Neerabup), Now-oor-goop (Lake Nowergup) and Mau-bee-be (Loch McNess). On the way back towards Perth from the Moore River area in December 1838, Grey and his party camped at a spot north of a lake called Man-bee-bee (Mambibby in a later spelling) which was the open water at the southern end of Lake Yanchep, today’s Loch McNess.5 He noted in his journal:

I left the main party with two natives and travelled up a swampy valley, running nearly in the same line as the chain of lakes we had followed in going. The natives insisted on it, that these lakes were all one and the same water… Grey in Bastian 1995

Costello notes that Doondalup [Joondalup?] means the ‘lake that glistens’. “Even in summer it had fresh water, teeming with frogs, freshwater tortoises and shellfish”. Ngoogenboro (Herdman’s Lake) was called one of the ‘Great Lakes’ by the British. Nyungars are also recorded as living among the paperbarks and tuarts of Galup (Lake Monger) beside the lake (Costello 2002–03). Early settlers recorded Aboriginal use of natural resources. In 1838, for example, when Grey’s party camped at Lake Joondalup and feasted on its tortoises, he documented the range of plants used by local Aborigines as foodstuff. These included (1983/84 [1841] vol. II: 265; see also Hallam 1998a): • Twenty-nine sorts of root; • Seven kinds of fungus;

5 Jacobs recounts that Mambiddy is the northern section of the Loch McNess: “… the real name (of Loch McNess) is Waganinny. The northern section, Mambibby, springs here and flows into the southern part where it changes its name to Waganinny.” (Costello 2002–03). Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 22 Department of Environment October 2005

______• Four sorts of gum; • Two sorts of manna (edible secretions from scale insects); • Two species of by-yu or the nut of the Zamia palm; • Species of mesembryanthemum (a coastal succulent); • Two kinds of nut; • Four kinds of fruit; • The flowers of several species of ; and • The seeds of several species of leguminous plants. Elsewhere, Grey (1983/84 [1841] vol. II: I: 291–92) notes that the 29 varieties of ‘roots’ included two species of Dioscorea or what Nyungars call warran (native yam), several species of Haemadorum, Orchis and Geranium and two species each of Typha and Boerhaavia.Typha (Typha angustifolia) or yanjiddi/ yunjidi/ yangeti in Nyungar. These resources are directly associated with natural wetlands and contemporary Indigenous people to this day retain knowledge and cultural associations with them. Indeed, many senior Nyungar elders relied on these resources for food in the last century.

All the lakes were their hunting grounds. They had plenty of gilgies, turtle and wildfowl. The women used to bury zamia nuts in the wet ground. We collected quandongs, johnny coolbung (pigface), bourne (bloodroot), jibartch (wild potato), bardi, a variety of lizards and occasionally a brush wallaby. We would eat all that was edible on the land in season. Senior Nyungar Elder in Macintyre, Dobson and Associates 2002

Yanjiddi was a staple food for Nyungars harvested in April/May, although the ‘crop’ was prepared by firing the drying wetlands in summer (see Hallam 1975; Bates 1985; Daw, Walley and Keighery 1997). Early settlers describe how the Aborigines would fire the swamps in the dry times to improve the flavour of the reed rhizomes and as a “sort of cultivation” (Moore 1884; Hallam 1975).

The many rivers, hills, estuaries, timbered areas and rich loam flats and in the abundance and variety of the animal and vegetable foods which they afforded, made the Bibbulmun people the most fortunate of all the Western tribes for there was no time of the year which had not its seasonal product for the sustenance of its inhabitants. Bates 1985

The ethnohistorical evidence shows that wetland fauna included ‘turtles’ (three kinds according to Grey (1983/84[1841] vol. II: 264), freshwater shellfish (crustaceans),

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 23 Department of Environment October 2005

______fish and waterfowl, all of which were eaten by local Aborigines. Water sources attracted these and other fauna, giving Aboriginal hunters the opportunity to go for larger game.

Perth and Guildford natives dug a hole on the track along which emus and kangaroos came for water, covering the hole with brushwood. They then made a fence around the waterhole leaving a small opening for the animal … to pass through. Bates 1985

Large feasts and gatherings were held in association with important ceremonies at particular locations throughout the year. For example, Bates records an initiation ground at Wardawardong, a camping place on the Swan River near Midland Junction, where feasts of “an abundance of meat, fish, roots and fruit” were prepared for visitors to the initiations (Bates 1985).6 Yanchep too was an important ritual and corroboree area in traditional times. Aborigines from the Moore River and the Swan River areas came here to hold tribal meetings, discuss tribal law matters, stage corroborees and in some cases initiate young men (O’Connor, Bodney and Little 1985). In addition to everyday subsistence and ceremonial gatherings, the wetlands of Metropolitan Perth were also a focus of trade for Aboriginal groups. For example, Bates recorded that Perth Aborigines had an ochre patch in the neighbourhood of Lake Monger or Herdsman’s Lake and this was a staple article of commerce. Ochre from Perth travelled north while Murchison ochre was bartered south and elsewhere. Trade was conducted at manja boming or exchange fairs held in Perth and the South West which attracted quite large numbers of people (Bates 1985). Although a considerable amount is known about various parts of the study area, including Yanchep and Gingin, little is known about the Yeal Swamp area. Colonists did not generally settle the Yeal area and apparently roads from Gingin were aligned to avoid it. Similarly, little archaeological or ethnographic research has been undertaken (see below). Local histories typically provide little detail on the role of Aboriginal people. Indeed many local histories frequently fail to pay attention to Aborigines other than to refer briefly to their position as occupiers of the land when settlers originally moved into an area. For example, there is no listing for Aborigines in the index of de Burgh’s (1976) book Neergabby on the history of the Moore River and Lower Gingin Brook (1830–1960) other than three references to the ‘Native Settlement’ at Moore River. As Tilbrook (1987) highlights, Aborigines were often “shadows in the archives”. In the absence of detailed historical data, placenames often provide a clue to previous Aboriginal use (Bates 1992: 20): Existing placenames serve as reminders of the natural resources and their exploitation by Indigenous inhabitants of the area. For example, Wanneroo is named after the stick used for digging “yams and frogs and all kinds of things from the ground” (Jacobs in Costello 2002–03).

6 This may be Site 3796, Blackadder Creek and Swan River. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 24 Department of Environment October 2005

______The name of such places as Yanchep and Yangebup is derived from the Nyungar word Yanjiddi [Typha reed]. O’Connor, Quartermaine and Bodney (1989:24) give the Nyungar name for the Yanchep area as “Nyanyi-Yandjip (literally meaning, they suggest, ‘pubic hairs’, an allusion both to the reeds surrounding the lake and to the Waugal’s “hairy mane”). Similarly, Gabbia Yandirt in the Shire of Gingin would seem to be derived from gabbi (water) and yandiji (Typha reed). A number of placenames in Gingin Shire would also seem to be derived from the Nyungar name warran (native yam); for example, Wannerie and Waring Waring. The name Bindoon is derived from the Aboriginal placename meaning “a place where the yams grow” (Glauert 1950:83). Aboriginal named places included, of course, named water sources of a variety of forms: springs, soaks, rivers, creeks and wetlands. Indeed, named water sources are central to people’s understanding of country and their own identities (Langton 2002). Undoubtedly, however, the original meanings of many Aboriginal placenames are lost because of the early difficulties and inconsistencies in transcribing Aboriginal names (Bates 1992: 20–23).

3.1.4 Spiritual Values In order to understand the close cultural associations Aboriginal people have with groundwater, it is first necessary to have some understanding of Aboriginal cosmology and spiritual relationship with the physical environment. The wider community and policymakers in Western Australia are typically aware of the spiritual significance of ‘waterscapes’ on the Swan Coastal Plain in the form of the Waugal — the spiritual being associated with water and its creation.7 The following overview is intended to provide a general explanation of the significance of fresh water to Nyungar people by illustrating the enduring link between Nyungar cosmology and the Waugal as a creative force. Waterscapes are typically part of the sacred geography in Aboriginal Australia. Consequently, many of these values are also expressed as cultural heritage values recognised by the Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972. Others, however, are not. In this context, Nyungar perspectives on water (gabbi/kapi) are premised on a dichotomy between fresh (gabbi-dijkap) and salt water (sea water – mampakut; and brackish – gabbi-karning).8 Both fresh and salt water were created in the Dreamtime by the ancestral spirits. The Dreamtime is the time when the world was created and Indigenous spirituality is based on Creation Stories from that time. These stories are known collectively in English as The Dreaming or Nyitting (Cold Time) to Nyungars. However, The Dreaming is not merely a series of events that took place in the past; it retains its relevance and immediacy down to the present and into the future and forms the basis for jural responsibilities to country.

7 The name of the mythic being has been rendered in a variety of forms which reflect dialectical differences and there are also regional variations in the name of the ancestral being. Bates (1985) gives a list of words for the snake in 23 districts of the South West. Marghet, for example, is the name more typically used in the Great Southern (see Hassell 1936, 1975). Dugaraitch is also a term used by some Nyungars. 8 Lexical sources: Bindon and Chadwick (1992) ‘A Nyoongar Word List from the South-West of Western Australia’ and Douglas (1976) ‘The Aboriginal Languages of the South-West of Australia’. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 25 Department of Environment October 2005

______Rose (2004:36) summarises the nature of The Dreaming as follows: • Dreaming connotes both creation and connection (creation and life continuing to come forth – both original and ongoing creation); • Dreamings created relationships that structure obligations of care, and that constitute webs of reciprocities within the created world; • These relationships are localised in ‘countries’ – to use Elkin’s (1954) term, the “bonds of mutual life-giving” are focused in country, and countries connected through Dreaming tracts to form regions; • Rockholes, soaks, wells, rivers, claypans, water-holding trees, billabongs, springs and other localised water sources form part of the subsistence geography of country and almost invariably part of the sacred geography as well; • The tracks and sites of Dreaming significance link surface, subsurface and aerial sources of fresh water. According to Rose (2004), the Dreaming explains the connectivity of water across landforms, and between the earth and living things including people. This interconnectivity involves the actions of the (Waugal) or similar mythic beings. As Rose (2004:36) reports, from an Indigenous perspective, water does not happen by chance but rather exists through the creative action of Dreaming beings, typically referred to as the ‘Rainbow Serpent’ with which the Waugal of the South West shares characteristics (Radcliffe-Brown 1926, 1930; Baines 1988; O’Connor, Quartermaine and Bodney 1989).9 In the early twentieth century, Radcliffe-Brown (1926:22) reported: I have been able to trace the belief in the rainbow-serpent living in deep permanent waterholes through all tribes from the extreme south-west at least as far north as the Ninety Mile Beach and eastwards into the desert. In tribes around Perth it is called wogal, and certain waterholes are pointed out as being each the abode of a wogal. It is generally regarded as dangerous for anyone except a medicine-man to approach such a waterhole, as the serpent is likely to attack those who venture near its haunts. Maddock (1972: 118, 120–26) sees Rainbow Serpent-like mythological beings as central to Aboriginal cosmology. The Rainbow Serpent, and here we could include the Waugal, is frequently described in terms of being singular/plural (individual/species), male/female/ambiguous gender, local/multi-local, totemic/transcendental, vital and dangerous and destructive. In addressing the complexity of the Dalabon language group’s notion of bolung, a term that can be glossed as Rainbow Serpent, Maddock (1972:123–24) notes:

9 Piddington (1930), for example, reports that the Karadjeri [Karajarri] ‘water snake’ [bulaing] was not associated with the rainbow. As noted above, more recently Yu (2000:18 footnote #13) has made a similar point, noting in respect of the Karajarri that the water snake Pulany is “not to be confused with the over-used term 'rainbow serpent'”. See Maddock (1972: 120-21) for a general discussion of this point. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 26 Department of Environment October 2005

______Rainbow Serpent is too concrete and zoomorphic to be satisfactory as a translation. The connotations and evocations of the word pervade Dalabon thought, and cannot be more than partially and misleadingly conveyed in visual and psychological images like rainbow or snake or mother. No English word will do to convey the notion of a vital, yet destructive, personified force. The Rainbow Serpent’s actions create the connections between the surface and subsurface and of the earth and the sky. As Rose (2004:39) remarks: One set of connectivities articulated by the Rainbow Serpent is thus the flow of water from inside the earth, across the surfaces, into the sky and back to earth. On the face of it, Rainbow Serpent connectivities parallel ecological analysis of water dynamics and energy flow. However, the internal forces and sources of water that the Rainbow Serpent is, and accesses, are deep matters in Indigenous metaphysics. As can be seen from the foregoing, the Waugal is not a mythological entity exclusive to local Nyungar mythology. Across Indigenous Australia, water snakes and other creatures created and now inhabit waterholes, the sea bed, tidal creeks, springs and rivers (McFarlane 2004). Creation stories are given for major rivers across the continent including, for example, the Murray River in New South Wales as well as the Swan River in Western Australia (however, as we discuss below, other spiritual beings are and have been associated with the life-giving force of water).

There are common cultural beliefs about water places and the beings that created or inhabit them across the continent. These beings are believed to be responsible for a range of natural phenomena such as the generation of storms, clouds, wind and rain… They are powerful and volatile beings who enforce territoriality by their hostile reaction to strangers and therefore have the right to be approached in culturally appropriate ways and can only be pacified by people who have the right to approach them… McFarlane 2004

Kimberley anthropologists Palmer, Akerman, Capelle, Green and Arthur noted the importance of water sources to all Aboriginal people and the existence of the mythical water snakes who inhabit jila or other permanent water sources. Sarah Yu concluded that the concepts of jila, pulany (i.e. serpents living in water holes), rainmaking and ‘living water’ are found throughout most of Aboriginal Australia and most especially within the arid zone.10

10 For the Karajarri people, Pulany are water snakes or serpents who reside in and/or have made permanent water sources (jila). Yu states that it is unclear whether the Karajarri believe in one Rainbow Serpent who created all the water places. They believe that rainbows are created by water snakes and that their country contains many pulany. Pulany can smell strangers and have their own personalities. They move around under the ground surfacing through escape holes. Some are said to be surrounded by many mila (baby pulany) and most pulany interact with each other. Cloud formation and the generation of storms is evidence of active pulany. They can also kill people. People relate instances when they saw pulany being active (Yu 2002). Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 27 Department of Environment October 2005

______

Every jila has its own songs, stories and skin group. A water snake lives in the jila… without the snake the water will go away. Our old people know how to sing and talk to the snake. If you want rain or food you can sing to the snake and he’ll bring it. If the jila is dry we know the proper way to dig it out and when we take the sand and clay out we know the right story to sing as we dig and how to do it properly. This has saved a lot of people’s lives. It was our knowledge of jila that allowed kartiyas (whitefellas) to live in this country. Tradition Owner of the Great Sandy Desert, from Yu 2000

A recent paper by the University of Western Australia examined Aboriginal relationships to water in northern Australia, focussing primarily on the Fitzroy River in the Kimberley region. As with other parts of Australia, the reproduction of water in this region is linked with rainbow serpents (kalpurtu) and the Fitzroy River was created by one such rainbow serpent or water snake. The story is regularly re-enacted in rituals associated with river country and the initiation of young men. Songs sung at such ceremonies recount the creation of the river and surrounding country with specific references to individual topographical features (Touissant, Sullivan and Yu 2005: 63). Like other Rainbow Serpents across Indigenous Australia, the Waugal is “arguably the most important personage in Aboriginal mythology” (Maddock 1972:118; Bates 1985: 219). As one Senior Nyungar Elder noted in a recent (2002) speech to a symposium on the societal value systems for water resources in Western Australia: The Waugal, the Rainbow Spirit who had the shape of the serpent, with the mighty sweep of his tail, is the spirit and the creator of all the water ways – underground waterways, and the rainbow. The Waugal created the beautiful Swan and Canning rivers; the billabongs, the streams, the creeks, the lakes, the springs; all the surface and underground waters and the wetlands. … The Waugal Dreamtime spirit also was the creator of the aquifer and the Yaragaddee.

Bates (1985, nd (i)), Radcliffe-Brown (1926), Hassell (1975) and other early observers point to the importance of the Waugal in the cosmology and everyday life of Nyungars in the southwest of Western Australia. Early settlers described the Waugal as a “huge winged serpent” endowed with “supernatural powers which enabled it to overpower and consume the natives…” (see Moore 1884b, for example).

Where there’s freshwater about, or where it produces a wetland area, is always associated with the Dugaraitch. That is the snake or rainbow snake as we call it which creates the water and keeps it pure. From Lamond, McDonald and Murphy 1997

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 28 Department of Environment October 2005

______Radcliffe-Brown and Bates point to the Waugal primarily inhabiting “deep” and “permanent” waterholes”.11 Bates (1985:219) reported that the woggal (Waugal) is the most important mythic being and “the only creature to whom propitiatory offerings are made”, though the mythic being could be controlled by “certain medicine men’, a point also made by Radcliffe-Brown (1926). Bates notes that all the other mythic beings, including the Eaglehawk which was “next in importance to the Waugal”, had limitations on their supernatural powers. The Waugal narratives show how the mythical being created both freshwater sources and salt water. In a number of places, for example, salt pans and brackish water is thought to be the urine of the Waugal (Bates 1985:221).

…all the waterholes and the lakes were made when the Wagyl moved across the land — resting here and there — and occasionally stopping. The Wagyl created all the subterranean waterways — the small lakes are where the Wagyl came up to look around, slightly bigger ones where he swirled around and where you have a long lake, that’s where he rested — according to the stories. The stories of the Wagyl have a tremendous strength and meaning. I’m conscious of the fact that every nation has its stories and the whole soul of a nation is often built around these symbols, like a coat of arms. Senior Nyungar Elder in Costello 2002–03

Most of the major rivers which drain the Darling Range, and a great many smaller creeks, springs, pools, swamps and lakes on the Swan Coastal Plain, are associated with Waugal beliefs (O’Connor, Quartermaine and Bodney 1989). For example, the Swan and Avon river system was created by the actions of the Waugal and specific parts are of special significance, such as Success Hill and the Old site which are winnaitch areas and are potentially dangerous. Mt Eliza and its springs are said to have been formed by the Waugyl in its struggle to get to the sea as it formed the Swan River. Lake Monger (Galup or Goobabbilup swamp) was formed as the Waugyl diverted from its travels. It also formed a tunnel from here to Melville Water which is said to still exist. A mythological track is reported to run from the ocean to Mindarie to Wokalup Hill and on to Lake Joondalup related to which was an underground cave approximately 100m south of the lake. Informants have also connected Bold Park, the coastal dunes and the Indian Ocean as a mythological whole. Resting-places on the Waugal’s journey were marked by limestone which was its excreta and large stones are believed to be Waugal eggs (McQuade 1999). Within the study area, the Waugal is also believed to have created caves. As Rose (2004) points out, the Waugal highlights the connectivity of surface and subsurface waters, moving over the surface of the land and entering the ground and re-emerging in another place and in the process creating watercourses, lakes, wetlands, salt pans, springs, soaks and so on. Australian Interaction Consultants

11 Early references to the Waugal can be found in Grey (1983/84 [1841]), Landor (1998 [1847]), Salvado (1977 [1855], Moore (1978 [1884]) and other early colonial observers. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 29 Department of Environment October 2005

______reported in 2004 that the ‘Wargyl’ Dreaming track “cultural complex includes Herdsman Lake, Lake Gwellup, Lake Karrinyup, Lake Carine and all the swamps, creeks and wetlands in between” (Australian Interaction Consultants 2004). Bates (1985: 221) reports that “[the Waugal] made all the big rivers of the Southwest” and “wherever it travelled it made a river”. In some parts of the South West, the Waugal travelled through “certain districts” and “left traces of its journeys at certain places”. Bates, for example, comments that “certain hills and other features [are] sacred through their being the homes of these fabulous snakes” (Bates 1985:219). The Waugal, therefore, is associated with other topographical features besides waterscapes including hills, rocks, trees, caves, sand dunes, ridges, etc. These places are the “traces of its journeys”.12

The places where it camped in these travels were always sacred. All those places in the South where it rested were made known by the presence of lime[stone], which was its excreta, and certain salt pans now found in inland districts were formed from its urine. Bates 1985:221

Bates (nd (i)) describes various local Waugals, each with its own ‘personality’ or temperament. Some Waugals were boogur (sulky, angry) to all; others only to strangers. Each had to be treated with particular local rituals. Some had to be propitiated with particular articles of food, and rushes were typically laid out over a portion of a site. Other Waugals were just treated respectfully; for example, a Waugal tree in the Capel area was stroked gently when Nyungars passed it when hunting. Today, Nyungars still typically call out to a Waugal and throw sand in the waters before approaching and again when leaving a water source.

You know they do you harm if you don’t respect their ways. … You should drink from the opposite side to where your shadow is. If you take your shadow, they hurt you, make you sick by catching your shadow. Senior Nyungar Elder in DIA Site ID 20008

Bates (1985) reports that the Waugal was the only mythic being to whom propitiatory offerings were made, although rushes might also be spread around mythological sites associated with other ancestral beings. Bates (1992:17) records an important myth involving the Waugal at Karbomunup (Claremont Hill) and Beereegup (Peppermint Grove) adjacent to the Swan River, concerning food prohibitions and related matters. The mythology associated with

12 In broaching the notions of the “traces of its journeys” and the Waugal’s “home”, Bates is referring to the process where the mythic being metamorphoses into the topographic feature which forever contains its spiritual essence (see Berndt and Berndt 1988). Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 30 Department of Environment October 2005

______Karbomunup reflected the Waugal’s role as the punisher of those who break the Law (see Bates 1992: 17 for a short account of the Karbomunup myth; see also 173–177 for an account of the Dowingerup water myth).

He [the Woggal] watches over food and other laws and punishes those who transgress them. He exacts a tribute of food in some places and a bed of rushes or leaves in others. Bates 1985

Bates describes a woggal ‘hole’ and tells the story of one being in the Swan River, somewhere near Mt Eliza, where an anchor was lost. The local people refused to dive for it and an Aboriginal stranger did so but “never came up again”. Said Balbuuk and Joobaitch, “the woggal caught and ate him” (Bates 1985). Similarly, a recently recorded creation narrative refers to the lifting of the sky from the earth and the creation of the Perth region’s topography and lakes by the Worgal [Waugal]:

Also there was this huge spirit serpent, it had been lying there half-asleep and at the same time very much aware of what was going on. The serpent said, when I become real I’ll have no hands and no feet, how can I possibly look after anything, then as all the other spirits watched this great serpent materialised in front of them, the heavy sky was crushing the great serpent onto the ground, and as they watched they saw the great serpent use all its muscles together and with all its strength, and energy it lifted the sky, and in total defiance moved across the land creating a smooth trail beckoning all the others to follow. With the exception of the handful, all the spirits started to follow this great serpent as it moved along forming the valleys and pushing up the hills. This serpent is known as Wogarl. Yes, Wogarl was the first to become real, the first to perform heroic deeds by creating the trails and the hills it was the first leader. At times this great serpent went under the ground and came up again forming the area where there would be lakes. Nannup: The Carers of Everything

http://www.wrc.wa.gov.au/swanavon/pdf/Strategy/_e_Carers%20of%20Everything.pdf

Bates (1985:221) suggested that the Waugal ‘seems’ to be the only mythic being that “survived the advent of the white man.” The janga (spirit) kangaroo has vanished, also the janga (or spirit people) and the present day Aborigines will walk freely over the one time janga haunts but they would not walk over Woggal [Waugal] winnaitch ground, nor swim in Woggal winnaitch pools. They are as careful in their avoidance of these places at the present day as they were in their father’s time.

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 31 Department of Environment October 2005

______While this is undoubtedly an exaggeration, it is nevertheless the case that it is now quite rare to encounter narratives about other mythical beings, especially in respect of water sites. Traditionally, however, the Waugal was not the only ancestral spirit being associated with water sources. As in other parts of Australia, the creation of water sources (creeks, springs, soaks, lakes, rockholes, claypans, etc.) are sometimes attributed to the creative powers of such beings as the ancestral dog/dingo, the kangaroo or various bird ancestral beings. The ancestral dog, for example, was known to create both fresh and salt water sources. Both were referred to in the consultative process for this study. Indeed Bates (1985; 1992; nd (i) and nd (ii)) reports a range of mythology associated with water sources in the South West. For example, she records mythology and places associated with the ancestral dog/dingo [dwert or doorda] (Bates 1992/1927: 177– 179).13 Of particular importance was one such site in the New Norcia [Nyeerrgu/Nyeerrgoo] area that included a ‘tunnel’ (cave) and a water source. According to the myth recounted by Bates, a pair of male and female dingoes required water while moving north across the plain around New Norcia.14 The dog dug down and failed to find water, whereas the bitch “dug a long tunnel” in a westerly direction and found a water source. The dingoes laid down laws associated with the use of Nyeerrgu water and then metamorphosed into rocks on each side of the ‘tunnel’.15 Bates (nd (i): 18) also records a fairly common pattern of ancestral dog sites associated with a Waugal site: In some Southern districts a wild spirit dog frequents certain spots, tributary offerings of rushes, etc. being made to him also. In the same districts, a deep waterhole or hill or valley may contain a Woggal. The European colonial observer Landor (1998 [1847]:210) had first drawn attention to the juxtaposition of Waugal and doorda at Boomerang Gorge when he visited the area in 1841: One day whilst bivouacking at a lonely and romantic spot, in a valley of rocks, situated some forty miles north of Perth, called Dooda-mya or the Abode of Dogs, I desired a native to lead my horse to a pool, and let him drink. The man, however, declined with terror, refusing to go near the pool, which was inhabited by the Waugal. Bates also reports on the association of other mythic beings with water sources, noting (nd (i): 83), for example, “in the York district, the korrgain (Sparrowhawk) was supposed to have made various rockholes.” She (1992:162–63, nd (ii): 49–51) also records mythology involving the Eaglehawk [walja] and crow [wardong] and access to fresh water or sharing of water sources. In the present survey area, Ellen Brook (DIA Site ID 3525) is reportedly associated with the Turtle (McDonald, Hales & Associates 1989), though O'Connor, Quartermaine

13 Bindon and Chadwick (1992: 47, 50) gloss doorda as a ‘tame dog’ and dwerda as ‘dog’ and dwerda yuggyn as ‘dingo’. A number of rivers in the Southwest near Manjimup have been reported as associated with the dog [dwert] (see for example, McDonald and Hammond 1997) 14 Bates (nd (i)i: 13) reports that the Nyeerrgu narrative commences in Balbarup (Albany). 15 This is one of a number of ancestral dwert cave sites reported by Bates. Another, for which she (nd (i): 18; nd (ii): 40) records the mythology, is a presently unidentified place called Bwaiagutting [rocky place] “where a dwerd yaggain (wild dog) sat down”. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 32 Department of Environment October 2005

______and Bodney 1989 also report a Waugal association.16 Nowergup Lake (DIA Site ID 17450), Pippidinny Lake (DIA Site ID 17451), Kinsale (DIA Site ID 21588), Rosslare Soak (DIA Site ID 21589) and Cave (DIA Site ID 17597) are among a number of sites associated with an Emu Dreaming, and Lake Adams (DIA Site ID 3396) is associated with the Black Cockatoo Dreaming.17 Further details regarding these sites and the stories associated with them are provided in Section 3.2. It can be seen from the above that groundwater-related natural features other than actual water sources are of significance for Aboriginal people. This includes sand dunes, limestone ridges and caves in particular. Most are significant because they were created by and/or are associated with the activities of Dreamtime Beings, and because they are interconnected with other groundwater-related features of the Gnangara Mound. Grey (1983/84 [1841] vol. 1: 308–9) described the Yanchep caves on his return journey from his excursion to the Moore River in 1838: “I left the main party with two natives, and travelled up a swampy valley, running in the same line as the chain of lakes we had following in going [north]. The natives insist on it, that these lakes were all one and the same water; and when, to prove to the contrary, I pointed to a hill running across the valley, they took me to a spot in it, called Yun-de-lup, where there is a limestone cave, on entering which I saw, about ten feet below the level of the bottom of the valley, a stream of water running strong from S. to N. in a channel worn through the limestone. There are several other remarkable caves about here, one of which was called the Doorda Mya or the Dog’s House. Probably, therefore, the drainage of this part of the country is affected by the chain of lakes, which must afterwards fall into the river I saw to the northward.” Caves are also associated with the Waugal, the Moon and other mythic beings. As can be seen above, Grey mentions other caves including Doorda Mya, or Dog’s house”, a place also recorded by Landor (1998 [1847]) and Roe (CALM 1997).18 Orchestra Shell Cave (DIA Site ID 4404), which overlooks Lake Neerabup from the east, is an important archaeological site containing engravings and artefactual material (Hallam 1975; 1998a). Hallam (1975:84) suggests that the engravings are probably associated with the Waugal and that the cave was used for ceremonies of which fire was an important part. She has also suggested that a recent roof fall in the cave seems to be associated with the dehydration of the limestone as a result of a fall in the watertable (Hallam 1998b). The cave known as Doogarch (DIA Site ID 1018) or Carabooda was recorded in 1994. The Aboriginal consultants had been looking for this cave for some time and were informed of its location by white folk in the area whose children had been crawling

16 Recently, a Turtle Dreaming track was identified by one group of Nyungars, and reportedly extends from Muchea to the Jarrahdale area. Another is to be found in the area around Lake Gnangara. 17 Lake Adams (Site ID 3396) is not actually on the Permanent Register of Aboriginal Sites but rather information is archived in “Stored Data” . The ACMC assessed the place in July 2004 and determined that it was “not a site” within the meaning of Section 5 of the Aboriginal Heritage Act. However, the place is still undoubtedly of significance to the Nyungars who reported it. 18 Bastian (1995) suggests that Grey only heard about ‘Doorda Mya” and did not actually visit the cave. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 33 Department of Environment October 2005

______right through and under into the lake. A Senior Nyungar Elder reported that there was a lake down there and that the water was probably flowing back in from Gnangara Mound (DIA Site ID 1018): … all this area’s water is flowing out from there anyway into Yanchep, through the caves and it’s all linked significantly which makes it a religious sacred site really. The Elder recounted that “the snake” was underground and came up through here and went out and made the lake and freshwater spring. It then went onto the hill but moved all the way through where the creeks are all around. Lex Bastian argues that this cave was the first cave in WA visited by a white man, George Grey in December 1838, and that it is of major cultural and historic importance (Bastian 1995). Other caves of significance identified during the present study include Yonderup Cave and Emu Cave.

3.1.5 Rights and Responsibilities The close social and cultural associations between Indigenous people and groundwater resources carry with them an obligation to protect such resources for the future. Aboriginal culture, identity, spirituality and history are so intertwined with waterscapes that they are themselves threatened when the water is threatened. Waterscapes are, in Langton’s terms, ‘jural spaces’ and exist within a system of rights and responsibilities; that is, rights to control access and responsibilities for human, animal and vegetable life — the physical and metaphysical worlds (Langton 2002). This notion also applies to the water itself. People had a responsibility to look after water and the spiritual beings that controlled it. We have noted above that both Rose (2004) and Keen (2004) argue that exclusive control of water was a key factor in Aboriginal survival and control of knowledge was, as it is today, a key form of defence. ‘Intellectual property’ rights to water knowledge constitute a significant domain of territorial integrity and thus sustainable inhabitation. However, exclusivity was traditionally balanced with an emphasis on flexibility; on the social organisation of sharing.

Gingin took in people from Perth, York and Toodyay after the white man came. Went in the back of Regan’s Ford, Cataby. Roamed the swamps called the Namungarra, Mimingarra, Walingarra and Cuningara – all wet areas, the lakes, that’s where the blackfellas lived. After they left Gingin, the whitefellas came and they had to go east as far as Dandaragan and then, around 1900–05, on to New Norcia. Senior Nyungar Elder (cited in DIA Site ID 20008)

After settlement, English land law was applied across Australia and individual settlers became owners of vast tracts of land. Fences were erected as barriers to the freedom of movement and culturally significant water sources became stock watering points and food sources were lost (McFarlane 2004). Displacement and enforced disconnection from their natural environment contributed to the loss of stories and traditional ceremonies for the Nyungar people. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 34 Department of Environment October 2005

______

Under their Law, Traditional Owners are directly responsible for looking after water sources, for ensuring that people follow the correct protocols and for maintaining knowledge through song and narrative so that future generations will be able to continue to look after the country in the appropriate manner. Yu 2000

As Rose (2004:37) notes, Aborigines learned to understand water — to work with water’s own action in order to adapt themselves to water’s unpredictability, its capacity to support life, its dangers and its hidden places. In adapting to the water conditions of the Australian continent, Aborigines also “enhanced the capacity of water to sustain life”.

To Indigenous people the management and use of natural resources is enmeshed in cultural practice and the exercise of cultural responsibility. This view merges cultural heritage and natural resource management into a single concept, rather than seeing them as discrete elements to be dealt with separately… McFarlane 2004

As Hallam (1984, 1998a) points out following an examination of the ethnohistorical data, individuals were part of a matrix of rights and obligations to land and sites which were obtained through patrilineal and matrilineal descent (and filiation), marriage and the location of their conception and birth.

We have to look after this water. If the water go, everything will be finished. Spirit gone. People gone. The country will have no meaning. From Yu 2000

The Karajarri people of the Kimberley characterise their environmental responsibilities as “everybody looking after country properly”. “They must follow correct protocols and ritual practice, which although functioning in the metaphysical realm, can create changes in the physical realm.” Damage to living waters threatens not only the water source but the very fabric of society itself (Yu 2000).

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 35 Department of Environment October 2005

______

The spiritual, cultural, economic and social health of Indigenous communities depend on the health of the water source. If it is in decline then so too are the Indigenous communities that relate to and rely on that water source. McFarlane 2004

As Toussaint, Sullivan, Yu and Mularty (2001:57) note, the responsibility to look after water in the context of country and to ensure that the seasonal resources are replenished, involves a system of “beliefs and behaviours, including ritual, song and ‘talking to’, or ‘singing for’ country”. In many areas, this system also involves what are referred to as ‘increase sites’ for water, rain and dew where specific rituals are performed to ensure a sustainable supply.

3.1.6 Archaeological Evidence Aboriginal archaeological sites are known all across the Perth metropolitan area and Aboriginal people are becoming increasingly aware of their importance as cultural indicators and as evidence of their long-standing associations with the landscape and waterscape. Aboriginal people also sometimes report that the memories, and indeed the spirits, of previous generations are preserved in such places. Most archaeological sites are former camping areas indicated only by scatters of stone artefacts. Occasionally, other materials are found such as the remnants of a camp fire, mollusc shells and animal bones (Mulvaney and Kamminga 1999). For obvious reasons, such sites are almost invariably situated in close proximity to an existing or former source of fresh water. While many of these sites may not be of major scientific interest, they are remnants of a traditional Aboriginal way of life (tool making, hunting, camping, mobility, etc) which has almost completely disappeared in the metropolitan area. The distribution of recorded archaeological sites partly reflects traditional seasonal movement patterns of Aboriginal groups. In summer and autumn, Aboriginal people of the Swan Coastal Plain gathered in large groups around the coast, estuaries and wetlands to exploit the water-based food resources. In winter and early spring, coastal based groups dispersed to relieve pressure on resources relied upon earlier in the year. Some followed game in and around the forests, leaving behind small ‘dinnertime’ camps. In spring, the gradual movement back to the coastal areas occurred once more (Anderson 1984). In the Swan Coastal Plain, elevated dunes and/or sandy ridges were used by these groups for camping as these areas were better drained and, therefore, more comfortable for camping in. Where such sites coincide with natural resources (e.g. freshwater sources supporting abundant flora and fauna), larger sites are found as they were used repeatedly over time (Anderson 1984). Substantial archaeological research has been undertaken on the Swan Coastal Plain in recent decades and, as a result, hundreds of archaeological sites have been recorded within the Perth metropolitan area. Prof. Hallam’s Swan Area Archaeological Survey (Hallam 1987) was the most intensive survey undertaken, and focused on regional demographic patterns on the Swan Coastal Plain and its hinterland over time.

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 36 Department of Environment October 2005

______Hallam’s study area comprised a 420km2 section of the Perth metropolitan area extending from the coast to the Ridge Hill shelf. Hallam studied integrated ethnohistorical data with details from the analysis of almost 400 open artefact scatters and several stratified sites (see also Hallam 1975).

… this area (Mooro country) is the story of waterways — that’s the story of our area — the movement of Aboriginal people up and down these waterways. … Sylvia Hallam put together a map, which shows a track up and down these wetlands — all the artefacts that have been found are around the wetlands, rather than the coast. Senior Nyungar Elder in Costello 2002–03

On the basis of the artefact assemblage and other data, Hallam identified a number of phases of Aboriginal occupation of the region: Early Phase (pre-5,000BP); Middle Phase (c.5,000–1,000BP); Late Phase (1,000BP–Contact); and Final Phase (post- Contact). Hallam concluded on the basis of her analysis of site distribution that (Hallam 1986:4): In all periods there are barely any sites in the coastal dunes (QD) or coastal limestone (CL), and few in the sandhills around the lakes on the eastern margin of the limestone belt (KS). The bulk of sites lie around the lakes and swamps of the coastal sandplain (BS), the most extensive zone. The alluvial belt (PP), although limited in area, has many sites; and the small sample of the foothills carries its full quota. There are no sites on the scarp itself, and barely any on the uplands.19 This pattern is reflected in the ethnohistorical sources regarding subsistence patterns. Reed rhizomes in sand plain swamps, and yams in alluvial deposits and gravel beds, were major Aboriginal staples, while littoral and forest resources were less frequently exploited. Strategic areas between the swamplands and the Swan River were most intensively occupied as they provided the greatest diversity of resources for groups camping in the area. The more marginal areas, such as those to the west of Ellen Brook, were exploited on a more opportunistic basis (Lantzke and Hammond 1993). On the basis of Hallam’s and other research, predictive models for the presence of archaeological sites have been developed and refined. For example, Strawbridge (1988:34) concluded that: • Archaeological sites are likely to be situated on sandy well-drained dune ridges mapped as Bassendean Sands or Thin Bassendean Sands over Guildford Formation; • Archaeological sites are likely to be located within 350m of a potential water source, including (in order of decreasing frequency) swamps, creeks, rivers, lakes, surface water, springs and soaks;

19 Hallam’s abbreviations are QD= Quindalup Dunes; CL=coastal limestone; KS=Karrakatta Sands (including the Spearwood Dunes); BS=Bassendean Sands and PP=Pinjarra Plain. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 37 Department of Environment October 2005

______• Archaeological sites are unlikely to be located in low-lying, poorly drained or seasonally inundated areas; and • Archaeological sites are unlikely to be located more than 350m away from a potential water source (cited in Tempus 2004: 31–33). This model has recently been refined in the southern metropolitan area by Edwards who drew on a range of regional heritage surveys (Tempus 2004). The model’s predicative capabilities have also been validated by Edwards in respect of the proposed Brookdale development which includes the Wungong River and Neerigeen Brook (Tempus 2004; Edwards pers comm November 2004). Archaeological surveys in parts of the Swan Coastal Plain encompassed by the Gnangara Mound would also seem to confirm the patterning of archaeological sites predicated by the model. Few Aboriginal sites are recorded within the pine plantation. Although this may be partly due to survey patterns, it has been suggested that “the disturbed pine plantation areas, and the waterless areas of banksia bush with thick undergrowth, [are] unlikely to yield any Aboriginal sites of great import”.20 Nevertheless, sites such as artefact scatters have been reported within the plantation. Many of the archaeological sites identified in the Perth metropolitan area since the early 1970s have been destroyed or disturbed, mainly due to the expansion of the suburbs. In addition, many of the artefact scatters identified during Hallam’s survey were subject to partial or total collection at the time. The ongoing disappearance of such sites is of concern as artefact scatters are one of the few physical reminders of Aboriginal occupation in the Perth metropolitan area.

3.2 Significant and Representative Areas of Cultural Value

3.2.1 Discussion One of the research objectives of the current study was to describe and assess the significance of the identified Aboriginal cultural values and to identify the most significant or representative areas in terms of those values. All the values discussed above (traditional use and knowledge; historical associations; spiritual values etc) are significant for Aboriginal people as each one is an integral element of their cultural identity. No one value can be ranked above another as each one constitutes a fundamental element of their past, present and future. Degradation of any one of these values represents a further erosion of Aboriginal identity and culture and, therefore, every effort should be made to protect and preserve them. As discussed in more detail elsewhere in this report, the spiritual and cultural health of Aboriginal people is considered to be dependent on the health and vitality of living water. Aboriginal concern about the current state of groundwater resources, and about the environment in general, stems from a close connection to country which is difficult for many non-Aboriginal people to appreciate or even understand. Yet when one considers that access to fresh water was crucial to their survival on the Australian continent for 40,000 years, the pivotal place water occupies in the Aboriginal psyche and in Aboriginal spirituality is perfectly logical.

20 Letter from Pat Vinnicombe to Swan Portland Cement concerning exploration drilling, 1987, in Site File 3574. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 38 Department of Environment October 2005

______There are two schools of thought held by Nyungar people regarding the spiritual significance of wetlands. One holds that all sources of freshwater are sacred because the Waugal created them; the other holds that only specific places where the Waugal resides are sacred (e.g. Success Hill). While there is no readily available explanation for divergent views, it is recognised that both schools of thought may be legitimate in the Nyungar context.

I repeat that all the waterways are sacred, created by the great Rainbow Serpent. Senior Nyungar Elder in Costello 2002–03

The first school of thought, as expressed in the above quote, is often dismissed as ‘generalised significance’, a term used by the Aboriginal Cultural Material Committee (ACMC) in particular to describe a place or group of places of significance to certain Aboriginal people but, often due to the lack of specific cultural information and/or the limitations of the Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972, cannot be considered ‘sites’ under the Act. Many reported Waugal sites fall into this category. The term ‘site’ has specific meaning under the Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972 (see Appendix 2). A ‘site’ is a place to which the Act applies as defined in Section 5 of the Act. Many of the places identified in this report have already been determined by the ACMC not to constitute an ‘Aboriginal site’, often because they are considered to be of ‘generalised significance’. However, this does not necessarily negate the significance of a particular place to Aboriginal people. For many Aboriginal people, the term ‘site’ is problematic. Most Indigenous people do not view their cultural heritage in terms of discrete ‘sites’ and it is common during heritage surveys for Aboriginal consultants to make comments such as “the whole area is a site” due to the interconnectivity of features in the landscape. While it is recognised that not all expressions of groundwater can realistically be registered as Aboriginal sites, it should also be acknowledged that statements of generalised significance are consistent with the Aboriginal view that water is life. Generalised significance is also partly a reflection of a loss of Nyungar cultural knowledge since contact with white people and it is reasonable to assume that prior to settlement, many more groundwater features on the Gnangara Mound would have had specific stories associated with them that have since been forgotten. Some Aboriginal consultants have been reporting that all waterways in the South West are sacred sites because the Waugal created them. These include named creeks and rivers such as Moore River, Gingin Brook, Lennard Brook, Moonda Brook, Red Gully, Boonanarring Brook, Wallering Brook, Nullilla Brook, Beera Brook and Chandala Brook and tributaries of Ellen Brook as well as numerous unnamed creeks and wetlands between Moore River and Bullsbrook (McDonald, Hales and Associates 2001a & 2001b; Sauman et al 2001). These ‘sites’ extend to the high water mark of those waterways. The swamps and lakes in the area were also indicated as sites (Parker 2002). Other Nyungars, however, are not so concerned with the imputed mythological significance at these places but with their heritage value as places where Nyungars, including immediate family and ancestors, obtained natural resources in the recent and more distant past (McDonald, Hales & Associates 2001a & 2001b). Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 39 Department of Environment October 2005

______A number of such places are listed as sites on the Register of Aboriginal Sites within the present survey area. Lakes/wetlands on the Register include Lake Joondalup (DIA Site ID 3740); Robertson Park/Lake Henderson (DIA Site ID 17849); and the site referred to as Perth? (DIA Site ID 3753) which relates to a myth centred on a swamp called Minjelungin, recorded by Bates from a number of key Nyungar informants in Perth. The Register also includes springs such as Wagardu Spring (DIA Site ID 3742); Karli Spring (DIA Site ID 3509); Mindarie Waterhole (DIA Site ID 18803); and Gudinup (DIA Site ID 3593). A number of sites in the Gnangara Mound study area are non-waterscape features that are associated with the Waugal. These include Waugal Cave/Neil Hawkins Park (DIA Site ID 17498); the Joondalup Waugal Egg (DIA Site ID 3504); and the Mindarie Waugal (DIA Site ID 3567), a sand dune. A number of places along the Swan River with limestone outcrops or promontories were/are associated with the Waugal. For example, in North Fremantle, and Mosman Park (Rocky Bay - Garungup), and along Blackwall Reach (Jenalup) and Gooininup (in the vicinity of the Old Swan Brewery), the limestone cliffs and foreshore were associated with the Waugal Dreaming (see for example, Vinnicombe 1989). Previously unrecorded springs and water sources were reported in the area between Gnangara and Neaves Road, as were ‘sand caves’ in the dune systems containing springs in the Yeal Swamp area. According to the informant, these latter springs “must have been used a long time ago” by their ancestors. These ‘sand caves’, however, were considered to be dangerous places as they were thought to be haunted by janga [spirits].21 One of the criteria used by the ACMC in assessing the importance and significance of reported sites is the level of specific cultural information available, the logic being that a site for which stories are known is of existing cultural significance to Aboriginal people. As a result, it is more likely that such sites will be placed on the Permanent Register whereas sites of generalised significance are retained on the Interim Register pending additional information or determined not to be a site under the Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972 and archived (see Appendix 2 for more information on the Act). Many of the sites recorded by O’Connor, Kauler and others have specific cultural information associated with them which, it can be argued, makes them significant. The term ‘representative’ also has its problems as it can be taken to mean ‘comparatively insignificant’. For example, representativeness is one criterion by which many archaeologists assess the significance of an archaeological site, the rationale being that less representative (i.e. less common) sites have greater research potential as they can answer questions that cannot be answered by more representative sites. Archaeological significance is, therefore, linked to rarity (Bowdler 1984). While this approach is used by archaeologists to assess the scientific significance of archaeological sites, it usually does not take into account Aboriginal perspectives towards the cultural material and activities of their previous generations. In other words, a site that may have little research value for archaeologists may yet have

21 The Aboriginal consultant on behalf of his group has declined to show the researchers these places noting that the group does not want other Nyungars learning about them and claiming them as their own. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 40 Department of Environment October 2005

______important heritage value for Indigenous people that is not accounted for in this approach. As mentioned elsewhere, Aboriginal people are becoming increasingly concerned about the preservation of archaeological material as it provides a tangible link with their past and their ancestors. It is also important to point out that what is ‘representative’ today may ‘significant’ tomorrow. Development in the Perth metropolitan area over the past three decades has elevated the significance of archaeological sites that may have been relatively common during the course of Hallam’s survey in the 1970s. The example of archaeological significance illustrates an inherent danger in distinguishing between ‘significant’ and ‘representative’ areas. Classifying anything as ‘representative’ puts it at risk of being neglected and left to degrade or disappear over time while effort and resources are concentrated on more ‘significant’ areas. Here too we encounter the issue of interconnectivity where failure to observe due diligence over ‘representative’ areas could, in time, have unpredicted consequences for areas currently considered more significant. Nevertheless, it is recognised that the Department requires that those areas of particular significance be identified as a starting point from which to develop an effective management plan for the Gnangara Mound. Without an information base on which to identify and assess priorities, the plan runs the risk of being too general and, therefore, ineffective.

3.2.2 Significant Sites Based on DIA Register of Aboriginal Sites With the above caveats in mind, the following places are put forward as significant groundwater-dependent areas based on the information collected during the review of site files from the Register of Aboriginal Sites. These places have been identified as significant for reasons including: • The place is a significant water body with stated or inferred mythological, historical and/or environmental associations; • There is specific cultural knowledge available which distinguishes the place from those for which only general information can been provided; • The place is of special significance due to its specific mythological associations (for example, its place in a Dreaming narrative); • Detailed historical references identify the place as one of particular importance to Aboriginal people in the past; or • Based on available information, the place is or has the potential to be of particular interest to anthropologists, archaeologists and/or ethnographers. With only a small number of exceptions (due to the limitations encountered during the fieldwork phase of this study), these areas have been identified based on the review of DIA site files. This in not an exhaustive list of significant sites and should only be used as a starting point in the identification of significant places. In order to assist with locating these sites, the Gnangara Mound study area has been divided into four zones as follows: Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 41 Department of Environment October 2005

______• Northern Zone; • Central Zone; • Guildford Zone; and • Inner City Zone. The following sites are known to be of significance within these zones: Northern Zone DIA Site ID 1018 Doogarch (Coogee Swamp): Mythological cave associated with the Waugal which is said to live in the underground lake here. Bastian says this was the first cave in WA visited by a white man, George Grey, in 1838 and has major cultural and historical importance. DIA Site ID 3186 Yonderup Cave: Burial associated with Loch McNess.

DIA Site ID 3742 Loch McNess, Wagardu Spring: Ceremonial and mythological site, also referred to as a massacre ground. Lake is fed by springs from limestone hills and is the home of a Waugal. There are three areas of significance in Yanchep Park: this site covers two, the other being Yonderup Cave (Site 3186).

DIA Site ID 17450 Nowergup Lake: Mythological site related to the Emu Dreaming lines from Pippidinny Lake. Reportedly associated with Sites 17451 (Pippidinny Lake), 17596–97 (Limestone Ridge, Emu Cave), 17599 (Yanchep Beach), 21588 (Kinsale) and 21589 (Rosslare Soak) as part of the same Dreaming track. Site 3366, Dunstan’s Quarry (Artefacts, Central Zone) where late Quaternary animal remains were found, is nearby. Also falls inside Central Zone. DIA Site ID 17451 Pippidinny Lake: Mythological site related to the Emu Dreaming. This is where the Emu sat down and blood ran out to colour the lake. Apparently associated with Sites 17450 (Nowergup Lake), 17596–97 (Limestone Ridge, Emu Cave), 17599 (Yanchep Beach), 21588 (Kinsale) and 21589 (Rosslare Soak) as part of the same Dreaming track. DIA Site ID 17596 Limestone Reef: Mythological site with reef representing the Crocodile and part of the Emu Dreaming song cycle. Apparently associated with Sites 17450 (Nowergup Lake), 17451 (Pippidinny Lake), 17597 (Emu Cave), 17599 (Yanchep Beach), 21588 (Kinsale) and 21589 (Rosslare Soak) as part of the same Dreaming track. DIA Site ID 17597 Emu Cave: Mythological site. The end of the Emu song line, an increase site for emus. Apparently associated with Sites 17450 (Nowergup Lake), 17451 (Pippidinny Lake), 17599 (Yanchep Beach), 21588 (Kinsale) and 21589 (Rosslare Soak) as part of the same Dreaming track.

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______DIA Site ID 17599 Yanchep Beach: Mythological site. A body outline remains where the Crocodile lay after its fight with the Shark. Apparently associated with Sites 17450–51 (Nowergup and Pippidinny Lakes), 17596–97 (Limestone Ridge, Emu Cave), 17599 (Yanchep Beach), 21588 (Kinsale) and 21589 (Rosslare Soak) as part of the same Dreaming track. DIA Site ID 19589 Muchea Unnamed Lake (Mu5): Mythological site of special significance to Nyungar people. Part of integrated spiritual water system created by the Waugyl. Also an important ibis breeding ground of totemic significance and Turtle Dreaming area. DIA Site ID 20008 Gingin Brook Waggyl Site: Mythological site, camp, hunting and resource place, water source. Waugal said to live in brook and paperbarks here were used for camps. Area of site extends to high water mark. Site identified as having a powerful spirit and important flow which must be protected. This site is part of DIA’s Complex 42 which encompasses Sites 19183, 20008, 20749 and 21614–20. Site 19138 covers all the wetlands and watercourses between Bullsbrook and Moore River. The other DIA Site ID’s relate to individual features. DIA Site ID 21614 Airfield Road Wetlands: Mythological site. The file for this site was not available during the current research, however, McDonald, Hales & Associates (2001) did not report that Aboriginal consultants had any specific cultural information in respect to this particular wetland.

Central Zone DIA Site ID 682 Gnangara Lake SW 1: Artefacts from the lake margin with potential for subsurface deposits. Significant for an extensive presence of artefacts (some of fossiliferous chert) together with camp sites. Associated with Site 3772 (Gnangara Lake). DIA Site ID 3169 Gnangara Lake SE: As above. Associated with Site 682 (Gnangara Lake SW1) and 3772 (Gnangara Lake). DIA Site ID 3319 Gnangara Lake SW: As above. Associated with Site 682 (Gnangara Lake SW1), 3169 (Gnangara Lake SE) and 3772 (Gnangara Lake). Seems to be part of a complex of sites around the lake. DIA Site ID 3396 Lake Adams: Mythological site, hunting place and water source. Lake associated with Black Cockatoo Dreaming and has plentiful supply of turtles and other food sources. (Not a Site; listed in ‘Stored Data’.)` DIA Site ID 3503 Honey Possum Site: Mythological site covering 10 hectares.

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______DIA Site ID 3504 Joondalup Waugal Egg: Mythological site. DIA Site ID 3509 Karli Spring: Mythological site and water source. A freshwater spring on the inland side of a coastal dune associated with the Waugal. DIA Site ID 3525 Ellen Brook: Upper Swan: Mythological site. Closed site file not accessed during study. However, as noted above, this site is associated with both the Turtle and the Waugal (McDonald, Hales & Associates 1989; O'Connor, Quartermaine and Bodney 1989). DIA Site ID 3532 Joondalup Caves: Mythological site. Closed site file not accessed during study. May be associated with Sites 3504 (Waugal’s Egg), 3316 (Lake Joondalup West), 3640 (Lake Joondalup Southwest), 3740 (Lake Joondalup) and 4102 (Lake Joondalup Northwest). DIA Site ID 3567 Mindarie Waugal: Mythological site with a soak and an artefact scatter. May be connected to Sites 17450–51 (Nowergup and Pippidinny Lakes), 17596–97 (Limestone Ridge, Emu Cave), 17599 (Yanchep Beach), 21588 (Kinsale) and 21589 (Rosslare Soak) as part of the same Dreaming track. DIA Site ID 3583 KI-IT Monger Brook: Ceremonial and mythological site associated with the Waugal. The site also includes scarred trees. DIA Site ID 3640 Lake Joondalup South-West: Artefacts with possible subsurface potential. May be associated with Sites 3316 (Lake Joondalup West), 3504 (Waugal’s Egg), 3532 (Joondalup Caves), 3740 (Lake Joondalup) and 4102 (Lake Joondalup Northwest). DIA Site ID 3693 Lake Neerabup: Closed site file not accessed during study. DIA Site ID 3739 Lake Goollelal: Burial, camp and hunting place. Sites 16797 (Gnangara Site 1a) and 16799 (Gnangara Site 1c) are associated with this lake. DIA Site ID 3740 Lake Joondalup: Mythological site and named place (joondal means crayfish). A favoured camping area with plentiful food resources and a mythological track running through from the ocean associated with an underground cave here. Island here is sacred, and associated with Waugal. May be associated with Sites 3316 (Lake Joondalup West), 3504 (Waugal’s Egg), 3532 (Joondalup Caves), 3640 (Lake Joondalup Southwest) and 4102 (Lake Joondalup Northwest). DIA Site ID 3741 Lake Mariginiup: Hunting place for turtle and wildfowl. Likely to have mythological associations.

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______DIA Site ID 3742 Emu Swamp: Camp and hunting place. Formerly a much larger group of lakes and swamps which were favoured camping areas for their abundance of natural resources. Site of historical camps also. Great scientific loss that archaeological survey not carried out here before its destruction for housing (Ballajura). Also within Guildford Zone. DIA Site ID 3772 Gnangara Lake: Mythological site; historical hunting place. A dangerous Waugal inhabited the lake and the area is, therefore, referred to as a winnaitch place.22 While not used as a camping area, it was used for hunting kangaroos and emus. Nearby was an initiation area and a track made by turtles migrating to Yokine. Paperbark trees at western edge were cut by stone axes to make footholds to hunt possums. Site belongs in complex including Sites 682 (Gnangara Lake SW1), 3169 (Gnangara Lake SE) and 3319 (Gnangara Lake SW). DIA Site ID 4102 Lake Joondalup North-West: Artefacts with subsurface potential. May be associated with Sites 3504 (Waugal’s Egg), 3316 (Lake Joondalup West), 3532 (Joondalup Caves), 3640 (Lake Joondalup Southwest) and 3740 (Lake Joondalup). DIA Site ID 4404 Orchestra Shell Cave: Site famous for only known engravings in metropolitan area. A major archaeological site and according to Hallam the artwork is likely to be associated with rituals focused on the Waugal and fire. DIA Site ID 15118 Henley Brook: Mythological Waugal or Dugariaitch area. Informants concerned to protect creek and its flow. Also within Guildford Zone. DIA Site ID 15979/3536 Avon River, Swan/Avon Rivers: The Avon/Swan river system were created by the Waugal and specific locations along them have particular significance. On the Swan, there is Bells Rapids; the confluence of Bennett Brook and the Swan River (deep hole and underground cave home of Waugal and a winnaitch area); Burswood shell beds (scales of Waugal); Perth and Melville Waters (where Waugal rested); deep holes next to Pt Lewis and Old Swan Brewery; spring at Kennedy Fountain (underground tunnel to Lake Monger); Currie Bay (nest of Waugal eggs); underwater cave at Minim Cove/Rocky Bay area (Waugal coiled around a pillar). On the Avon, advice on specific sites is needed from the Wheatbelt Commission of Elders. DIA Site ID 17319 Ellen Brook Tributary: Mythological site. Closed site file not accessed during study. DIA Site ID 17450 Nowergup Lake: See entry above under Northern Zone.

22 The site is also associated with the Sun (nganga/ngangaru). Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 45 Department of Environment October 2005

______DIA Site ID 17498 Waugal Cave, Neil Hawkins Park: Mythological site including scarred tree. Area of Waugal significance associated with the cave. DIA Site ID 17590 Edgewater Burial Site: Mythological site. Also burial site of known person opposite Edgewater Railway Station. Scarred trees and many balgas here which are “at the head of the bush-tucker sand drawing”. Part of Complex 15. DIA Site ID 20596 Butler- FS01: Ceremonial area, water source, ‘sorry place’, gnamma hole, natural feature. Associated with Site 20598 (Butler-FS03) where there are marked trees and an old well. The file for this site was not available during the current research. DIA Site ID 20765 SBJ01: Mythological site, natural feature (limestone ridge). Associated with the Waugal (its excreta) and significant to elders. Possibly part of the story line connecting Sites 17450– 51 (Nowergup and Pippidinny Lakes), 17596–97 (Limestone Ridge, Emu Cave), 17599 (Yanchep Beach), 21588 (Kinsale) and 21589 (Rosslare Soak). DIA Site ID 20769 SBJ09: Natural feature of a stand of eucalypts identified by elders as essential for the maintenance of a habitat for native birds. DIA Site ID 20772 Jindalee: Mythological site, natural feature (water source). Closed site file not accessed during study. DIA Site ID 21588 Kinsale: Mythological site, plant resource. Features of this conservation park were formed by the Waugal and other sea creatures. Soaks and a cave reported to be here requires locating. Also connected to the mythological beings mentioned in Sites 21589 (Rosslare Soak), 17450–51 (Nowergup and Pippidinny Lakes), 17596–97 (Limestone Ridge, Emu Cave) and 17599 (Yanchep Beach). DIA Site ID 21589 Rosslare Soak: Ceremonial and mythological site, camp, water source. On the story line of the Waugal and the sea creatures. Possibly part of the same dreaming track connecting Sites 17450–51 (Nowergup and Pippidinny Lakes), 17596–97 (Limestone Ridge, Emu Cave) and 17599 (Yanchep Beach). Inner City Zone DIA Site ID 435 Moonderup: Ceremonial and mythological site. Initiation and hunting site at rocks found west of Cottesloe Groin (mythological associations embodied in the rocks’ composition and form). DIA Site ID 3318 Lake Monger NW and W: Artefacts, camp. Dense concentrations of artefacts have been reported from various areas around the lake which was the main Perth camp from Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 46 Department of Environment October 2005

______pre- to post-Contact times. The lake was the site of a major trade fair and a rich source of food, with colonial observers noting that women caught “pounds of frogs” at a time here, as well as other foods. Associated with Site 3788 (Lake Monger) and with Site 3323 (Lake Monger Velodrome). DIA Site ID 3323 Lake Monger Velodrome: Named place with artefacts still occurring. Part of the major Lake Monger site (Site 3318). DIA Site ID 3339 Minim Cove: Artefacts. Site of a major archaeological dig returning dates of c.10,000BP. Site associated with the Swan River and freshwater springs in area. DIA Site ID 3393 Lake Gwelup: Hunting place, food resource, ceremonial area. Machin records camping around the lake prior to 1930s but gives no other details. Associated with Sites 3500 (Lake Gwelup) and 3501 (Lake Gwelup). DIA Site ID 3500 Lake Gwelup: Artefacts. While this specific site location is not significant (4 artefacts), the whole area of Lake Gwelup was a major pre-Contact utilisation zone. There were, no doubt, mythological associations also. Associated with Sites 3393 (Lake Gwelup) and 3501 (Lake Gwelup). DIA Site ID 3501 Lake Gwelup: Artefacts. A dense artefact scatter with excavation potential. A major pre-Contact utilisation zone. There were no doubt mythological associations as well. Associated with Sites 3393 (Lake Gwelup) and 3500 (Lake Gwelup). DIA Site ID 3572 Smith’s Lake/Dajanberup: Meeting place. Area part of large lake/swamp complex. Nearby Lake Henderson associated with the Waugal. DIA Site ID 3573 Stone’s Lake: Mythological site and named place. Camps and ceremonial grounds were associated with the now-drained lake. DIA Site ID 3585 Herdsman Lake: Burial, named place, camp (?). Yellagonga is reportedly buried somewhere here. A former major camping and hunting area. Site associated with Sites 3209 (Herdsman Lake N) and 3210 (Herdsman Lake). DIA Site ID 3593 Gudinup: Closed site file not accessed during study. However, the site is listed as ‘Ceremonial’ and is known to be associated with a spring used by Yellagonga and his band (Locke, McDonald and Murphy 1990) DIA Site ID 3596 Rocky Bay: a mythological site associated with the Waugal. The limestone cliffs and foreshore at Rocky Bay are known as Garungup in Nyungar (Vinnicombe 1989). DIA Site ID 3694 Claisebrook Camp: Watersource. A large and significant post- Contact camping area where the brook joins the Swan River.

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______Significant cultural values for Indigenous people. Freshwater springs were located here. Also within Guildford Zone. DIA Site ID 3735 Perry Lakes: Camp, hunting place, part of ‘Chain of Lakes’. In common with all the other large lakes, this area would have had extensive use before and after settlement. Historical accounts of turtle hunting and use of other foods. DIA Site ID 3736 Jolimont Swamp (Mabel Talbot Reserve): Hunting place, camp, water source. A large turtle, mudfish and gilgie hunting area with permanent springs. Historical reports of named people camping here and the area retains considerable cultural and historical significance. DIA Site ID 3738 Dog Swamp: Closed site file not accessed during study. DIA Site ID 3754 Mt Eliza Waugal: Mythological site and named place. Major Waugal site associated with springs and the sites of King’s Park (Sites 3761, 3787, 3800, 18936–37, 19863), the Old Swan Brewery and . DIA Site ID 3755 Loreto Convent, Claremont: Ceremonial and mythological site, camp and named place. A major site was located here where ceremonies involving all the groups from the South West were held. Limestone outcrops here (associated with Waugal) and evidently on major song lines. Now developed but its current significance is not recorded. DIA Site ID 3762 Lake Claremont: Camp, water source and hunting place. Known as a prehistoric ‘paradise’ for its wealth of resources. It was also a major post-Contact camping area for Nyungars and includes an identified significant tree. DIA Site ID 3788 Lake Monger: Quarry, mythological site, burial, camp, hunting place, named place. Major Waugal site with a tunnel. Associated with Sites 3318 (Lake Monger) and 3323 (Lake Monger Velodrome). DIA Site ID 3791 : Ceremonial site, camp, water source. A winter meeting site and fish increase site. A camp with huts was photographed here. Springs and pools located here also. DIA Site ID 3792 Hyde Park: Camp, meeting place, hunting place, named place. A large camping area around the formerly much more extensive lake and wetlands and a rich food source. Its current significance requires investigation. DIA Site ID 3800 King’s Park: Burial, water source, named place. Associated with King’s Park complex of sites (Sites 3754, 3761, 3800, 18936–37, 19863). DIA Site ID 17848 Weld Square: Meeting place. Significant historical site.

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______DIA Site ID 17849 Robertson Park: Mythological site, historical meeting place, hunting place. Formerly part of a chain of lakes and site of large seasonal meetings. Possible subsurface remains. DIA Site ID 18936 King’s Park: King’s Park is a remnant of a much wider area of significance used for camping, hunting, burial, ceremonies etc. DIA Site ID 19837 Boodjemalup: Ceremonial and mythological site, conception place, named place. Spiritual conception area in Tuart grove and partly contiguous with Site 3787 (). Part of Kings Park complex of sites (3761, 3754, 3800, 18936 and 19863). DIA Site ID 19863 King’s Park Women’s Site: Mythological site and natural feature. Limestone at foot of Mt Eliza next to the spring where the Waugal entered the hill. Site linked to Site 19837 above and is the same spatially as Site 3761, the kangaroo hunting site. DIA Site ID 20178 Bold Park: Mythological site and historical camp and hunting place. The whole of Bold Park is seen as significant. Waugal Dreaming associated with lines of sand dunes; area of lookout significant in connection with the dead. DIA Site ID 21253 Mosman Park: Mythological, ceremonial and historical area with water sources, artefacts and grinding patches/grooves. A large section of the suburb including Buckland Hill is of spiritual significance. DIA Site ID 21537 TC/01-Waterway: Mythological site and water source. The open drain/canal running through a development was identified as “carrying the spiritual essence of the Waugal”. Site associated with Site 21538 (Stirling Wetlands). DIA Site ID 21538 Stirling Wetlands: Area of generalised mythological significance and connected to Herdsman Lake. Part of ‘Chain of Lakes’.

Guildford Zone DIA Site ID 552 Lord Street North 2: Mythological site and water source. Permanent pool in Whiteman Park regarded as source of Dugatch (Waugal) Dreaming and a kangaroo increase site. DIA Site ID 3487 Bennett Brook: Eden Hill R: Meeting place, camp and water source. Closed site file not accessed during study. DIA Site ID 3488 Bennett Brook: Rosher Park: Meeting place and camp. Closed site file not accessed during study. DIA Site ID 3489 Bennett Brook: Lord St 1: Ceremonial and burial site. Closed site file not accessed during study. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 49 Department of Environment October 2005

______DIA Site ID 3490 Bennett Brook: Lord St 2: Ceremonial and burial site. Closed site file not accessed during study. DIA Site ID 3536 Swan River: See entry under Central Zone. DIA Site ID 3620 Bassett Road: Hunting place. Closed site file not accessed during study. DIA Site ID 3622 Turtle Swamp: Hunting place. Closed site file not accessed during study. DIA Site ID 3692 Bennett Brook in toto: Mythological site. Closed site file not accessed during study. DIA Site ID 3694 Claisebrook Camp: See entry under Metropolitan Zone. DIA Site ID 3720 Blackadder & Woodbridge Ck: Closed site file not accessed during study. DIA Site ID 3743 Emu Lake: See entry for Emu Swamp under Central Zone. DIA Site ID 3745 Mussel Pool: Mythological Waugal pool associated with Bennett Brook. Also camp. DIA Site ID 3757 Success Hill: Ceremonial, mythological, meeting place, and camp with quarry and artefacts. Closed site file not accessed during study. DIA Site ID 3758 : Ceremonial and mythological site. Closed site file not accessed during study. DIA Site ID 3753 Perth?: Mythological site associated with the Waugal’s habitation of Minjelungin swamp and reportedly centred on the Maylands Peninsula. DIA Site ID 3759 Jane Brook: Closed site file not accessed during study. DIA Site ID 3796 Blackadder Ck and Swan River: Site of initiation ceremonies and an important wetland area. DIA Site ID 3840 Bennett Brook: Camp Area: Ceremonial area with artefacts. Closed site file not accessed during study. Part of Bennett Brook complex of sites. DIA Site ID 15118 Henley Brook: See entry under Central Zone. DIA Site ID 17037–41 Pyrton Sites A1-A5: Artefacts including fossiliferous chert from elevated sandy areas with easy access to water. DIA Site ID 20030 Ancient Well: Possibly the only ‘traditional’ well left in metropolitan area. DIA Site ID 21392 NOR/03 – Creek: Mythological site, water source, meeting place, camp, natural feature. DIA Site ID 21393 NOR/02 – Lightning Swamp: Water source, natural feature, meeting place, camp.

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______DIA Site ID 21432 Marshall Pool Wetlands: Low-lying wetlands and tributaries to Bennett Brook significant to local Aboriginal people as a water source.

3.2.3 Significant Sites Based on Current Consultation At one level, all wetlands were seen by the groups as having generalised spiritual significance. For example, when asked why it was important to keep wetlands, the senior man in one group responded: Keep it? Well it’s like your heart; isn’t it? The heart keeps you alive, keeps the spirit alive, keeps the country alive. When your heart’s dead the spirit leaves your body… the spirit’s gone! Another member of the group added: “water is like blood that is being pumped through the main veins in the body; if that dies, everything dies”. For another one of the groups consulted, the souls of the dead were transported “down to the waters” (from north to south) along the surface and subsurface water to the “main rivers” (e.g. Ellen Brook and the Swan and out to sea to the land of dead in “Karinyup”). The elders from this group noted that others in the Perth Indigenous community would probably have different stories and things they consider spiritually significant may not be recognised by others. In the course of the interviews, a number of water related Dreaming tracks were reported in the study area: two related to the Waugal; one to the mythical Dog (Dorrda/Dwert); one to the interaction between the Shark, ‘Crocodile’ (Sea Waugal) and Emu; one to the Turtle; and one to the Three Women and a primordial flood. All of these are water related and the first four mentioned are related specifically to water features (springs, creeks, wetlands and so on) in the study area (see below for details). The last mentioned is a more general narrative about a primordial flood which followed the Nyitting or Dreamtime (Bates 1985). Most of the water features mentioned in the interviews are already recorded as Aboriginal sites.

Waugal Tracks In these narratives, the Waugal (also referred to by some Aboriginal informants as the Doogarch) travels above and below ground creating water sources (springs, creeks and wetland). This is part of the interconnectivity of water sources (sky, land and groundwater) discussed above. The first track reportedly follows Ellen Brook down to the Swan River. This track presumably includes Bennett Brook (DIA Site ID 3692) and Mussel Pool (DIA Site ID 3745) (O’Connor, Bodney and Little 1985: 53-55, 66; see Plate 1). The second is connected to the Moore River (DIA Site ID 4100), and travels south from Diamond Island near the mouth of the River, through Loch McNess, Wagardu (DIA Site ID 3742) and the Yanchep Caves, Pipindinny Swamp (DIA Site ID 17451), Carabooda Lake, Nowergup Lake (DIA Site ID 17450), Neerabup (DIA Site ID 3693) and Orchestra Shell Cave (DIA Site ID 4404), Karli Spring (DIA Site ID 3509), Lake Joondalup (DIA Site ID 3740), and out to the ocean through the Waugal Caves (DIA Site ID 3532) at Joondalup but also moves on to the Karinyup Lakes and Lake Gnangara (DIA Site ID Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 51 Department of Environment October 2005

______3772) which are also included, according to the information provided (see O’Connor, Bodney and Little 1985: 38–39 for a discussion of some aspects of the significance of Lake Gnangara; Plate 2). In addition to these sites, numerous other water features (lakes, wetlands, creeks, caves, springs and so on) in the study area are associated with the Waugal.

The Mythical Dog (Doorda/Dwert) Doorda Mya Cave in Boomerang Gorge, Yanchep, is an ancestral dog site linked to Nyeerrgu (near New Norcia) where there were apparently two water sources – one fresh and the other salt. The track reportedly links Doorda Mya to Cantonment Hill in Fremantle (Dwerda Weelardi’nup) (DIA Site ID 3419) and other sites in the South West and north to Cockle Shell Gully where there were also water sources.

The Shark, ‘Crocodile’ (Sea Waugal) and Emu This narrative was originally recorded during a survey in Rockingham in 1989, where a wetland in Rotary Park (DIA Site ID Site 3471) is associated with the myth (Machin 1989, McDonald 1990, McDonald, Hales & Associates 2002). The narrative recounts a ‘Crocodile’ (Sea Waugal/Komodo Dragon) which moves across the sea and landscape. He loses parts of his body in a fight with the Shark, creating the islands, sound and features on land (including the wetland at Rotary Park). The ‘Crocodile’ interacts with other creatures including the Kangaroo and Bush Turkey as he travels along the coast north to Yanchep, where he is transformed into an Emu. Various features in the landscape represent parts of the Crocodile’s/Emu’s body and its transformation. The sites incorporated in this track include Emu Cave (DIA Site ID 17597), Pipindinny Swamp (DIA Site ID 17451), Nowergup Lake (DIA Site ID 17450), Limestone Ridge (DIA Site ID 17596), Yanchep Beach (DIA Site ID 17599), Kinsale (DIA Site ID 21588) & Rosslare Soak(s) (DIA Site ID 21589) (see Plate 3).

The Turtle This Dreaming track links Lake Gnangara (DIA Site ID 3772) with other lakes and wetlands in the region, including a wetland on the corner of Sydney and Gnangara Roads (cf. Hovingh, Locke and McDonald 1999). As noted above, another Turtle Dreaming track has been reported in recent years linking Muchea to Jarrahdale.

The Three Women and the Flood According to the narrative, the mythical three women were the ancestors of the people that occupied the Swan Coastal Plain; they “set up the original families”. The women floated down the Helena River valley to the Perth area on balgas (grass trees) in a huge flood in the Dreamtime. They set up camp and then spread out into the different countries around the Swan River. The flood was caused by the melting of the ice by the Sun (nganga/ngangaru) because the people did something wrong. A

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 52 Department of Environment October 2005

______piece of the sun fell off and according to this version made Lake Gnangara (Ngangara) and this can still be seen at the northern end of the lake.23 Apart from Lake Gnangara (DIA Site ID 3772), no other sites associated with this particular Dreaming were reported in the study area.

3.3 Registered Aboriginal Sites The Gnangara Mound study area contains 328 Aboriginal heritage sites (as at 29th December 2004) concentrated in the following areas: • Perth City and the inner suburbs, especially on the Bassendean sand dunes; • The Swan River and the Swan/Helena River catchment; • Moore River and Gingin Brook; • Inner (Lake Monger, Gwelup, etc.); and • Linear wetlands north of Lake Nowergup including Yanchep. A brief examination of the registered sites allows the following observations to be made: • The largest single category of sites on the Register (38%) is archaeological (i.e. artefact scatters and isolated finds), most of which are associated with nearby water sources such as lakes, rivers, swamps and wetlands; • A significant portion of the registered sites inside the study are mythological sites, most of which are associated with water-related environmental features such as lakes, river systems, swamps and caves; • The most common mythological associations connected with water relate to the Waugal myth, although other myths (such as the Emu Dreaming and Dog Dreaming) are also represented; • The presence of water plays a fundamental role in the distribution of sites, particularly camping areas, hunting grounds, food gathering areas and artefact scatters; • Almost all of the registered sites inside the study area are connected in some way to water resources either directly or indirectly; and • There are a number of burials in the area that could be sensitive to changes in water levels.

23 This narrative has resonance with a myth recorded by Bates in which two pregnant women escape the Waugal’s flooding of Doweringup (Lake Bannister?), which happened because of wrong-doing, and floated to the Helena River where they were metamorphosed into Balga. Ironically, according to Bates, this site was inundated when the was constructed (see Bates 1992: 173, ‘Legend of Doweringup Water’; see also Bates nd (i) and (ii)).

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______Table 1: Registered Site Types Inside Study Area

Site Type Number Percentage Artefacts/Scatters 125 38% Burials 19 6% Ceremonial Sites 11 3% Engravings 1 0% Historical 3 1% Mythological 68 21% N/A (Other) 83 25% Quarries 1 0% Modified Trees 17 5%

Notes • Some sites fall into more than one category. For example, many ceremonial sites have mythological associations; and • The majority of the N/A sites are former camping areas.

Almost all ‘significant’ sites identified in this report (Section 3.2.1) are drawn from the information in the Register. However, it is important to note that the information in the Register is incomplete. The Register does not contain all Aboriginal heritage sites within the study area, nor does it contain all available information for each site that is registered. Information is continuously added to the site files and the Register is, therefore, a constantly growing resource. Many of the sites on the Register, in particular artefact scatters, no longer physically exist though may continue to have a legal existence. Most sites listed on the Register were identified during heritage surveys and, therefore, broadly reflect development patterns. Significant portions within the study area may have never been surveyed for Aboriginal sites (for example, the Pine Plantation and much of the Yeal Swamp area) and this in part accounts for the apparent absence of sites in some areas. It is also known that there are heritage survey reports in existence and that many of these contain Aboriginal sites. However, these sites have not all been registered either because the reports have not been submitted to the Department or because the Department has not yet registered the sites. In addition, not all sites known to Aboriginal communities and the general public are reported to DIA. It is for these reasons that the lists of sites presented here should not be regarded as definitive. The accuracy of spatial data (i.e. site mapping) is also an issue that should be taken into consideration. During the course of the data collection, the researchers remained aware that spatial data can be flawed. For this reason, publicly available mapping indicating site location and extent was compared with the original reports wherever possible. Ideally, field verification would be carried out to verify the accuracy of spatial

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 54 Department of Environment October 2005

______data (particularly for discrete sites such as artefact scatters) but this was not possible for all the sites inside the study area during this project. Finally, a number of site files have been given ‘Closed’ access status (for example, because of culturally-sensitive information) and could not be consulted. The relevant Aboriginal informants were contacted for all closed sites within the study area in order to seek permission to view the material. However, permission was not obtained to view all closed sites. The determinations of the ACMC in relation to each registered site have been taken into account but, as has been pointed out above, these do not necessarily reflect the views of Aboriginal people. ACMC determinations are based on the information available at the time of assessment which, as has been discussed, is limited in many cases. Significance assessments by the ACMC are also constrained by the meaning of ‘site’ as defined by the Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972. There are issues with the Act in terms of dealing with certain site types (e.g. camping areas, hunting grounds etc) which Indigenous people consider significant. The Act protects all Aboriginal sites in Western Australia whether they are known to the Department of Indigenous Affairs / Aboriginal Cultural Material Committee or not. The registered sites referred to in the following sections are known to be associated with or represent groundwater-related Aboriginal cultural values.

3.3.1 Lakes Most of the lakes on the Gnangara Mound were the focus of camping, ceremonial activities, hunting and gathering and many have known mythological significance. At the time of settlement, Nyungars utilised all the waterways north of the Swan River at least as far as Yanchep including places like Shenton Lake, Perry Lakes, Mongers Lake and the extensive wetland areas that are now the Perth CBD, down to , Hyde Park, Herdsman Lake and the many swamps, creeks and lakes that have been obliterated by development (Parker cited in Site ID 18936 - King’s Park). Before being drained, Robertson Park was Lake Henderson, part of the chain of lakes and swamps extending from Yanchep south to the Swan River. This was known as part of Mooro Country, the domain of Yellagonga and his people (from Site ID 17849). Loch McNess (DIA Site ID 3742), which is the central lake of and fed by springs flowing from surrounding limestone hills, is believed to be inhabited by a Waugal. The level ground at the southeastern corner of the lake was a traditional meeting, corroborree and ritual area. Central to this site is Wagardu Spring which supplied fresh water for the gatherings at Yanchep. The south and west shores are popular picnic and BBQ areas for Perth residents (O’Connor, Bodney and Little 1985). Similarly, Lake Adams is associated with the Black Cockatoo Dreaming. Mythic cockatoo are associated with the lake and drank its water and this is reflected by the continual use of the lake by black cockatoos at certain times of year. The lake also supports turtles and was used as a favoured location for other food types (plant and animal).

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______Lake Goollelal was a major camping area in traditional times and was noted for its abundant supply of turtles and wildfowl. This lake has historical significance as an Aboriginal mission and school (DIA Site ID 3739). The area around Lake Gwelup was also used as a campsite in the 1930s prior to the removal of Aboriginal people to the Moore River (DIA Site ID 3393). A ceremonial site was located on the northwestern edge of Lake Gwelup and covered an area of approximately 1,000 square metres on the vacillating border of the lake. This was the location of an annual increase dance (DIA Site ID 3442). Lake Joondalup is located approximately 3km north of Lake Goollelal and is joined to it during the winter rains by Beenyup Swamp and Creek. The lake measures approximately 7m north–south by 1.5km east–west at its widest point. Like Lake Goollelal, it is surrounded on all sides by swampland and on east and west by rising ground. It is known to have been a favoured camping area in traditional and more recent times and as a resource area where turtle and wildfowl were hunted (DIA Site ID 3740). It has been reported that Aboriginal people did not actually camp at Gnangara Lake as a dangerous Waugal was believed to inhabit it. In other words, it was a winnaitch (avoidance) area. There is evidence that they braved the Waugal to catch waterfowl in the lake and hunt kangaroos in the surrounding scrub. However, this is contradicted by Kauler (1997–98). She also states that the vicinity of Lake Gnangara was seen as a Beedawong (initiation) area frequented by Yellagonga, , Benne Yowlee and other tribesmen. Even today, Aboriginal people are occupying the area, hunting and fishing (DIA Site ID 3772).

Table 2: Registered Lakes

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3393 Inner City LAKE GWELUP. 3396 Central LAKE ADAMS. 3442 Inner City LAKE GWELUP 3572 Inner City SMITH'S LAKE / DANJANBERUP 3573 Inner City STONES LAKE. 3585 Inner City HERDSMAN LAKE. 3693 Central LAKE NEERABUP. 3739 Central LAKE GOOLLELAL. 3740 Central LAKE JOONDALUP. 3741 Central LAKE MARIGINIUP. 3742 Northern LOCH McNESS,WAGARDU SPRING. 3762 Inner City LAKE CLAREMONT. 3772 Central GNANGARA LAKE. 3788 Inner City LAKE MONGER. 3792 Inner City HYDE PARK.

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DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3794 Inner City SHENTON PARK LAKE. 17450 Central NOWERGUP LAKE 17451 Northern PIPIDINNY LAKE 17849 Inner City ROBERTSON PARK 19589 Northern Muchea Unnamed Lake (Mu5)

3.3.2 Wetlands and Swamps As with the major lakes, almost all the wetlands and swamps on the Gnangara Mound would have been utilised by the Nyungar people for camping, hunting and the collection of natural resources. For example, the site known as Beechboro Camping Area (DIA Site ID 18735) is a swamp area at the corner of and and is reported to contain medicinal plants of significance.

Table 3: Registered Wetlands and Swamps

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3487 Guildford BENNETT BROOK: EDEN HILL R. 3735 Inner City PERRY LAKES. 3736 Inner City JOLIMONT SWAMP. 3738 Inner City DOG SWAMP. 3743 Guildford/Central EMU SWAMP. 3748 Guildford NYIBRA SWAMP. 3796 Guildford BLACKADDER CK & SWAN RIVER. 15120 Central LORD STREET 02. 16684 Guildford/Inner City Truganina Road - Lot 321 17316 Central SWAMP 18735 Guildford Beechboro Camping Area 21393 Guildford NOR/02 - Lightning Swamp 21432 Guildford Marshall Pool Wetlands 21538 Inner City Stirling Wetlands 21614 Northern Airfield Road Wetlands

3.3.3 Rivers, Brooks and Creeks The primary significance of the rivers is that they, and certain features associated with them, were created by the actions of the Waugal and specific locations are known to have particular significance (see, for example, the Swan/Avon river system, DIA Site ID 3536).

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______Table 4: Registered Rivers, Brooks and Creeks

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3525 Central ELLEN BROOK: UPPER SWAN 3536 Guildford/Inner City/Central SWAN/AVON RIVERS 3692 Guildford BENNETT BROOK: in toto 3695 Inner City WILLIAM STREET. 3720 Guildford BLACKADDER & WOODBRIDGE CK 3758 Guildford HELENA RIVER 3759 Guildford JANE BROOK 15118 Guildford/Central HENLEY BROOK 17319 Central ELLEN BROOK TRIBUTARY 20008 Northern Gingin Brook Waggyl Site 21392 Guildford NOR/03 - Creek

3.3.4 Water Sources Water sources such as soaks and springs provided the Nyungars with fresh water, and were either the focus of camping and other activities or were used as stopping places during journeys from one place to another. Certain springs are reported to be associated with the Waugal, for example, Tamala Park Waterhole where the Waugal is said to have gone underground (Site ID 18803).

Table 5: Registered Water Sources

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 552 Guildford LORD STREET NORTH 2. 3509 Central KARLI SPRING. 3574 Northern SMOKEBUSH WATERHOLE. 3593 Inner City Gudinup 3650 Inner City BLACKWALL REACH, BICTON. 3651 Inner City BLACKWALL REACH, MOSMAN PK. 3694 Guildford/Inner City CLAISEBROOK CAMP. 3702 Inner City ESPLANADE. 3736 Inner City JOLIMONT SWAMP. 3742 Northern LOCH McNESS,WAGARDU SPRING. 3754 Inner City MT ELIZA WAUGAL 3764 Inner City FRINGECAMP. 3790 Inner City PERTH TECHNICAL COLLEGE.

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DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3791 Inner City MATILDA BAY. 3798 Inner City GOVERNMENT HOUSE. 17839 Guildford McINTOSH'S CAMP 18803 Central Tamala Park Waterhole 19863 Inner City King’s Park Women’s Site 20596 Central BUTLER - FS01 20772 Central Jindalee 21253 Inner City Mosman Park 21537 Inner City TC/01 - Waterway 21589 Central Rosslare Soak 21621 Inner City Kilang Minangaldjkba

3.3.5 Wells Some of the wells listed below are believed to have originally been soaks; for example, Coast Road Well (DIA Site ID 3417) which is said to have been used in the early half of the twentieth-century as a camp.

Table 6: Registered Wells

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3417 Guildford COAST ROAD WELL. 3706 Inner City NEDLANDS FORESHORE. 3746 Guildford WEST SWAN ROAD CAMP. 20030 Guildford Ancient Well 20598 Central BUTLER - FS03

3.3.6 Caves The Gnangara Mound study area contains a large number of caves, many of which feature in Dreamtime stories. For example, Emu Cave is where the Crocodile “had a dream that was the first creation of the emu as we know it today”. This cave is a site of mythological significance and is an increase area for emus (DIA Site ID 17597). Hallam (1975: 84) suggests that the engravings in Orchestra Shell Cave are probably associated with the mythical serpent or Waugal and that the cave was used for ceremonies of which fire was an important part (DIA Site ID 4404). When the watertable was higher, most of these caves contained fresh water. As the groundwater levels have started to drop, many have now dried up. The Nyungars consulted see this as a very deleterious stage of affairs. Concern was expressed by the

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______various groups about the impacts of future drawdown on the aquifer, especially when combined with urban expansion which is getting closer to Yanchep and the cave system and the surrounding lake and wetland systems.

The cave systems are not being watered as they naturally ought to be. They are all drying up, especially in Yanchep, you know. They are all drying up which is a crying shame. The caves are very significant to us [the Nyungar community]

Senior Nyungar Elder, 2005

Table 7: Registered Caves

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 1018 Northern DOOGARCH. 3186 Northern YONDERUP CAVE 3315 Central MURRAY'S CAVE. 3532 Central JOONDALUP CAVES 4404 Central ORCHESTRA SHELL CAVE. 17498 Central Waugal Cave, Neil Hawkins Park 17597 Northern Emu Cave

3.3.7 Ceremonial Areas Ceremonies, gatherings and initiations continue to play an important part in Aboriginal culture. Ceremonies were conducted at different locations, for different reasons (e.g. for an increase in natural resources including rain) and at different times of year. As with camping areas, ceremonial grounds were often situated close to a source of fresh water.

Table 8: Registered Ceremonial Areas

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 435 Inner City MOONDERUP 3442 Inner City LAKE GWELUP 3489 Guildford BENNETT BROOK: LORD ST. 1 3490 Guildford BENNETT BROOK: LORD ST. 2 3573 Inner City STONES LAKE. 3583 Central KI-IT MONGER BROOK 2 3593 Inner City GUDINUP 3755 Inner City LORETO CONVENT,CLAREMONT.

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DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3796 Guildford BLACKADDER CK & SWAN RIVER. 16804 Central Gnangara Site 6 (GN#6) 18936 Inner City Kings Park 19837 Inner City Boojemalup 20596 Central BUTLER - FS01 21253 Inner City Mosman Park

3.3.8 Terrestrial Waugal Sites Waugal sites are places and natural features said to have been formed through the actions of the Waugal, or where a Waugal is said to exist. Aboriginal people traditionally camped close to Waugal sites in order to absorb their spiritual powers and as such they are regarded as special places (DIA Site ID 3407).

Table 9: Registered Terrestrial Waugal Sites

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3504 Central JOONDALUP WAUGAL EGG 3567 Central MINDARIE WAUGAL 3704 Inner City KINGS PARK WAUGAL. 3753 Guildford PERTH? 3754 Inner City MT ELIZA WAUGAL 3755 Inner City LORETO CONVENT,CLAREMONT. 17599 Northern YANCHEP BEACH 19863 Inner City King's Park women's site 20178 Inner City Bold Park 21588 Central Kinsale 21589 Central Rosslare Soak

3.3.9 Limestone Formations – Mythological Associations All limestone is believed by Nyungars to derive from the excreta of the Waugal (see DIA Site ID 435). Some limestone formations have metamorphic associations such as the site known as ‘Limestone Reef’ (DIA Site ID 17596) which is said to represent the skeletal remains of the Crocodile from the Emu Dreaming song cycle (Kauler 1997– 98). However, some of the formations listed below are unlikely to be regarded as Aboriginal sites under the Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972 due to reasons of generalised significance.

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______Table 10: Registered Limestone Formations

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 435 Inner City MOONDERUP 3756 Inner City TRIGG? TO FREMANTLE 17596 Northern Limestone Reef 20765 Central SBJ01 20766 Central SBJ05 20767 Central SBJ06 20768 Central SBJ08 20771 Central SBJ07

3.3.10 Camping Areas The majority of Aboriginal camping areas are reported close to a source of fresh water and many are associated with artefact scatters. For example, DIA Site ID 3574 is a former Aboriginal campsite adjacent to a permanent freshwater source. The site may have been a stopping place for people travelling from the Gingin area to Yanchep for ceremonial gatherings at Yanchep Lake. Many occasional camps in the Swan Valley were used by transient Aboriginal families in the 1940s and 1950s while they were en route to Moora and surrounding areas (see, for example, Site ID 17318). Others were used by seasonal workers such as grape pickers in the Swan Valley. Due to the limitations of the Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972, many of these former camping areas are not regarded as Aboriginal ‘sites’. Nevertheless, they are of heritage significance to many Nyungars, particularly those who themselves camped, or remember family and friends who camped, at these locations in more traditional times.

Table 11: Registered Camping Areas

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3315 Central MURRAY'S CAVE. 3339 Inner City Minim Cove (Mosman Park Rubbish Dump) 3393 Inner City LAKE GWELUP. 3417 Guildford COAST ROAD WELL. 3487 Guildford BENNETT BROOK: EDEN HILL R. 3488 Guildford BENNETT BROOK: ROSHER PARK. 3574 Northern SMOKEBUSH WATERHOLE. 3608 Guildford BRIDGE CAMPS.

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DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3611 Guildford ROES VINEYARD. 3612 Guildford WIRELESS STATION. 3613 Guildford WIDGEE ROAD RESERVE. 3616 Guildford KENMURE AVENUE, BAYSWATER. 3694 Guildford/Inner City CLAISEBROOK CAMP. 3695 Inner City WILLIAM STREET. 3699 Guildford JANE BROOK CAMP 1. 3702 Inner City ESPLANADE. 3703 Inner City SPRING STREET 3739 Central LAKE GOOLLELAL. 3740 Central LAKE JOONDALUP. 3743 Guildford/Central EMU SWAMP. 3745 Guildford MUSSEL POOL. 3746 Guildford WEST SWAN ROAD CAMP. 3749 Guildford BAYSWATER CAMP 1. 3757 Guildford SUCCESS HILL. 3762 Inner City LAKE CLAREMONT. 3764 Inner City FRINGECAMP. 3767 Guildford/Inner City EAST PERTH POWER STATION. 3768 Guildford BISHOP ROAD CAMP. 3787 Inner City MOUNTS BAY ROAD. 3788 Inner City LAKE MONGER. 3790 Inner City PERTH TECHNICAL COLLEGE. 3791 Inner City MATILDA BAY. 3792 Inner City HYDE PARK. 3794 Inner City SHENTON PARK LAKE. 3840 Guildford BENNETT BROOK: CAMP AREA. 3930 Northern FEWSTER. 16797 Central Gnangara Site 1a (GN#1a) 17318 Central CAMPING LOCALE 17543 Guildford KIARA E1 17839 Guildford McINTOSH'S CAMP 17849 Inner City ROBERTSON PARK 18802 Central Tamala Park Campsite

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DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 20058 Guildford Temporary Camp 20598 Central BUTLER - FS03 21392 Guildford NOR/03 - Creek 21393 Guildford NOR/02 - Lightning Swamp

3.3.11 Hunting Areas Hunting is a central part of traditional Aboriginal life and remains part of Aboriginal identity even today. Many groundwater features such as lakes and swamps are existing or former hunting and gathering areas as the flora and fauna used by Indigenous people are usually found in such places. The following registered places are known for such activities, but any groundwater- related habitat capable of supporting plants and animals traditionally sought after would be considered important.

Table 12: Registered Hunting Areas

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3170 Guildford/Inner City BARDON PARK. 3620 Guildford BASSETT ROAD. 3622 Guildford TURTLE SWAMP. 3741 Central LAKE MARIGINIUP. 3740 Central Lake Joondalup 3748 Guildford NYIBRA SWAMP. 3772 Central GNANGARA LAKE. 3798 Inner City GOVERNMENT HOUSE. 16684 Guildford/Inner City Truganina Road - Lot 321 18936 Inner City Kings Park 21621 Inner City Kilang Minangaldjkba

3.3.12 Water-Associated Artefact Scatters Artefacts and artefact scatters are the most common site type recorded inside the study area and these are almost invariably located close to a permanent water source. Strategic areas between the swamplands and the Swan River were most intensively occupied as they provided the greatest diversity of resources for groups camping in the area. The more marginal areas, such as those to the west of Ellen Brook, were exploited on a more opportunistic basis. The location of sites such as DIA 17316 Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 64 Department of Environment October 2005

______between the resource-rich area of the Swan River and the more marginal environment west of Ellen Brook reflect such a pattern (McDonald and Murphy 1991). Many of these artefact scatters are likely to no longer exist and field verification would be required to confirm the existence of the site. Site destruction may have occurred since a site was last visited as a result of housing or other developments. In addition, Hallam’s survey in the 1970s involved the collection of artefacts and in many cases total collection took place at sites during recording. Caution must be exercised before dismissing artefact scatter sites, however. Sites where total collection of the surface material was believed to have taken place can retain their subsurface potential. Over time, erosion of the site through wind, water action and disturbance can expose additional artefacts (see for example Site ID 3176 - Della Road North). Diminishing vegetation cover and changing water levels in lakes may also reveal artefacts where none were previously recorded. Some of the artefact scatters within the study area appear to be significant. For example, Site ID 3501 is a large and dense scatter on the crest of a sand ridge beside Lake Gwelup. Over 1,000 artefacts were recorded here including fossiliferous chert and grinding material, indicating pre-Contact use and the processing of plant foods. All sites listed here were reported in close proximity to water sources such as lakeshores and riverbanks and since these locations are often public open spaces, there is a good chance that artefacts will still be present. Many of the artefact scatters listed here have not been accurately mapped by DIA as insufficient information was available when the sites were being mapped by the Site Verification Project (SVP). However, such sites have still been included here because if the environmental feature (e.g. a named lake) referred to in the site description still exists, there is a high potential for artefacts to remain in the vicinity. Although many of these artefacts and artefact scatters are no longer extant and are not considered sites under the meaning of the Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972, they have been included here to demonstrate the high level of Aboriginal activity around, and the close Aboriginal associations with, groundwater features. In order to keep the number of sites included in the report down to a manageable level, only sites explicitly described as being located close to a freshwater source have been included. However, it is known from archaeological research that almost all artefact scatters are located in close proximity to water sources.

Table 13: Registered Water-Associated Artefacts

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 682 Central GNANGARA LAKE SW 1 3133 Guildford ALICE'S CORNER 3134 Guildford SNAKE SWAMP 3160 Inner City LAKE MONGER SOUTH 3163 Central LITTLE BADGERUP: SWAMP 3169 Central GNANGARA LAKE SE

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DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3170 Guildford/Inner City BARDON PARK. 3176 Guildford DELLA ROAD NORTH 3177 Guildford JOHN STREET, BAYSWATER 3184 Guildford BROADWAY, BASSENDEAN 3206 Inner City LAKE GWELUP 3207 Inner City JACKADDER LAKE WEST 3208 Inner City SCARBOROUGH BEACH ROAD 3209 Inner City HERDSMAN LAKE N 3210 Inner City HERDSMAN LAKE NE 3226 Central WANNEROO SHIRE 3227 Guildford BENNETT BROOK: STEPHENSON'S 3315 Central MURRAY'S CAVE. 3316 Central LAKE JOONDALUP WEST 3318 Inner City LAKE MONGER NW & W. 3319 Central GNANGARA LAKE SW. 3323 Inner City LAKE MONGER VELODROME. 3339 Inner City Minim Cove (Mosman Park Rubbish Dump) 3357 Northern GUILDERTON SOUTH. 3358 Northern MOORE RIVER SOUTH 1 - 5. 3363 Northern GUILDERTON BRIDGE. 3364 Northern GUILDERTON BRIDGE. 3365 Northern GINGIN BROOK 3366 Central DUNSTAN'S QUARRY. 3441 Central ELLEN BROOK SCATTER 3500 Inner City LAKE GWELUP 3501 Inner City LAKE GWELUP 3514 Central PAYNE ROAD 3521 Guildford BENNETT BROOK: BENNETT ST 3535 Central ELLEN BROOK ARTEFACTS 3552 Guildford MARSHALL/DELLA ROADS. 3565 Northern ELLEN BROOK: MUCHEA 1. 3566 Northern ELLEN BROOK: MUCHEA 2. 3619 Guildford WHITEMANS QUARRY 3639 Guildford MEECHIN WAY,BEECHBORO

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DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3640 Central LAKE JOONDALUP SOUTH-WEST 3653 Northern MOORE RIVER 3671 Guildford ASHFIELD PARADE 3673 Central MULLALOO DESERT NORTH 3907 Guildford LOT 1068 3965 Guildford LAKES RD: POWERLINE A,B & C 4037 Inner City CAMBOON ROAD A, B + C 4038 Guildford WIDGEE/DELLA ROADS 4090 Guildford WYATT ROAD, BAYSWATER 4100 Northern MOORE RIVER 4102 Central LAKE JOONDALUP NORTH-WEST 4143 Central NATGAS 122 4367 Guildford DONKEY SWAMP 4368 Guildford BRADLEY WAY 4369 Guildford WALKINGTON WAY 4371 Guildford HAGART WAY 4372 Guildford WIDGEE ROAD 4373 Guildford WOOLGAR WAY 4376 Central SOUTH 4377 Central GNANGARA ROAD NORTH 4405 Inner City JACKADDER LAKE 16800 Central Gnangara Site 2 (GN#2) 17037 Guildford Pyrton A1 17038 Guildford Pyrton A2 17039 Guildford/Central Pyrton A3 17040 Guildford Pyrton A4 17041 Guildford Pyrton A5 17316 Central SWAMP 18076 Northern Pipeline Corridor 87 (PC-87) 18077 Northern Pipeline Corridor 88 (PC-88) 18078 Northern Pipeline Corridor 89 (PC-89) 18439 Guildford Whiteman Park / Field Site 1 21382 Central The Mews Artefact Scatter

Note: only sites with explicitly reported associations with groundwater are listed.

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3.3.13 Modified Trees Modified, or ‘scarred’, trees are trees which display evidence of use by Aboriginal people in relation to a range of different activities including tool making, weaponry, the building of shelters, and accessing food resources. Only Aboriginal scarred trees with reported associations with groundwater features are listed below. Falling groundwater levels may impact on all such trees.

Table 14: Modified Trees

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3407 Central Tamala Park Trees 3502 Inner City KINGS PARK SCARRED TREE

3.3.14 Healing Pits One type of site was reported in the present study that does not seem to be represented on the Register. This is what the Nyungar consultant referred to as a “healing pit” and is located in the vicinity of Lake Mariginiup.24 This site is directly dependent on the groundwater:

It was used for pit healings; they used it like a sauna. They would dig a pit and put a fire in it and put rocks over the top and then heat them up. And then put branches and myrtle and stuff like that. It would be like a sauna and get the essences out of the flowers.

Senior Nyungar Elder, 2005

3.4 How Aboriginal Cultural Values will be Affected by Water Level Changes

3.4.1 General Cultural Impacts It has been argued extensively above that all living water has cultural significance for Indigenous people, and for this reason any degradation to groundwater features constitutes a cultural impact whether that degradation is caused by natural climatic cycles, climate change or over-exploitation of the groundwater resource. Because water levels are currently falling due to the combination of all three factors, an important part of Aboriginal cultural life is already under pressure. Aboriginal

24 Unfortunately it was not possible to inspect this site and record its precise location in the course of the field survey. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 68 Department of Environment October 2005

______people consulted during heritage surveys consistently request that impacts to wetland areas and flowing water be avoided. Many of the impacts since settlement have been intentional with a number of important lakes and wetlands being drained and built upon (for example, Lake Henderson and the lakes that formed part of what is now the Perth CBD).

Whilst non-Indigenous Australia is slowly acknowledging that their treatment of the land and waters has been at a significant and unsustainable cost to the environment there is as yet no real acknowledgement that this damage has had negative social, economic and cultural impacts on the Indigenous peoples. There have been no real attempts to redress or compensate Aboriginal people for these impacts. McFarlane 2004

Nyungar perspectives on groundwater are embedded in a complex web of social and cultural values focusing on groundwater and surface water resources, flora and fauna. From a Nyungar perspective, the total ecological system is valued and considered to be at risk because of perceived changes to the groundwater environment. Nyungars approach the issue of groundwater and surface water resources generally and their management from a holistic perspective. For instance, Nyungars express the effects of water level change in spiritual terms: just as the presence of the Waugal created water-related features, the declining water levels signals its disappearance.

It is through the activities of this Waugal that the springs which feed the lake continue to flow. Should he be killed, according to tradition, Loch McNess would dry out completely. O’Connor, Bodney and Little 1985

During the consultation, the notion that ‘water is life’ and that ‘water is the birth of everything’ underpinned the responses of Nyungars when questioned about the Gnangara Mound and its management. Groundwater is seen as part of the broader ecology and questions about its use and management elicit concerns about the perceived negative impacts on the environment of water resources from urban and industrial development in the Perth metropolitan area. What are seen as the negative impacts of development and associated extraction and use of groundwater and the destruction of creeks, wetlands and lakes and the broader environment were a central focus of interview responses and field inspections. For example, the view was expressed that the Honey Possum mythological site is water dependent as the trees (habitat) are being destroyed by both the perceived drop in groundwater levels and the encroaching urban development (Site ID 3503). Many Aboriginal people feel that the degradation of the freshwater supply is a direct result of mismanagement and unsustainable development by non-Indigenous people,

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______and that proposals for dealing with the problem of decreasing water levels are equally out of balance with the natural order of things. In discussing Nyungar social and cultural values associated with groundwater and surface water resources and groundwater dependent environmental features and ecological processes, the respondents drew attention (without prompting) to the current effects of groundwater use and changes to waterscapes in the study area. For example, they referred to the drying up of major lakes and wetlands in the study area, such as Lake Gnangara and Adams Lake. Public and private bores and the extraction of groundwater and other factors were cited as the cause of this. For Nyungars, it is not so much a question of what will happen if there is further drawdown on the Gnangara Mound aquifer. From their perspective, the damage has already been done and may be irreversible:

I think that the country is in a poor condition up there [Gnangara Mound study area] because of the amount of water that is being pulled out of the ground. A dangerous level, it’s reaching a dangerous level in that there is more water being pulled than there is being re-supplied or refurbished. And, it’s upsetting the whole of the eco- system really. We’re not being able to replace the water we’re pulling out.

Senior Nyungar Elder, 2005

3.4.2 Ecological Impacts There is great concern that increases in groundwater usage will further and irrevocably damage the ecology of the Swan Coastal Plain. The ecology will be completely out of balance and the Green Frog Dreaming has already been damaged as the balance between fresh and salt water is destroyed and the world is turned upside down. Waterscapes, riparian zones, lakes and wetlands, as noted, were historically vital resource areas for Nyungars and these areas are still highly valued. For example, it has been pointed out elsewhere in this report that the Typha reed (yandiji) and other wetland flora were a staple of the Nyungar diet.25 They also highlighted the importance of wetland fauna. During the consultation for this study, respondents referred to the importance of these resource areas for their ancestors:

25 The presence of yanjiddi is sometimes reported as ‘evidence’ of the presence of a Waugal (see for example O’Connor, Bodney and Little 1985; Edwards and McDonald 1999). This ‘evidence’ invariably involves a ‘reading’ of the country rather than a detailed ‘knowing’ of local mythology. Sometimes it is now reported that Nyungars should not touch, and therefore use, these reeds (Edwards and McDonald 1999) in contrast to the known ethnohistorical and even relatively recent use of the plant.

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______

It’s the way our ancestors lived. They were able to get jilgies out of the creek, turtles, everything; they were able to get the wild onion and potatoes, the wild carrot. Everything they needed they knew where it was.

Senior Nyungar Elder, 2005

They also reported that these things continued to be important to them. However, they noted that it was increasingly difficult to access such resources as wetland destruction has resulted in the disappearance of valued water-based resources. However, it is not just the wetlands and their resources which are valued; the entire biota of the Swan Coastal Plain is socially and culturally important.

There are special medicinal plants growing all through that area. For a while there, it looked a bit dodgy because they put down too many bloody bores and its starting to affect the plants and things like that, you know. We still go out sometimes and get medicinal plants and food plants too.

[Anything else that is important?]

Well as I say, you know, we were talking about the natural vegetation … there are a lot of different herbs and plants that produce different fruits that we eat. You’ve got the born [Haemodorum sp] and other sorts of thing, and what you call the djubak, [Burnettia nigricans] is a wild potato and stuff like that and herbs all growing in that country. You’ve got berries and stuff that we still gather.

[And is that dependent on the groundwater?]

Well the groundwater keeps them all alive, you know, all through the sand plain country. In some parts the water level is bit high, in some parts you get the wetlands and stuff like that, the swamps, you know.

Senior Nyungar Elder, 2005

The respondents are aware of how the social and cultural values associated with groundwater resources are affected by water-level changes. References were made to the disappearance of a range of wetland and sandplain natural resources. Importantly, the ecological nexus between these losses was articulated. Environmental changes, including changes in ground and surface water resources, were linked to the loss of valued flora and fauna including kangaroo, emu and bush turkey. As discussed elsewhere, hunting and the knowledge and use of plant resources, are an important part of traditional Aboriginal culture. However, the flora and fauna associated with traditional Nyungar life rely for their survival on groundwater-related environmental features such as lakes, swamps and wetlands. These include the Swan River Goby, Pygmy Perch, Long-Necked Tortoises and various species of frogs, lizards and snakes. Bates described a small species of frog used as a bait for catching

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______crayfish (“earth-burrowing crayfish of the genus Engaewa”) and freshwater turtles which “are extremely abundant about December and January in the more Southern districts” (Bates 1985). However, the current decline in groundwater levels is now threatening species which were once an important part of Aboriginal diet and for many Aboriginal people still of cultural significance. Frogs and turtles (which give their name to Yokine) are particularly in decline where once they were found in abundance in around swamps and wetlands. has been described as “one of the few places left in the metropolitan area where rakali (water rats) still thrive and are abundant in the fringing wetland vegetation” (Costello 2002–03). During a recent survey of a proposed residential development in Stirling, “concern was expressed for the ibis, a sacred migratory bird, whose land and habitat was being resumed for residential development and spoke of the encroachment of development onto a bird sanctuary in wetlands to the north of Karrinyup Rd” (Australian Interaction Consultants 2004; see Plates 5 & 6). The reduction in groundwater levels is also having an adverse impact on the area’s caves, a number of which have direct mythological associations as has been discussed above. For example, Sylvia Hallam has suggested that a recent roof fall in Orchestra Shell Cave (DIA Site ID 4404) seems to be associated with the dehydration of the limestone as a result of a fall in the watertable. A further drop in the watertable could have additional negative impacts on Orchestra Shell Cave and other such sites in the Yanchep area. Nyungars expressed the view that the caves and not just those that were registered as sites, are of cultural significance. The cave system generally is of significance to Nyungars. In addition to their intrinsic spiritual value, the caves are thought to be places where Nyungars communed with the spirits and where ritual regalia were rationally stored, “a keeping place”.

The caves are very significant … the water trickles through and continues the life .. the water is sacred; well you know the mythology, the Waugal, the snake, created the water. Wherever the water is alive and there is fresh water, the spirit is.

Senior Nyungar Elder 2005

There are concerns about the deleterious effects of the loss of groundwater on the cave system at Yanchep. Nyungars are also concerned about the spreading problem of salinity and reference was made to salt patches appearing along the banks of Blackadder and other creeks bordering the study area (DIA Site ID 3720).

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______

We have a problem here in that the water is beginning to dry up in the region… In the Crystal Cave the subterranean water flow has basically dried up. There is a unique species of anthropods in the water in the cave and now we have to artificially keep the water flowing. This is the only cave in Australia (in fact there are only two places in the world) which has (these) anthropods … they have to be in the dark and have a lot of water — that’s why we keep pumping water into the cave. The pine plantations at Gnangara and around Yanchep have drained the water out so the water supply around here is very, very scarce compared to what it used to be. All the caves had water which always flowed and it never went dry, but now since the pine plantations have sucked all the water and the nutrients from the ground. Senior Nyungar Elder in Costello 2002–03

The destruction of wetlands, waterways and other water sources was linked by respondents from one group to the disappearance of frogs. Their loss was in turn linked to the mosquito plagues and the growth in mosquito-borne diseases. The world, they suggested, is out of balance, a balance that had been maintained by their ancestors for millennia. Previous studies have also reported the view that the removal of large amounts of water from the Yarragadee Aquifer would have alarming consequences for Aboriginal social and cultural values (see Goode 2004). During the Yarragadee Aquifer consultations, Aboriginal communities were particularly concerned about the potential impact on traditional activities such as camping, marroning and fishing. They felt that land clearance and the removal of trees was contributing to the silting up of rivers and lakes which in turn was impacting on fauna such as frogs. The community was also concerned about the possibility of land slumping due to the removal of large amounts of water and the possible impacts on the forests. The people were also concerned about the effect of extracting such a large amount of water from the aquifer and the impact this would have on the recharging of pools along the main rivers. Sarah Yu (2000) reported similar concerns among the traditional owners in the Kimberley in relation to: • The effects of taking too much underground water. They “fear that the underground ‘rivers or ‘streams’ will be irrevocably deprived of water and that their water sources will as a consequence dry up or become salty”; • The effects of large amounts of fresh water being pumped everyday. Such activity may ‘pull down’ the groundwater from the springs, soaks and other ‘on- top’ waters, thereby rendering them salty or dry; and • Since such effects would interfere with the ‘balance of water’ (i.e. the level of the watertable) and the rate of flow of the groundwater, they also believe that large-scale pumping would irreversibly change the cycle of flow and replenishment of the underground aquifer. It has been discussed elsewhere in this report that traditional owners have a cultural responsibility to look after the environment and natural resources within their country, Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 73 Department of Environment October 2005

______in particular its freshwater sources. Such cultural values are presently being translated into a sense of cultural loss as groundwater sources and the flora and fauna they sustain are gradually diminishing. As long as the water continues to decline, that sense of loss will remain. In addition to the spiritual values associated with numerous waterscapes, water sources including ngura (well/spring), ngamar (rockhole), pools (gabbi warri) and so on, are valued in themselves, as is the ability to acquire fresh water from these sources. People speak of the time in the not too distant past when they travelled along their runs across the country for work, hunting and gathering or for other social activities when they could obtain fresh water from a variety of sources. Now, they exclaim, much of the country is dry. During the present study, the respondents of one group consulted referred to a time when they traversed the Gnangara Pine Plantation picking wildflowers and recalled that they could always rely on soaks at swamps and other sources for fresh water. However, they report that the swamps are now dry. While the pine plantations themselves are thought to be part of the reason for this, the primary cause is seen as the increasing drawdown on the groundwater resources:

We used to travel all through there [the Gnangara Pine Plantation] and we could get water from the swamps. Those swamps are all dry now.

[Why is that?]

Bores, they’ve put too many bores in there; huge bloody bores. They took all the water; the groundwater is all dropped.

Senior Nyungar Elder, 2005

3.4.3 Alteration of the Natural Flow The public drawdown together with the use of private bores in the ever increasing number of housing estates, the operations of market gardens and turf farms, together with land clearing and landscaping (filling and cutting) is thought to be responsible for the alteration of the natural flow of water and are negatively impacting on the overall ground and surface water resources (see Plate 4).

All the drain systems are redirections of natural flow … it goes through the centre of the earth … even though original soil is replaced by sand … just filled over. Senior Nyungar Elder in Australian Interaction Consultants 2004

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______

One of the reasons we have problems here is water. The caves around the area have always been filled with water, which seeps in from the Gnangara Mound and comes down into the subterranean waterways from the north. The water comes through here and seeps under Perth and keeps the subterranean waterways clean. We become upset when developers want to clog them up and put buildings on them and not consult with Aboriginal people. All waterways are sacred… Senior Nyungar Elder in Costello 2002–03

In addition to the deeply felt spiritual impacts caused by falling water levels, there is the further sense of disconnection between people and land, particularly places of traditional cultural significance. For example, at Eden Hill Reserve, which was a significant meeting and camping area, the Aboriginal people were concerned that the swamp had been drained and that much of the surrounding native bush had been cleared. They requested that no further alteration of the natural environment take place (Site ID 3487). There were camps and corroborree grounds associated with Stone’s Lake (Site ID 3573) but this lake too is now drained. Impacts such as this, whether man-made or part of a wider climatic trend, can only further alienate Aboriginal people from their heritage and culture.

3.4.4 Sand and Silt Build-up Sand and silt build-up can also impact on sites of Aboriginal heritage value. For example, in discussing a former camp on the banks of a small perennial stream (a tributary of Henley Brook, which in turn runs into the Swan River), it was stated that the stream and the spring that fed it have since been heavily disturbed by the collection of clay in the immediate area. The camp had been noted for the freshness of the water from this spring and the significance of the site had been reduced because the stream had been dug out into a dam (Site ID 17839).

In the denser habitats the quenda — another mammal now uncommon in metropolitan Perth and indeed throughout the Swan Coastal Plain — has been seen. Senior Nyungar Elder in Costello 2002–03

3.4.5 Impacts to Burials It is possible that a reduction in groundwater levels could have an adverse impact on subterranean cultural values such as burials. The following table lists the registered burials within the Gnangara Mound study area.

Table 15: Registered Burials

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3203 Inner City FRESHWATER PARADE

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DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3489 Guildford BENNETT BROOK: LORD ST. 1 3490 Guildford BENNETT BROOK: LORD ST. 2 3585 Inner City HERDSMAN LAKE. 16799 Central Gnangara Site 1c (GN#1c) 16801 Central Gnangara Site 3 (GN#3) 16803 Central Gnangara Site 4 (GN#4) 17497 Central MINDARIE BURIAL MOUND 17590 Central Edgewater Burial Site

3.4.6 Impacts to Modified Trees Similarly, Aboriginal modified trees may also be impacted by changes in groundwater levels. The following table lists the registered modified trees within the Gnangara Mound study area.

Table 16: Registered Modified Trees

DIA Site ID Zone Site Name 3371 Central GNANGARRA SCARRED TREE 3520 Guildford MAYLANDS SCARRED TREE 3549 Inner City SHENTON PARK SCARRED TREE 3657 Central WANNEROO SCARRED TREE. 16058 Central SHAW ROAD, WANNEROO 16273 Central Scarred Trees, Joondalup 16802 Central Gnangara Site 5 (GN#5) 17317 Central SCARRED TREE 18801 Central Scarred Tree 19158 Central Beenyup Marked Tree BeA1 19262 Inner City Bold Park Scarred Tree 20054 Central Wanneroo Primary School Scarred Tree #1 20055 Central Wanneroo Primary School Scarred Tree #2

3.4.7 Artefact Scatters The large number of recorded artefact scatters listed above in Section 3.3.12 indicates the high potential for many more additional sites of a similar nature to be identified, particularly in areas around groundwater features that have not yet been

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______developed. Indeed, as water levels decline and wind erosion continues, it is likely that subsurface material in such areas will be exposed. However, the possible increase in the number of artefact sites being revealed will be little comfort or consolation for falling water levels.

3.5 Recommendations Regarding Avoidance of Negative Impacts on Water Dependent Aboriginal Cultural Values

3.5.1 Avoid negative impacts on groundwater-dependent cultural values This report has described the key groundwater-dependent Aboriginal cultural values on the Gnangara Mound, some of which are common to all (such as the fundamental role of freshwater resources in Aboriginal culture); others of specific cultural significance to the Nyungar people (such as the places listed in Section 3.2).

Maintaining heritage values and places is a vital part of the community’s ‘sense of place’, cultural identity and well-being. This is particularly true for Indigenous Australians, whose heritage creates and maintains links between ancestors, people and the land. Australian Heritage Commission 2002

Indigenous people, like Government and the wider community, have an interest in seeing water systems restored to health wherever possible. McFarlane argues that “however the aspirations are expressed, they are all directed towards restoring the original values of the water source and its surrounding landscape.” The Department of Environment should do everything in its power to avoid negative impacts on groundwater-dependent cultural values.

3.5.2 Limit Drawdown of Groundwater As noted, there is grave concern within the Nyungar community about the current state of the groundwater and surface water systems and the ecosystem generally. The ecosystem and water-dependent Aboriginal cultural values are considered to be under serious treat as it is.

… we’re in a pretty stiff way about water, I think. They’ve got to really do something about it.

Senior Nyungar Elder 2005

Nyungar responses to the question about further planned drawdown on the Gnangara Mound aquifer ranged from requests to regulate the existing public and private drawdown to a call for a decrease in the existing drawdown rates. In respect of the Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 77 Department of Environment October 2005

______latter strategy, most thought it would only be considered feasible when combined with other strategies such as protecting the remaining existing wetlands, better regulation of urban expansion and moderating commercial and domestic demand in order to restore the ecological balance that, in their view, has been already been lost. For example, when asked about the impact of possible further drawdown on the Mound, one Elder responded: “Well, I predict catastrophe, even to land, cave-in, you know ... I believe we’re moving into a dangerous situation”.

The level of water in permanent water sources is interpreted as an indicator of the health of the country and its people as all forms of life — animals, trees, plants, insects and people — are dependent for their survival on the water. Yu 2000

Only one Nyungar Elder of those consulted thought that an expansion of the existing groundwater extraction program was feasible, though even this support was qualified:

It just depends, if they can govern it so that the water doesn’t come from one particular place and then spread it out, like the catchment of it, well then they’re right. Though they have to keep them [the wetlands] I think. I don’t think you can sort of build over them like we saw down there [in Stirling]. Like here [Lake Gnangara], even to the edge of here, they got to make sure that they today create a sort of parkland around it and the same as they’ve got up at Carine. And, the water will stay there then. But, the water level in here goes right down; it looks like a big desert in the summer.

Senior Nyungar Elder, 2005

3.5.3 Preserve and Restore Wetlands The representatives of the Nyungar groups consulted were unanimous in their demands to maintain the remaining existing wetlands within the Gnangara Mound Study area and in other parts of the metropolitan area.

What was recognised as swamp wetland, where the water was, the swamp ecosystem, was all round here [demonstrating an expansive area] is now sort of is in there [demonstrating a much diminished area]. [The ecosystem] is diminishing … But we do maintain that whatever is there needs to be maintained as wetland, even if it is dry, for the birds and wildlife. And, the time when you do get a good deluge the water is there and things will feast of that.

Senior Nyungar Elder, 2005

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______

It has been argued extensively that all lakes, swamps, springs and wetlands are of cultural value to Aboriginal people. For some, Aboriginal cultural associations with all such features are based on a spiritual connection; for others it is a basic heritage connection arising from the knowledge that their ancestors used and lived in these places in the past. The wetlands are seen to be inherently related to the groundwater system; an impact on one results in an impact on the other. Since these places play such a central role in Aboriginal cultural life and identity, and since their degradation constitutes a direct impact to that culture, all reasonable steps should be taken to alleviate their decline. Priority should be given to the places identified in this report as listed in Sections 3.3.1, 3.3.2, 3.3.4 and 3.3.10. Many developers are now including measures such as the restoration of former wetlands and the preservation of natural water flow in their designs not only as an aesthetic component of their landscaping, but as part of negotiations in relation to Aboriginal heritage clearances. However, not all of these attempts have met with Nyungar approval. There is also a concern about the rate of wetland destruction and the deleterious impacts from housing developments which are increasing the level of impact on the system. Throughout the study, reference was made in interviews to negative impacts on the wetland ecosystem and a number of examples that concerned individual groups were inspected (see Plates 4–7).

3.5.4 Preserve Water Flow As stated above, of fundamental importance to Indigenous people is the preservation of natural water flow. The subsurface and surface flow of the water is thought of as blood flowing through the earth’s veins or arteries. As one Elder put it, “the subterranean water system is the arterial and circulatory system of the land, similar to what we have in our bodies”. This system cleans and purifies the water and gives life and vitality, he noted. Obstructing natural water flow is considered to have serious environmental and, by extension, cultural impacts. A number of examples were pointed out to the researchers where Nyungars were concerned that the natural flow of the hydrological system had been blocked or altered in relation to wetlands (see Plates 4–6). In these instances, Nyungars were concerned with the question, once blocked or altered, “where would the water go”? If the water was not flowing along its natural course, there were perceived negative impacts on the ecosystem and Nyungar cultural values, including the negative impact on wetlands, watercourses and freshwater sources traditionally and historically used by Nyungars. These concerns are a recurring theme in heritage surveys. During a recent archaeological and ethnographic survey of a proposed residential development in Stirling, for example, Nyungar elders “expressed frustration at wetlands across the metropolitan area...” One elder complained “we had told them all the wetland areas are significant and now there’s sand on top of the water”. The elders spoke of the “significance of all the wetlands that are interconnected by the natural flow of water above and below the ground” and even if water flows are artificially redirected, the

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______significance of the water flow remains (Australian Interaction Consultants 2004; emphasis added). The Swan River has been relentlessly developed since Europeans arrived and Indigenous groups have been consistent in wishing to protect the river and its environs from damage and pollution. They specify that an area of at least 30 metres on either side of the river should be regarded as a buffer zone in all cases (from DIA Site ID 3536). Similar requests have been expressed in relation to other river systems in the Perth metropolitan area, not just the Swan. Nyungars also call for better buffers zones to be maintained around lakes and wetlands and for direct and indirect impacts of housing developments on waterways to be ameliorated.

Waterways and tributaries we still hold dear to us. We are, without even knowing it, environmentalists because we have a special significance for flowing waters in that they must be left untouched … these are sacred to Nyungar peoples because they have camped along the waterways for centuries. Senior Nyungar Elder in Prince, Hovingh and Lamond 1996

It is recommended, therefore, that wherever possible water flow is maintained and/or restored and that no activities be undertaken that would impact on water flow. This applies to all flowing water, but especially the rivers, brooks and creeks identified during this study and listed in Section 3.3.3. Sarah Yu commented, based on her work in the Kimberley, that Traditional Owners are not necessarily opposed to development in their country but they maintain that it must (Yu 2000): 1. Be ecologically sustainable; 2. Recognise their own cultural values in respect to groundwater; and 3. Avoid destruction of culturally significant sites and areas. The same can generally be said of Nyungars on the Swan Coastal Plain.

3.5.5 Recognising Indigenous Rights and Responsibilities As noted above in Section 3.1.5, Aboriginal people have traditional rights and responsibilities to access and protect water resources on their country. The jural aspects of waterscapes are reflected in native title rights claimed by Aboriginal groups over landscapes and waterscapes on the Swan Coastal Plain as in other parts of Australia. McFarlane (2004:11), drawing on the findings of the Lingiari report (2002), notes that although each Indigenous group has its own specific issues and priorities, a number of broad themes are apparent regarding their common rights to: • Have their spiritual relationships to water resources respected; • Have sites of significance protected;

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______• Decisively participate in the better management of water resources; and • Exercise their spiritual, cultural, social and economic rights through access to good quality water and water for commercial use. Non-indigenous people and government agencies must be willing to recognise historical responsibility where it exists and to acknowledge Indigenous values and perspectives on the environment generally and on water resources in particular. This is the basis for reconciliation and a partnership based on mutual respect (McFarlane 2004; Morgan, Strelein and Weir 2004(a) and 2004(b)).

Aboriginal people have continuing rights and responsibilities as the first people of Western Australia, including traditional ownership and connection to land and waters. Statement of Commitment to a New and Just Relationship 26

In recent years, the Commonwealth and State Governments have shown a commitment to engage more closely with Indigenous people on a range of issues including cultural resource management. In October 2001, the Government of Western Australia signed a Statement of Commitment to a New and Just Relationship between the Government of Western Australia and Aboriginal Western Australians. Under this agreement, the Western is committed to the principle of inclusiveness and to recognising “the continuing rights and responsibilities of Aboriginal people as the first peoples of Western Australia, including traditional ownership and connection to land and waters”. It is important that these sentiments are translated into real partnerships, particularly now that ATSIC has been dissolved. In June 2004, the National Water Initiative (NWI) was signed by all states except and Western Australia (Tasmania signed in June 2005). Although Western Australia has not signed the NWI, many of the principles it embodies could be, or already are, reflected in the State Government’s policies, procedures and initiatives. For example, the National Water Initiative establishes an implementation plan to deal with a range of issues including recognition of Indigenous needs in relation to water access and management. The NWI calls for (paragraphs 52–54 inclusive): • Inclusion of Indigenous representatives in water planning wherever possible; • Water plans to incorporate Indigenous social, spiritual and customary objectives and strategies to achieve these objectives; • Water planning processes to take account of the possible existence of native title rights to water in the catchment or aquifer area. Plans may need to allocate water to native title holders following the recognition of native title rights in water under the Commonwealth Native Title Act 1993; and

26 Statement of Commitment to a New and Just Relationship between the Government of Western Australia and Aboriginal Western Australians. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 81 Department of Environment October 2005

______• Water allocated to native title holders for traditional cultural purposes will be accounted for. Clearly, the present study represents a step in this direction by proactively seeking Indigenous cultural values to be identified and included in the Sub-Regional Management Plan for the Gnangara Mound. The following next steps are recommended: • Include Aboriginal Cultural Values in the Sub-Regional Management Plan; • Form strategic alliances between DoE and Indigenous groups; and • Include Indigenous groups in NRM planning, decision making and management activities in relation to the Gnangara Mound. These recommendations are discussed in more detail below.

3.5.6 Include Aboriginal Cultural Values in the Management Plan The first step is to ensure that the findings of this current report, the preparation of which involved consultation with key Aboriginal stakeholders, are not simply acknowledged, but explicitly incorporated into the Sub-Regional Management Plan and that Aboriginal people are invited to be actively involved in its implementation. In order to gain the trust and active involvement of Aboriginal people, it will be necessary to demonstrate a genuine commitment to all the issues raised here and to adopt a holistic approach to dealing with them.

… with political will and an appreciation of the unique position that water and the surrounding landscape assumes in the lives of Indigenous peoples, governments can achieve sustainable agreements that recognise the cultural, social and economic aspirations of Indigenous people. McFarlane 2004

McFarlane (2004:19) argues that if water planning is pursued in a narrow sense (for example, through short-term piecemeal solutions), then “it is unlikely to satisfy Indigenous aspirations or deal effectively with other major concerns expressed by Indigenous communities”. A holistic approach to groundwater management requires recognition and integration of Indigenous knowledge systems into the planning and management process and must recognise the special relationship between Indigenous people and the landscape and water resources, including the groundwater resource. The health of the country and of the water resources are inherently interrelated. Nyungars generally feel that they have been ignored and that the previous piecemeal, and project specific, approach to consultation regarding water resources has been ineffectual. As one Nyungar elder reported while on a field trip, “You can’t tell them [the decision-makers] anything, you know. They don’t listen”.

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______A similar point was raised during the consultation with the Combined Metropolitan Native Title Working Group, when they noted that they have “seldom been consulted about developments, and even when they were consulted their advice was generally ignored”. They were also of the opinion that “the Water Corporation didn’t understand or care about [the] bigger picture, and was only interested in a band-aid approach by seeking easy solutions” (see Appendix 3). Another Nyungar elder noted in the course of the study that the authorities often look for simple answers to complex problems which then further exacerbate the original problem. Goode (2004) reports similar concerns raised by responses in relation to the Yarragadee project which found that Nyungar people felt that they were not listened to seriously by non-Aboriginal people. There was also the feeling that European cultural values took precedence over Aboriginal cultural values on such matters. The community felt that there needed to be a greater understanding and acknowledgement of Nyungar values and beliefs with regards to sustainable land use practices by Government and its agencies and by ‘white folk’ in general. Integrating Indigenous cultural values and knowledge into the Sub-Regional Management Plan for the Gnangara Mound would also have the effect of “supporting the maintenance, protection and continuity of Indigenous knowledge”27 As Toussaint, Sullivan and Yu (2005: 65) remark in relation to Fitzroy River basin: A focus on water also provides a window into intergenerational knowledge transmission. Knowledge about, and practices related to, water’s presence, or absence are enacted in behaviours aimed at educating young people via stories of water’s creation and water habitat-dependent species and practices entailed in human management of water sources.

3.5.7 Establish Strategic Alliances for Co-management of Groundwater Resources The next step is to formulate practical alliances to implement the Management Plan on the ground with a high level of Aboriginal involvement. The Boonamulla Conference (Canberra 2002) set out principles dealing with the shift from consultation to negotiation on matters affecting the lives of traditional owners. In some areas, mere involvement in natural resource management (NRM) has progressed further to include considering structures such as co-management where “the approach is one of equitable partnership where there is a balanced power relationship, although each of the partners may contribute in different ways” (McFarlane 2004:17). In Western Australia, the parties to the 2001 Statement of Commitment agreed that the most effective means of translating principles into meaningful action and outcomes is by way of regional agreements based on partnerships. The Partnership Framework is seen as a way of establishing State-wide policies and administrative arrangements to support negotiations and agreements at the regional and local level. The Partnership Framework can support Aboriginal people to negotiate regional and local agreements according to the priorities of Aboriginal people in partnership with other stakeholders.

27 Ways to improve Community Engagement: Working with Indigenous Knowledge in Natural Resources Management. Natural Heritage Trust. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 83 Department of Environment October 2005

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Many Indigenous people would see co-management as intertwined with their resource and political rights, culture and social and economic arrangements — not as an independent arrangement as management agencies tend to see it. McFarlane 2004

The Commonwealth guidelines for Indigenous participation in natural resource management suggest that a representative of the regional NRM group meets on a regular basis with one or more local Indigenous leaders to discuss issues. In this way, a regional NRM group member can get to know the issues of local Indigenous people and also build up a long-term relationship. The Swan Catchment Council has had some success in engaging the Indigenous community and integrating their concerns into the NRM. This, in part, has been facilitated by the appointment of an Indigenous NRM Coordinator. A similar arrangement could be extended to the planning for the Gnangara Mound. The Swan Catchment Council is a community-chaired and led committee with responsibility for coordinating and supporting natural resource management (NRM) in the Swan Region. It addresses community needs by working closely with government agencies, industry, community and catchment groups and other bodies to promote collaboration on key environmental issues. The Swan Catchment Council aims to improve natural resource management by: • Better integration of programs, strategies and statutory processes; • Increasing understanding in community, government and industry; and • Linking local catchment activities to regional priorities. 28 The Swan Catchment Council may be in a position, given the appropriate level of support, to assist the Water and Rivers Commission in communicating with the Indigenous community in relation to groundwater management in the long-term. Establishing a genuine and effective working partnership is a challenge, however. McFarlane noted that even where there is a genuine desire to engage with Indigenous people, there is often an inability to deliver on that intent which can lead to a sense of disillusionment on all sides.

There is “much work to be done to close the gap between the perception and the reality and get Indigenous people effectively involved”. McFarlane 2004

28 http://www.wrc.wa.gov.au/swanavon/pages/council.html Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 84 Department of Environment October 2005

______The participants in this study agreed that the Indigenous community should be involved with policy development and long-term monitoring, assessment and management of the Gnangara groundwater resource. However, it was difficult to get precise ideas on how this might occur from many of the groups. In part, this situation results from the previous piecemeal, and project specific, approach to consultation regarding the resource and a feeling that they had not been listened to previously, especially in relation to a holistic approach to water resource management. However, the lack of specificity also reflects the need to build Aboriginal people’s capacity to participate and to provide the necessary resources. In this vein, the Combined Metropolitan Native Title Working Group suggested that there should be a series of meetings in order to allow Nyungars and other stakeholders to develop a “working partnership”. They also suggested that a broadly-based advisory committee, including Nyungar women, should be established (see Appendix 3). The senior man of another group noted that any plan to involve Nyungars should be enshrined in legislation or a binding strategic plan. He also noted that the authority of the elders must be recognised. However, the elders could not do all the work themselves and there was a need for a second tier to become their “arms and legs”. Younger Nyungars, he suggested, should be trained to fulfil these roles. In other words, the capacity of the Nyungar community should be enhanced to participate in the process. These younger people should be involved in the technical aspects associated with Nyungar participation. However, he also suggested that an advisory type committee is no longer acceptable. What is required is Nyungar co-management of the resource and a recognition of their position as ‘landowners’. The apparent diffidence by some of the groups regarding their involvement in the planning process also results from the social and political diversity within the Indigenous community. The various groups want to ensure that their own rights and interests are recognised and protected before committing themselves to any particular form of participation. Any plan to engage Nyungars in the Sub-Regional Management Plan must, therefore, recognise and take account of the social and political diversity within the Nyungar community. The Murray-Darling Basin Commission released a Scoping Study which summarised the barriers identified by both Indigenous and Government participants under a number of broad themes including (Forward NRM and Arrilla – Aboriginal Training & Development 2003: 75–76): • Poor understanding within Government of Indigenous perspectives, Indigenous peoples’ responsibilities to Country and their relationship with the land; • Economic and social context of many Indigenous people; • Lack of respect for Indigenous people, their authority, views and knowledge relating to natural resource management and Indigenous cultural associations; • Perceived inflexibility of Government culture, operations and systems (inappropriate timeframes, styles of communication, bureaucratic systems, staff turnover and changing political agendas); and • Failure of current efforts to produce positive outcomes.

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______Inadequate Government resources were not often raised as a barrier although it was recognised that effective Indigenous involvement would require a greater financial commitment than was current. The Commonwealth Department of Environment and Heritage has pointed out that Indigenous groups need to be adequately resourced to effectively participate in the development and implementation of regional NRM plans (McFarlane 2004). The primary barriers to real engagement, according to McFarlane (2004:16), is the failure to set priorities and the underlying “lack of understanding by non-Indigenous people of the values, perspectives and perceptions that Indigenous people have”.

The holistic nature of Indigenous peoples’ relationship to their land, their water, their whole environment is something that non-Indigenous Australians find difficult to conceptualise and understand… If one part is damaged or destroyed, all other parts are put under pressure…. Unless that relationship is understood and acknowledged it will be difficult for Indigenous interests to be dealt with effectively… McFarlane 2004

However, similar partnerships between Government and Indigenous people to the one which could be formed in relation to groundwater management have been successfully formed by other organisations both here in Western Australia and elsewhere. These partnerships demonstrate that with political will and commitment, and through the fostering of relationships, constructive dialogue can take place and positive outcomes can be achieved. For example, in 2004, an historic strategic alliance was formed between the Department of Industry and Resources (DoIR), the Department of Indigenous Affairs and a Senior Elders Group (known as the Ngarda-ngarli) comprising representatives from several former Native Title Claimant groups recognised as having cultural associations with the Burrup Peninsula in Western Australia. The objective of this alliance is to achieve positive heritage outcomes for the Indigenous peoples of the Burrup in light of high-level industrial development (Coldrick 2005). Since the signing of the alliance agreement, the Senior Elders Group has been meeting regularly with senior personnel from these Departments in order to explore appropriate mechanisms for the final location and presentation of Aboriginal cultural material (predominantly rock engravings) displaced over recent decades (Coldrick 2005). This alliance is an example of State Government agencies and Aboriginal groups working co-operatively to achieve mutually acceptable outcomes through consultation, negotiation and participation. In June 2004, the Victorian government signed a co-operative land management agreement for the Murray River with members of the Yorta Yorta Nation Aboriginal Corporation. The agreement recognises the Yorta Yorta’s “connection to traditional land and waters and values their involvement in planning, management and protection of the environment” (McFarlane 2004). The Yorta Yorta management agreement is

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______seen as a landmark in Victoria for involving Indigenous people in the management of their traditional land outside of a native title process.29 Arrangements for long-term co-operation are being fostered in the Perth metropolitan area by other organisations. For example, the management of Kings Park and Botanic Gardens and Bold Park works closely with key Aboriginal stakeholders in the management of cultural heritage issues. A working group meets annually to discuss important issues and proposed developments with Kings Park and Bold Park in order to provide Aboriginal stakeholders with an opportunity to express their wishes and concerns.

3.5.8 Include Indigenous Groups in NRM Planning and Decision Making The Commonwealth Department of the Environment and Heritage has identified an approach to successfully integrating Indigenous perspectives into the planning and management process by “considering ways that Indigenous knowledge could improve Australia’s approach to regional delivery of Natural Resource Management”. The Department of the Environment and Heritage recently announced new Guidelines for Indigenous Participation in Natural Resource Management which are designed to encourage Indigenous communities across Australia to become involved in regional NRM planning and activities.30 The guidelines, which make specific recommendations for the development of regional NRM plans, are based on a number of principles including: • The need to incorporate the values of all groups, including those of Indigenous people, into planning processes; • The need to protect sites of Aboriginal heritage value should be reflected in NRM plans and the implementation of those plans; and • Indigenous people have a right to be represented on regional decision-making committees. The Guidelines also state that regional NRM group communication should demonstrate a commitment to keeping Indigenous people informed about what is happening in the region and to gaining their ideas about what they would like to see happen. For example, input should be gained on the ways Indigenous people want specific cultural sites, knowledge and intellectual property to be protected. Also, there may be existing partnerships between Indigenous people and other landowners (both public and private) that regional NRM groups can build upon and strengthen. Some of the recommendations put forward by the Guidelines include: • Developing a process for including Indigenous leaders or organisations that have an interest in natural resource management; • Identifying how partnerships with local and regional Indigenous people are formed so that long-term interaction can occur;

29 http://www.dse.vic.gov.au 30 http://nrm.gov.au/indigenous/publications/participation-guidelines/index.html Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 87 Department of Environment October 2005

______• Reaching agreement with the Indigenous community on how to provide feedback to, and gain further input from, Indigenous people in the region; and • Identifying Indigenous rights to land and water in the region including any Native Title Claim or Indigenous Land Use Agreements. The current study represents a clear intention on behalf of the Department of Environment and the Water and Rivers Commission to involve the Aboriginal community in the development of the Sub-Regional Management Plan. By approaching the community and requesting their input into the Plan, the Commission has provided Nyungar people with an opportunity to contribute to the process in a positive and proactive way. What is important is that this spirit of co-operation be fostered into the future with the development and implementation of the Plan and that Aboriginal people become actively involved in the management and monitoring of water resources.

3.5.9 Find Roles for Indigenous People

The South West Yarragadee report r r ecommended continuing consultation between the Water and Rivers Commission and the Aboriginal community including identifying roles for Aboriginal people in the management and monitoring of water resources. The report recommended that Indigenous people should be involved in all aspects of assessment and empowered to monitor surface water. Aboriginal community members could also be employed to monitor any necessary clearing for bore locations, pipelines etc (Goode 2004). The Commonwealth’s Guidelines for Indigenous Participation in Natural Resource Management also recommend that Indigenous people be considered as part of the implementation of regional NRM planning including, for example, providing learning experiences and skills training in natural resource management to Indigenous youth.

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4. CONCLUSIONS The information contained in this report is intended to assist the Department of Environment in determining the Social Water Requirements (SWRs) which are to be incorporated into a Sub-Regional Management Plan for use in the water allocation decision-making process. The report’s findings demonstrate the close historical, cultural and spiritual associations Nyungar people have with the groundwater features and ecological processes of the Gnangara Mound including its lakes, rivers, swamps and springs. The study found that the Nyungar people are deeply concerned about the cultural and environmental impacts of declining groundwater levels. Any actions Government take to reverse the degradation of groundwater-related features and associated ecological processes, and to restore these to their natural state, will have the support of Aboriginal people. The report identifies a number of areas of cultural significance based on the information available at the time of its compilation. Such areas should be given priority for maintenance in the Sub-Regional Management Plan, particularly where they embody groundwater features such as lakes, swamps, springs, rivers and so on. However, it should also be noted that there are many more areas of significance to Aboriginal people that are not included in this report, which is why it is important that Aboriginal people be included throughout the development, implementation and ongoing management of the Plan. It was not possible during this study to consult Aboriginal people on every groundwater-related environmental feature on the Gnangara Mound. If the Department of Environment intends to carry out any operations that may impact on any such feature, the normal processes should be followed to avoid impacts to Aboriginal heritage.

4.1 Recommendations 1. It is recommended that the DoE formally recognise and integrate Nyungar cultural values and knowledge into their Sub-Regional Management Plan for the Gnangara Mound. 2. It is recommended that the DoE establish an Indigenous Knowledge Support Plan (IKSP) to support, enhance and maintain Indigenous knowledge in respect of the hydrological systems of the Swan Coastal Plain generally and the Gnangara Sub-Region specifically. 3. It is recommended that the DoE enter into a strategic alliance with Nyungar groups in respect of the planning for the Gnangara Mound and that the strategic alliance seeks to: • Recognise that Indigenous people enjoy a fundamental and continuing relationship to all landscapes and waterscapes, including the groundwater system; • Explore the appropriate forms of Nyungar participation, including co- management;

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______• Recognise the role of elders within the community and the planning process; and • Recognise the social and political diversity of the Nyungar community. 4. It is recommended that the DoE develop dedicated resources to effect Nyungar participation in the Gnangara Sub-Regional Management Plan and that those dedicated resources include: • An Indigenous Coordinator and facilitators; • Support for Indigenous processes (for example, funding meetings, a separate Indigenous planning process and so on); and • Training for Indigenous people. 5. It is recommended that the DoE devote time and resources to building the capacity of Nyungar people to participate in the planning process. 6. It is recommended that the DoE devote time and resources to building the capacity of Departmental staff and those of other agencies to work effectively with the Indigenous community.

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 90 Department of Environment October 2005

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PLATES

Plate 1: Mussel Pool (DIA Site ID 3745) on Bennett Brook (DIA Site ID 3692)

Plate 2: Lake Gnangara (DIA Site ID 3772)

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 91 Department of Environment October 2005

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Plate 3: Rosslare Soak(s) (DIA Site ID 21589) — the soaks are situated under the two palm trees

Plate 4: Wetland impacts Upper Swan (wetland peat is being trucked away)

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 92 Department of Environment October 2005

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Plate 5: TC/01-Waterway (DIA Site ID 21537)

Plate 6: Impact on Stirling Wetlands (DIA Site ID 21538)

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 93 Department of Environment October 2005

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Plate 7: Wetland Impacts, Pinjar Road

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5. REFERENCES Anderson, J. (1984) Between Plateau and Plain. Occasional Papers in Prehistory 4. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra. Australian Heritage Commission (2002) Ask First: A Guide to Respecting Indigenous Heritage Places and Values. Australian Interaction Consultants (2004) Report on an Archaeological and Ethnographic Survey of the Proposed Princeton Estate Residential Development in Stirling, Western Australia. For MMM Developments.

Baines, P. (1988) ‘A Litany for Land’ in I. Keen (ed.) Being Black: Aboriginal Cultures in ‘Settled’ Australia. Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press. Bastian, L. (1995) What Did George Grey Discover? Unpublished paper reproduced in DIA Site File 1018. Bates, D. (1985) The Native Tribes of Western Australia. Ed. I. White. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Bates, D. (1992) Aboriginal Perth and Bibbulmun Biographies and Legends. P.J. Bridge (ed.). Victoria Park: Hesperian Press. Bates, D. (1992/1925) ‘Dingo Totemists’ in Aboriginal Perth and Bibbulmun Biographies and Legends. P.J. Bridge (ed.). Perth: Hesperian Press. Bates, D. (n.d.i.) Unpublished manuscript, Section VI (Religions, Superstitions). Daisy Bates Collection, State Archives ACC 1212A. Bates, D. (n.d.ii.) Unpublished manuscript, Section VII (Legends of Southwestern W.A.). Daisy Bates Collection, State Archives ACC 1212A. Berndt, R.M. (1979) ‘Aborigines of the South-West’ in R. M. Berndt and C.H. Berndt (eds.) Aborigines of the West: Their Past and Their Present. Nedlands: University of Western Australia Press. pp. 81–89. Berndt, R. M. & Berndt, C. H. (1988) The World of the First Australians. Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press. Bindon, P. and Chadwick, R. (1992) ‘A Nyoongar Word List from the South-West of Western Australia’. Bindon, P. and Walley, T. (1998) ‘Hunters and Gatherers’ in Sharing the Dreaming (reprinted from Landscope, Spring 1992). Aboriginal Tourism, Education and Training Unit. Kensington: CALM. Bolton, G. and Gregory, J. (1999). Claremont: A History. Nedlands: University Western Australia Press. Bowdler, S. (1984) ‘Archaeological Significance as a Mutable Quality’ in S. Sullivan and S. Bowdler (eds) Site Surveys and Significance Assessment in Australian Archaeology. pp1–9. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 95 Department of Environment October 2005

______Coldrick, B. (2005) Aboriginal Heritage Desk Study: A Strategy for Displaced Heritage Material on the Burrup Peninsula: Part One, Jilley’s Creek. Prepared by Estill & Associates for the Department of Industry and Resources. Costello, V. (2002–03) ‘Glistening Attraction: Yellagonga Regional Park’ in Landscope, Vol. 19, No 2.

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Daw, B., Walley, T. and Keighery, G. (1997) Bush Tucker: Plants of the South-West. Como: Department of Conservation and Land Management. De Burgh, W. J. (1976) Neergabby: A history of the Moore River and Lower Gingin Brook 1830–1960. Gingin: Shire of Gingin. Department of Conservation and Land Management (1997) Discovering Yanchep National Park. Nedlands: Department of Conservation and Land Management. Douglas, W. H. (1976) The Aboriginal languages of the South-West of Australia. Australian Aboriginal Studies No. 14, Linguistic Series No. 4. Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies. Edwards, K. and McDonald, E. (1999) Report of the Archaeological and Ethnographic Survey of the Proposed Tonkin: Highway Extension and Mundijong Road Realignment Project. Unpublished report prepared for BSD Consultants. Elkin, P. (1930) ‘The Rainbow-Serpent Myth in North-West Australia’ in Oceania Vol. 1. No. 3: 349–52.

Elkin, A. P. (1954) The Australian Aborigines (revised edition). Sydney: Angus & Robertson. Glauert, L. (1950) ‘Provisional List of Aboriginal Place Names and Their Meanings’ in Western Australian Historical Society Journal and Proceedings. Vol. 4, Pt. 2, 83–86. Goode, B. (2004) South West Yarragadee Blackwood Groundwater Area Aboriginal Cultural Values Survey. Report prepared for Department of Environment Water and Rivers Commission. Gould, R. (1969) ‘Subsistence Behaviour among the Western Desert Aborigines of Australia’ in Oceania, 39, 4, 253–74. Gould, R. (1982) ‘To Have and Have Not: The Ecology of Sharing Among Hunter- Gatherers’ in Williams & Hunn Resource Managers: North American and Australian. Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press. Government of Western Australia (2004) Statement of Commitment to a New and Just Relationship between the Government of Western Australia and Aboriginal Western Australians. Perth: Government Printing Office. Green, N. (ed.) (1979) Nyungar - The People: Aboriginal Customs in the Southwest of Australia. Perth: Creative Research.

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______Green, N. (1984) Broken Spears: Aboriginal and Europeans in the Southwest of Australia. Perth: Focus Education Services. Grey, G. (1983/84 [1841]). Journals of Two Expeditions of Discovery in North-West and Western Australia During the Years 1837, 38 and 39. Victoria Park: Hesperian Press. Hallam, S. J. (1975) Fire and Hearth: A Study of Aboriginal Usage and European Usurpation in South Western Australia. Canberra: AIAS. Hallam, S. J. (1984) Evidence to the Land Rights Inquiry on behalf of the Nyoongah Community Inc. to the Aboriginal Land Inquiry. Perth. Hallam, S. J. (1986) Australian Research Grant Scheme: Final Report on the Project The Swan Coastal Plain, Western Australia. Hallam, S. J. (1987) ‘Coastal Does Not Equal Littoral’ in Australian Archaeology. 25: 10– 29. Hallam, S. J. (1998a) ‘Wanneroo, Joondalup, Yanchep, the Aborigines’, Appendix 6.1 in Kauler The Cultural Significance of Aboriginal Sites in the Wanneroo Area. Unpublished Report.

Hallam, S. J. (1998b) Aborigines of the York Area. York: The York Society (Inc.).

Hallam, S. J. and Tilbrook, L. (1990) Aborigines of the Southwest Region. Nedlands: University of Western Australia Press. Hassell, E. (1936) ‘Notes on the Ethnology of the Wheelman Tribe of South-western Australia’ (selected and edited by D.S. Davidson) in Anthropos Vol. 31: 679–711. Hassell, E. (1975) My Dusky Friends: Aboriginal Life, Customs and Legends and Glimpses of Station life at Jarramungup in the 1880’s. East Fremantle: C.W. Hassell. Hovingh, R., Locke, R. & McDonald, E. (1999) Report on an Aboriginal Heritage Survey of a Proposed ROCLA Sand Quarry, Nyoongah Community, near Gnangara Lake, Western Australia. Unpublished report prepared for ROCLA Quarries. Kauler, Lily Bhavna (1997–98) Final Report: Cultural Significance of Aboriginal Sites in the Wanneroo Area. Prepared for Elder Harry Nannup of Aboriginal Community College, Gnangara. Keen, I. (2004) Aboriginal Economy and Society: Australia at the Threshold of Colonisation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lamond, T., McDonald, E. and Murphy, A. (1997) Report of an Archaeological and Ethnographic Survey of a Proposed Permanent Stream Gauging Station, Henley Brook. Landor, E. W. (1998[1847]). The Bshman: Life in a New Country. Facsimile Edition Twickenham: Senate: (Tiger Books International). Langton, M. 2002. ‘Freshwater’ in ATSIC Background Briefing Papers — Water Rights Project. pp. 43–64. Available online at: http://www.atsic.gov.au/issues/Indigenous_Rights/Indigenous_Rights_Waters/d ocs/layout_papers.pdf .

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______Lantzke, D. and Hammond, M. (1993) Report on an Archaeological Heritage Survey, Egerton Housing Project. Prepared by McDonald, Hales and Associates for Alan Tingay and Associates. Locke, R. G., McDonald, E. and Murphy, A. (1990) Survey For Aboriginal Sites: Emu Brewery, Perth City. Unpublished report prepared for Austmark International Ltd. Machin, B. (1989) Report of an Ethnographic Survey of the Mangles Bay Marina Development. Unpublished report prepared for the Department of Marine and Harbours. Fremantle: McDonald, Hales and Associates. Macintyre, Dobson and Associates (2002) Report on an Ethnographic, Ethnohistorical, Archaeological and Indigenous Environmental Survey of the Underwood Avenue Bushland Project Area, Shenton Park. For University of Western Australia. Maddock, K. (1972) The Australian Aborigines: A portrait of their Society. London: Allen Land, The Penguin Press. McDonald, E. (1990) Supplementary Report of an Ethnographic Survey for Aboriginal Sites, Mangles Bay, Rockingham. Fremantle: McDonald, Hales and Associates. McDonald, E. and Hammond, C. (1997) An Aboriginal Heritage Investigation of the Proposed Realignments and Potential Materials Pits. Unpublished report prepared by McDonald, Hales & Associates for Main Roads Western Australia. McDonald, E. and Murphy, A. (1991) A report of an Archaeological and Ethnographic Survey for Aboriginal Sites, The Mews, Sanwa Vines Resort. Unpublished Report prepared by McDonald, Hales and Associates. McDonald, Hales & Associates (1989) Report on the Anthropological Survey, Ellen Brook, Upper Swan. Unpublished report prepared for the Water Authority of Western Australia by McDonald, Hales & Associates. McDonald, Hales & Associates (2001) Report on Aboriginal Heritage Investigations: Proposed Dampier to Bunbury Natural Gas Pipeline Corridor Widening Project. Unpublished report prepared for URS by McDonald, Hales & Associates. North Perth. McDonald, Hales and Associates (2001) Summary Report on Aboriginal Heritage Investigations: Proposed Dampier to Bunbury Natural Gas Pipeline Corridor Widening Project. Prepared by MHA to assist the ACMC, February 2001. McDonald, Hales and Associates (2002) An Ethnographic Survey of the Proposed Concept Plan for the Redevelopment of Rotary Park, Rockingham, Western Australia. Unpublished report prepared for the City of Rockingham. McFarlane, B. (2004) The National Water Initiative and Acknowledging Indigenous Interests in Planning. Paper presented at the National Water Conference, Sydney, 29 November 2004. McQuade, M. (1999) Desktop Survey of Aboriginal Heritage Issues Associated with the Tamala Park Development Area WA. Unpublished report prepared by McDonald, Hales and Associates for BSD Consultants.

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______Meagher, S. J. and Ride, W. D. L. (1979) ‘Use of Natural Resources by the Aborigines of South Western Australia’ in R. M. Berndt and C. H. Berndt (eds.) Aborigines of the West: Their Past and Their Present. University of Western Australia. Moore, G. F. (1978[1884]) Diary of ten years of eventful life of an early settler in Western Australia, with a descriptive vocabulary of the languages in common use amongst the Aborigines of Western Australia. London: M. Walbrook. Morgan, M., Strelein, L. and Weir, J. (2004a) ‘Indigenous Water Rights within the Murray Darling Basin’ in Indigenous Law Bulletin, ILB Volume 5, Issue 29. Morgan, M., Strelein, L. and Weir, J. (2004b) ‘Indigenous Rights to Water in the Murray Darling Basin: In support of the Indigenous final report to the Living Murray Initiative.’ Research Discussion Paper, Number 14. Canberra: AIASTIS. Mulvaney, J. and Kamminga, J. (1999) Prehistory of Australia. Allen and Unwin. New South Wales. Nannup, N. (2004) ‘The Carers of Everything’ in Swan Region Strategy for Natural Resource Management, Swan Catchment Centre. Available online at: http://www.wrc.wa.gov.au/swanavon/pages/stratdoc.html National Heritage Trust (2004) Ways to Improve Community Engagement: Working with Indigenous Knowledge in Natural Resources Management. Canberra: Department of Environment and Heritage. Available online at: www.deh.gov.au\indigenous\publications\inedx.htmil O’Connor, R., Bodney, C. and Little, L. (1985) Preliminary Report on the Survey of Aboriginal Areas of Significance in the Perth Metropolitan and Murray River Regions. Unpublished report. Perth: Department of Aboriginal Sites. O'Connor, R., Quartermaine, G. and Bodney, C. (1989) Report of an Investigation into Aboriginal Significance of Wetlands and Rivers in the Perth-Bunbury Region. Leederville: Western Australian Water Resource Council. O’Connor, R., Quartermaine, G. and Yates, A. (1995) An Investigation into the Aboriginal Significance of Wetlands and Rivers in the Busselton-Walpole Region. Leederville: Water Authority of Western Australia. Parker, R. (2002) S18 Consultation with Ethnographic Site Avoidance/Identification Survey under AHA 1972 of Proposed Deviations to the Extended Dampier to Bunbury Natural Gas Pipeline Gingin Brook to (MLV 117) Bullsbrook near Gingin WA with Swan Valley Nyungah Community. Prepared by Australian Interaction Consultants for Gas Pipeline Working Group.

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Popham, D. (1980) First Stage South: A History of the Armadale-Kelmscott District, Western Australia. Town of Armadale: Armadale, Western Australia. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 99 Department of Environment October 2005

______Prince, C., Hovingh, R. and Lamond, T. (1996) Report of an Aboriginal Heritage Survey Roland Road. Parkerville WA. Unpublished report prepared by McDonald, Hales & Associates for Koltasz Smith and Partners. Radcliffe-Brown, A.R. (1926) ‘The Rainbow-Serpent Myth of Australia’ in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland Vol. 56, No. 1: 19–25. Radcliffe-Brown, A.R. (1930) ‘The Rainbow-serpent in South-east Australia’ in Oceania Volume 1, No. 3: 342–47. Rose, D. (1996) Nourishing Terrains: Australian Aboriginal Views of Landscape and Wilderness. Canberra: Australian Heritage Commission. Rose, D. (2004) ‘Fresh Water Rights and Biophillia: Indigenous Australian Perspectives’ in Dialogue 23, 3: 35–43 Salvado, R. (1977) The Salvado Memoirs. E. J. Stormon (editor & translator), Canberra: National Library of Australia. Sauman, D., Parker, R., Parker, S. and Lantzke, D. (2001) Site Avoidance Survey under AHA 1972 of Proposed Deviations to the Extended Dampier to Bunbury Natural Gas Pipeline Corridor. Prepared by Australian Interaction Consultants for Gas Pipeline Working Group.

Stanner, W. E. H. (1965) ‘Aboriginal Territorial Organization: Estate, Range, Domain and Regime’ in Oceania 36 (1). Strawbridge, L. (1988) Aboriginal Sites in the Perth Metropolitan Area: A Management Scheme. Report to the Department of Aboriginal Affairs, Western Australian Museum, Perth. Swan Catchment Centre (2004) Swan Region Strategy for Natural Resource Management. http://www.wrc.wa.gov.au/swanavon/pages/stratdoc.html Tempus Archaeology (2004) Preliminary Report on Aboriginal Heritage Issues: Proposed Brookdale Redevelopment Project, , Western Australia. Tilbrook, L. (1987) Shadows in the Archives: an Interpretation of European Colonisation and Aboriginal Response in the Swan River Area. Unpublished PhD thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of Western Australia. Tindale, N.B. (1974) Aboriginal Tribes of Australia: Their Terrain, Environmental Controls, Distribution, Limits and Proper Names. Canberra: Australian National University Press. Touissant, S., Sullivan, P. and Yu, S. (2005) ‘Water Ways in Aboriginal Australia: An Interconnected Analysis’ in Anthropological Forum. Vol. 15, No. 1. March 2005. Toussaint, S., Sullivan, P., Yu, S. and Mularty Jnr, M. (2001) Fitzroy Valley Indigenous Cultural Values Study (A preliminary Assessment). Unpublished report prepared by the Centre for Anthropological Research, University of Western Australia for the Water and Rivers Commission, Perth.

Vinnicombe, P. (1989) Goonininup: an Historical Perspective of Land Use and Associations in the Old Swan Brewery Area. Perth: Western Australian Museum. Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 100 Department of Environment October 2005

______Williams, A.E. (1984) Nedlands: From Campsite to City. Nedlands: City of Nedlands. Yu, S. (2002) Ngapa Kunangkul: Living Water. Report on the Aboriginal Cultural Values of Groundwater in the La Grange Sub-basin. Prepared by the Centre for Anthropological Research, University of Western Australia, for the Water and Rivers Commission of Western Australia. Second edition.

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APPENDIX 1: REGISTERED ABORIGINAL SITES ASSOCIATED WITH GROUNDWATER FEATURES AND ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES The tables on the following pages list registered Aboriginal sites inside the study area that are known to be associated with groundwater-related environmental features and ecological processes either directly or indirectly based on the review of DIA site files. The tables have been compiled using the Department’s Aboriginal Heritage Management System (AHMS) which is accessible through the Department’s website (http://www.dia.wa.gov.au/Heritage/heritage_Sites_Register.aspx). The locations of these sites (as mapped by DIA) are indicated on the accompanying maps. However, DIA provides the following guidance with locational information downloaded from the AHMS: Index co-ordinates are indicative locations and may not necessarily represent the centre of sites, especially for sites with an access code “closed” or “vulnerable”. Map co-ordinates (Lat/Long) and (Easting/Northing) are based on the GDA 94 datum. Reliable – The spatial information recorded in the site file is deemed to be reliable, due to methods of capture. Unreliable – The spatial information recorded in the site file is deemed to be unreliable due to errors of spatial data capture and/or quality of spatial information reported. Caution must, therefore, be exercised when relying on the locational information in the following tables. If the Department of Environment intends to carry out any operations that may impact on an Aboriginal site, the normal processes should be followed to avoid impacts to Aboriginal heritage. This is likely to include further research, consultation and compliance with the requirements of the Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972.

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 102 Department of Environment October 2005

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Table 17: Northern Zone Search Polygon 345000mE 6500000mN 345000mE 6540000mN 420000mE 6540000mN 420000mE 6500000mN

SITE ID SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE ACCESS GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY STATUS

1018 S02861 DOOGARCH. M CAMP, ROCKSHELTER P O 377344 6504300 R

3186 S00544 YONDERUP CAVE BUR [PA 77] P C 375730 6508785 R

3357 S00149 GUILDERTON SOUTH. ART CAMP I O 358639 6529649 U

3358 S00150 MOORE RIVER SOUTH 1 - 5. ART CAMP I O 357639 6529649 U

3363 S00155 GUILDERTON BRIDGE. ART CAMP I O 363639 6527649 U

3364 S00156 GUILDERTON BRIDGE. ART CAMP I O 363639 6536649 U

3365 S00157 GINGIN BROOK ART I O 366639 6536649 U

3565 S02468 ELLEN BROOK: MUCHEA 1. ART ARCHAEOLOGICAL DEPOSIT P O 400989 6511449 R

3566 S02469 ELLEN BROOK: MUCHEA 2. ART ARCHAEOLOGICAL DEPOSIT P O 401139 6510799 R

3574 S02379 SMOKEBUSH WATERHOLE. ART CAMP, WATER SOURCE I O 372939 6518249 R

3653 S02269 MOORE RIVER ART P O 358639 6530649 U

3742 S02189 LOCH MCNESS,WAGARDU SPRING. C, M CAMP, MEETING PLACE, WATER P O 374017 6510674 U SOURCE

3930 S01789 FEWSTER. CAMP I O 405140 6505149 U

4100 S01286 MOORE RIVER ART I O 362639 6533649 U

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 103 Department of Environment October 2005

______

SITE ID SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE ACCESS GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY STATUS

17451 PIPIDINNY LAKE M P O 375136 6505305 R

17596 LIMESTONE REEF M P O 369340 6508621 R

17597 EMU CAVE M NATURAL FEATURE - CAVE P O 370850 6515920 U

17599 YANCHEP BEACH M P O 369642 6508278 R

18076 PIPELINE CORRIDOR 87 (PC-87) ART S O 397781 6520357 R

18077 PIPELINE CORRIDOR 88 (PC-88) ART P O 398067 6519542 R

18078 PIPELINE CORRIDOR 89 (PC-89) ART P O 397786 6518916 R

19589 MUCHEA UNNAMED LAKE (MU5) M S O 400350 6508939 R

20008 GINGIN BROOK WAGGYL SITE M, HIST PLANT RESOURCE, CAMP, I O 381458 6531524 R HUNTING PLACE, WATER SOURCE

21614 AIRFIELD ROAD WETLANDS M I O 396857 6520461 U

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 104 Department of Environment October 2005

______

Table 18: Central Zone Search Polygon 345000mE 6475000mN 345000mE 6500000mN 420000mE 6500000mN 420000mE 6480000mN 395000mE 6480000mN 395000mE 6475000mN

SITE ID SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY STATUS ACCESS

682 S02880 GNANGARA LAKE SW 1 ART P O 392589 6482099 R

3163 S00689 LITTLE BADGERUP: SWAMP ART S O 390714 6482761 R

3169 S00695 GNANGARA LAKE SE ART P O 393489 6481999 R

3226 S00437 WANNEROO SHIRE ART I O 386566 6482014 U

3315 S00159 MURRAY'S CAVE. ART CAMP I O 393839 6478999 U

3316 S00160 LAKE JOONDALUP WEST ART P O 383972 6488885 R

3319 S00163 GNANGARA LAKE SW. ART CAMP I O 392519 6481849 R

3366 S00158 DUNSTAN'S QUARRY. ART CAMP I O 380349 6498282 U

3396 S02766 LAKE ADAMS. M PLANT RESOURCE, S O 388556 6492047 U HUNTING PLACE, WATER SOURCE

3407 S02786 TAMALA PARK TREES T P O 380000 6491300 U

3441 S02751 ELLEN BROOK SCATTER ART S O 406639 6485649 U

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 105 Department of Environment October 2005

______

SITE ID SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY STATUS ACCESS

3504 S02572 JOONDALUP WAUGAL EGG M P C 382759 6489382 U

3509 S02589 KARLI SPRING. M WATER SOURCE P O 373739 6499949 R

3514 S02608 PAYNE ROAD ART S O 395439 6491349 R

3525 S02516 ELLEN BROOK: UPPER SWAN M P C 407553 6490691 R

3532 S02538 JOONDALUP CAVES M P C 384230 6487824 R

3535 S02547 ELLEN BROOK ARTEFACTS ART P O 406889 6484399 R

3536 S02548 SWAN/AVON RIVERS M P O 426550 6465990 R

3567 S02471 MINDARIE WAUGAL M, ART P C 379020 6491781 R

3583 S02408 KI-IT MONGER BROOK 2 C, M, (T) P C 408709 6495710 R

3640 S02321 LAKE JOONDALUP SOUTH-WEST ART ARCHAEOLOGICAL DEPOSIT P O 385771 6483496 R

3673 S02300 MULLALOO DESERT NORTH ART P O 380089 6484169 R

3693 S02255 LAKE NEERABUP. [OTHER] NAMED PLACE I C 382931 6495440 R

3739 S02186 LAKE GOOLLELAL. BUR CAMP, HUNTING PLACE I O 387807 6479731 R

3740 S02187 LAKE JOONDALUP. M CAMP, HUNTING PLACE I O 384980 6486538 R

3741 S02188 LAKE MARIGINIUP. HUNTING PLACE I O 387771 6489518 R

3743 S02190 EMU SWAMP. CAMP, HUNTING PLACE I O 394592 6476786 U

3772 S02165 GNANGARA LAKE. M, HIST HUNTING PLACE P O 392902 6482621 R

4102 S01288 LAKE JOONDALUP NORTH-WEST ART I O 383746 6489080 U

4143 S01261 NATGAS 122 ART I O 401039 6490049 U

4376 S00724 GNANGARA ROAD SOUTH ART S O 403507 6481595 U

4377 S00725 GNANGARA ROAD NORTH ART S O 403619 6481902 U

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 106 Department of Environment October 2005

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SITE ID SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY STATUS ACCESS

4404 S00051 ORCHESTRA SHELL CAVE. E, ART ARCHAEOLOGICAL P V 381431 6495988 R DEPOSIT; [OTHER: PA 19, NE]

15118 S03034 HENLEY BROOK M I O 404981 6480947 R

15120 S03036 LORD STREET 02. (M) CAMP I O 404054 6487093 R

16797 GNANGARA SITE 1A (GN#1A) CAMP I O 388359 6478995 R

16799 GNANGARA SITE 1C (GN#1C) BUR I O 387589 6480849 R

16800 GNANGARA SITE 2 (GN#2) ART CAMP S O 390539 6481799 R

16801 GNANGARA SITE 3 (GN#3) BUR I O 390139 6482274 R

16803 GNANGARA SITE 4 (GN#4) BUR I O 388939 6480749 R

16804 GNANGARA SITE 6 (GN#6) C P O 392589 6481199 R

17039 PYRTON A3 ART S O 401377 6470707 R

17316 SWAMP ART P O 403889 6483299 R

17318 CAMPING LOCALE [OTHER] CAMP P O 403889 6483299 R

17319 ELLEN BROOK TRIBUTARY M P O 404770 6483036 R

17450 NOWERGUP LAKE M P O 379738 6499333 R

17497 MINDARIE BURIAL MOUND BUR S O 380039 6490899 R

17498 WAUGAL CAVE, NEIL HAWKINS PARK M, T WATER SOURCE; CAVE P O 384284 6487403 R

17590 EDGEWATER BURIAL SITE M, BUR SCARRED TREES P O 384686 6484406 R

17839 MCINTOSH'S CAMP CAMP S O 405146 6482001 R

18802 TAMALA PARK CAMPSITE M CAMP I O 379877 6491918 R

18803 TAMALA PARK WATERHOLE M I O 379806 6491982 R

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 107 Department of Environment October 2005

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SITE ID SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY STATUS ACCESS

20596 BUTLER - FS01 C NATURAL FEATURE, WATER I O 377957 6497650 U SOURCE, SORRY PLACE, GNAMMA HOLE

20598 BUTLER - FS03 T, HIST PLANT RESOURCE, CAMP, I O 377557 6499144 U WATER SOURCE

20765 SBJ01 M NATURAL FEATURE - I O 375845 6499677 U LIMESTONE RIDGE

20766 SBJ05 [OTHER] NATURAL FEATURE - I O 376202 6499320 U LIMESTONE RIDGE

20767 SBJ06 [OTHER] NATURAL FEATURE, I O 376198 6499331 U [OTHER: LIMESTONE CAPPING / FOOTPRINT]

20768 SBJ08 [OTHER] NATURAL FEATURE - I O 376077 6499692 U LIMESTONE RIDGE

20771 SBJ07 [OTHER] NATURAL FEATURE - I O 376301 6499074 U [OTHER: LIMESTONE OUTCROP]

20772 JINDALEE M NATURAL FEATURE - WATER I C 375550 6498884 R SOURCE

21382 THE MEWS ARTEFACT SCATTER ART S O 406664 6487092 U

21588 KINSALE M PLANT RESOURCE I O 376880 6494206 R

21589 ROSSLARE SOAK C, M CAMP, WATER SOURCE I O 376769 6493683 R

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 108 Department of Environment October 2005

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Table 19: Inner City Zone Search Polygon 345000mE 6450000mN 345000mE 6475000mN 395000mE 6475000mN 395000mE 6450000mN

SITE ID SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY STATUS ACCESS 435 S02940 MOONDERUP CEREMONIAL, P O 381989 6459099 R MYTHOLOGICAL

3160 S00686 LAKE MONGER SOUTH ARTEFACTS S O 389139 6466169 R

3170 S00696 BARDON PARK. ARTEFACTS CAMP, HUNTING P O 394845 6466068 R PLACE

3203 S00675 FRESHWATER PARADE ARTEFACTS P O 384733 6460208 R

3206 S00678 LAKE GWELUP ARTEFACTS S O 386059 6472449 R

3207 S00679 JACKADDER LAKE WEST ARTEFACTS S O 386165 6469327 R

3208 S00680 SCARBOROUGH BEACH ROAD ARTEFACTS S O 386339 6469849 R

3209 S00681 HERDSMAN LAKE N ARTEFACTS S O 386639 6469199 R

3210 S00682 HERDSMAN LAKE NE ARTEFACTS S O 387307 6468928 U

3318 S00162 LAKE MONGER NW & W. ARTEFACTS CAMP P O 388654 6467184 U

3323 S00167 LAKE MONGER VELODROME. ARTEFACTS (CAMP), [OTHER: ?] P O 389567 6466842 R

3339 S00183 MINIM COVE. ARTEFACTS CAMP P O 383544 6456495 U

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SITE ID SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY STATUS ACCESS

3393 S02753 LAKE GWELUP. CAMP, HUNTING S O 385758 6472531 U PLACE, [OTHER: FOOD RES]

3442 S02752 LAKE GWELUP CEREMONIAL P O 385369 6472669 R

3500 S02568 LAKE GWELUP ARTEFACTS S O 385389 6472799 R

3501 S02569 LAKE GWELUP ARTEFACTS P O 385489 6472369 R

3502 S02570 KINGS PARK SCARRED TREE MODIFIED TREE P O 390362 6463125 R

3536 S02548 SWAN/AVON RIVERS MYTHOLOGICAL P O 426550 6465990 R

3572 S02377 SMITH'S LAKE / DANJANBERUP [OTHER] MEETING PLACE S O 390939 6465899 U

3573 S02378 STONES LAKE. MYTHOLOGICAL I O 392889 6465349 U

3585 S02411 HERDSMAN LAKE. BURIAL (CAMP), HUNTING P O 387088 6467775 R PLACE, [OTHER: ?]

3593 S02419 GUDINUP CEREMONIAL P C N/A N/A R

3650 S02264 BLACKWALL REACH, BICTON. [OTHER] WATER SOURCE S O 384639 6456649 U

3651 S02265 BLACKWALL REACH, MOSMAN PK. [OTHER] WATER SOURCE S O 384639 6457649 U

3694 S02256 CLAISEBROOK CAMP. [OTHER] CAMP, WATER P O 394639 6464649 U SOURCE

3695 S02257 WILLIAM STREET. (CEREMONIAL) CAMP I O 392355 6465005 U

3702 S02202 ESPLANADE. CAMP, HUNTING S O 392034 6463812 U PLACE

3703 S02203 SPRING STREET [OTHER] CAMP, NAMED P C 391124 6463888 R PLACE, WATER SOURCE

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 110 Department of Environment October 2005

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SITE ID SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY STATUS ACCESS

3704 S02204 KINGS PARK WAUGAL. CEREMONIAL, PLANT RESOURCE, P C 390590 6462894 R MYTHOLOGICAL WATER SOURCE

3706 S02206 NEDLANDS FORESHORE. [OTHER] WATER SOURCE S O 387639 6459649 U

3735 S02182 PERRY LAKES. [OTHER] CAMP, HUNTING S O 385048 6465148 R PLACE

3736 S02183 JOLIMONT SWAMP. CAMP, HUNTING P O 387527 6465077 R PLACE, WATER SOURCE

3738 S02185 DOG SWAMP. MYTHOLOGICAL, QUARRY CAMP, WATER P C 390763 6468949 R SOURCE

3754 S02144 MT ELIZA WAUGAL MYTHOLOGICAL P O 390609 6463642 R

3755 S02145 LORETO CONVENT,CLAREMONT. CEREMONIAL, CAMP P O 384139 6459949 U MYTHOLOGICAL

3756 S02146 TRIGG? TO FREMANTLE MYTHOLOGICAL S O 386408 6466043 R

3762 S02155 LAKE CLAREMONT. BURIAL CAMP, HUNTING P O 384200 6461720 U PLACE, WATER SOURCE

3764 S02157 FRINGECAMP. [OTHER] CAMP, WATER S O 387639 6463649 U SOURCE

3767 S02160 EAST PERTH POWER STATION. [OTHER] (MEETING PLACE), P O 394639 6465649 U CAMP, [OTHER: ?]

3787 S02126 MOUNTS BAY ROAD. MYTHOLOGICAL CAMP, NAMED P C 390086 6462908 R PLACE, WATER SOURCE

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 111 Department of Environment October 2005

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SITE ID SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY STATUS ACCESS

3788 S02127 LAKE MONGER. MYTHOLOGICAL, OCHRE, CAMP, P O 389247 6466891 R (BURIAL), QUARRY HUNTING PLACE

3790 S02129 PERTH TECHNICAL COLLEGE. [OTHER] CAMP, WATER S O 391784 6463978 R SOURCE

3791 S02130 MATILDA BAY. CEREMONIAL CAMP, WATER P O 388980 6460477 R SOURCE

3792 S02131 HYDE PARK. [OTHER] MEETING PLACE, P O 392511 6465838 R CAMP, HUNTING PLACE

3794 S02133 SHENTON PARK LAKE. BURIAL CAMP P O 387747 6463538 R

3798 S02137 GOVERNMENT HOUSE. BURIAL CAMP, WATER P O 392482 6463697 U SOURCE

4037 S01418 CAMBOON ROAD A, B + C ARTEFACTS I O 394939 6472873 R

4405 S00052 JACKADDER LAKE ARTEFACTS I O 386388 6469291 R

16684 TRUGANINA ROAD - LOT 321 MODIFIED TREE I O 395048 6474311 R

17849 ROBERTSON PARK MYTHOLOGICAL, MEETING PLACE, P O 391986 6465546 R HISTORICAL PLANT RESOURCE, CAMP, HUNTING PLACE, [OTHER: POTENTIAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL DEPOSIT]

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 112 Department of Environment October 2005

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SITE ID SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY STATUS ACCESS 18936 KINGS PARK CEREMONIAL, I O 389643 6463127 R MYTHOLOGICAL, HISTORICAL

19837 BOOJEMALUP CEREMONIAL, [OTHER: SPIRITUAL I O 390278 6463076 R MYTHOLOGICAL CONCEPTION PLACE]

19863 KING'S PARK WOMEN'S SITE MYTHOLOGICAL NATURAL FEATURE I O 390866 6463391 R

20178 BOLD PARK MYTHOLOGICAL, PLANT RESOURCE, P O 383676 6464902 R HISTORICAL CAMP, HUNTING PLACE, [OTHER: LOOKOUT POINT]

21253 MOSMAN PARK CEREMONIAL, WATER SOURCE S O 382781 6456384 R MYTHOLOGICAL, ARTEFACTS, HISTORICAL, GRINDING PATCHES/GROOVES

21537 TC/01 - WATERWAY MYTHOLOGICAL WATER SOURCE I O 388330 6471064 U

21538 STIRLING WETLANDS MYTHOLOGICAL MEETING PLACE, I O 387402 6469868 U CAMP, HUNTING PLACE, NAMED PLACE, WATER SOURCE

21621 KILANG MINANGALDJKBA [OTHER] WATER SOURCE I O 394127 6463219 R

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 113 Department of Environment October 2005

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Table 20: Guildford Zone Search Polygon 395000mE 6450000mN 395000mE 6480000mN 420000mE 6480000mN 420000mE 6450000mN

SITE SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE ACCESS GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY ID STATUS

552 S02917 LORD STREET NORTH 2. CEREMONIAL, WATER SOURCE P O 401815 6477745 R MYTHOLOGICAL

3133 S00711 ALICE'S CORNER ARTEFACTS P O 398809 6469526 R

3134 S00712 SNAKE SWAMP ARTEFACTS I O 399378 6469734 R

3170 S00696 BARDON PARK. ARTEFACTS CAMP, HUNTING P O 394845 6466068 R PLACE

3176 S00702 DELLA ROAD NORTH ARTEFACTS S O 397249 6473649 R

3177 S00703 JOHN STREET, BAYSWATER ARTEFACTS S O 397657 6469004 R

3184 S00710 BROADWAY, BASSENDEAN ARTEFACTS S O 399239 6470079 R

3227 S00441 BENNETT BROOK: STEPHENSON'S ARTEFACTS S O 401399 6471979 R

3417 S02818 COAST ROAD WELL. [OTHER] CAMP, WATER I O 403409 6474899 R SOURCE

3487 S02661 BENNETT BROOK: EDEN HILL R. [OTHER] MEETING PLACE, P C 400928 6471182 R CAMP, WATER SOURCE

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 114 Department of Environment October 2005

______

SITE SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE ACCESS GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY ID STATUS

3488 S02662 BENNETT BROOK: ROSHER PARK. [OTHER] MEETING PLACE, P C 400452 6472206 R CAMP

3489 S02663 BENNETT BROOK: LORD ST. 1 CEREMONIAL, BURIAL P C 401461 6472177 R

3490 S02664 BENNETT BROOK: LORD ST. 2 CEREMONIAL, BURIAL I C 402398 6469625 R

3521 S02502 BENNETT BROOK: BENNETT ST ARTEFACTS S O 401489 6474149 R

3536 S02548 SWAN/AVON RIVERS MYTHOLOGICAL P O 426550 6465990 R

3552 S02435 MARSHALL/DELLA ROADS. ARTEFACTS S O 397339 6474899 U

3608 S02345 BRIDGE CAMPS. [OTHER] CAMP P C 402398 6469625 R

3611 S02348 ROES VINEYARD. [OTHER] CAMP I O 404433 6473735 U

3612 S02349 WIRELESS STATION. [OTHER] CAMP I O 399889 6471899 U

3613 S02350 WIDGEE ROAD RESERVE. [OTHER] CAMP I O 400131 6473587 U

3616 S02353 KENMURE AVENUE, BAYSWATER. [OTHER] CAMP S O 399279 6467150 U

3619 S02357 WHITEMANS QUARRY ARTEFACTS I O 398331 6475944 U

3620 S02358 BASSETT ROAD. [OTHER] HUNTING PLACE S O 407336 6473987 U

3622 S02367 TURTLE SWAMP. [OTHER] HUNTING PLACE P C 406580 6474554 U

3639 S02320 MEECHIN WAY,BEECHBORO ARTEFACTS I O 400349 6474199 R

3671 S02298 ASHFIELD PARADE ARTEFACTS P O 399787 6467896 R

3692 S02254 BENNETT BROOK: IN TOTO MYTHOLOGICAL P C 400020 6474744 R

3694 S02256 CLAISEBROOK CAMP. [OTHER] CAMP, WATER P O 394639 6464649 U SOURCE

3699 S02261 JANE BROOK CAMP 1. [OTHER] CAMP I O 406139 6474899 U

3720 S02220 BLACKADDER & WOODBRIDGE CK MYTHOLOGICAL S C 407531 6472507 R

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 115 Department of Environment October 2005

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SITE SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE ACCESS GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY ID STATUS

3743 S02190 EMU SWAMP. [OTHER] CAMP, HUNTING I O 394592 6476786 U PLACE

3745 S02195 MUSSEL POOL. MYTHOLOGICAL CAMP P O 400539 6476399 R

3746 S02196 WEST SWAN ROAD CAMP. [OTHER] CAMP S O 403139 6473999 U

3748 S02198 NYIBRA SWAMP. [OTHER] HUNTING PLACE S O 399010 6469736 U

3749 S02199 BAYSWATER CAMP 1. [OTHER] CAMP S O 398289 6468449 U

3753 S02143 PERTH? MYTHOLOGICAL, HUNTING PLACE, P C 397330 6465478 R HISTORICAL NAMED PLACE, NATURAL FEATURE

3757 S02147 SUCCESS HILL. CEREMONIAL, BIRTHPLACE, P C 401418 6470663 R MYTHOLOGICAL, REPOSITORY/CACHE, MEETING PLACE, MANMADE STRUCTURE, CAMP, WATER FISHTRAP, QUARRY, ARTEFACTS SOURCE

3758 S02148 HELENA RIVER CEREMONIAL, P C 432523 6463698 R MYTHOLOGICAL, REPOSITORY/CACHE

3759 S02149 JANE BROOK MYTHOLOGICAL CAMP P C 412621 6473874 R

3767 S02160 EAST PERTH POWER STATION. (MEETING PLACE), P O 394639 6465649 U CAMP, [OTHER: ?]

3768 S02161 BISHOP ROAD CAMP. [OTHER] CAMP P C 406551 6473545 U

3796 S02135 BLACKADDER CK & SWAN RIVER. CEREMONIAL CAMP I O 404589 6471699 R

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 116 Department of Environment October 2005

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SITE SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE ACCESS GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY ID STATUS

3840 S01997 BENNETT BROOK: CAMP AREA. CEREMONIAL, PLANT RESOURCE, P C 401461 6472177 U MYTHOLOGICAL, BURIAL, MANMADE STRUCTURE, CAMP, HUNTING FISHTRAP, ARTEFACTS, PLACE, WATER HISTORICAL SOURCE

3907 S01819 LOT 1068 ARTEFACTS S O 400989 6474149 R

3965 S01451 LAKES RD: POWERLINE A,B & C ARTEFACTS S O 406825 6468433 R

4038 S01419 WIDGEE/DELLA ROADS ARTEFACTS S O 396536 6473207 U

4090 S01333 WYATT ROAD, BAYSWATER ARTEFACTS S O 399321 6466872 U

4367 S00715 DONKEY SWAMP ARTEFACTS I O 399519 6472798 U

4368 S00716 BRADLEY WAY ARTEFACTS S O 400008 6471852 U

4369 S00717 WALKINGTON WAY ARTEFACTS S O 400014 6471391 U

4371 S00719 HAGART WAY ARTEFACTS S O 400339 6472649 R

4372 S00720 WIDGEE ROAD ARTEFACTS P O 400321 6473434 U

4373 S00721 WOOLGAR WAY ARTEFACTS? S O 400549 6472599 R

15118 S03034 HENLEY BROOK MYTHOLOGICAL I O 404981 6480947 R

16684 TRUGANINA ROAD - LOT 321 MODIFIED TREE I O 395048 6474311 R

17037 PYRTON A1 ARTEFACTS S O 401489 6471376 R

17038 PYRTON A2 ARTEFACTS S O 401639 6471122 R

17039 PYRTON A3 ARTEFACTS S O 401377 6470707 R

17040 PYRTON A4 ARTEFACTS S O 401343 6470724 R

17041 PYRTON A5 ARTEFACTS S O 401268 6470775 R

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 117 Department of Environment October 2005

______

SITE SITE NO SITE NAME SITE TYPE ADDITIONAL INFO REGISTER FILE ACCESS GDA mE GDA mN RELIABILITY ID STATUS

17543 KIARA E1 [OTHER] CAMP I O 399839 6471649 R

18439 WHITEMAN PARK / FIELD SITE 1 ARTEFACTS S O 399089 6476414 R

18735 BEECHBORO CAMPING AREA [OTHER] PLANT RESOURCE, I O 398049 6474394 U CAMP

20030 ANCIENT WELL [OTHER] WATER SOURCE I O 402462 6474324 R

20058 TEMPORARY CAMP [OTHER] CAMP P O 397714 6474287 R

21392 NOR/03 - CREEK MYTHOLOGICAL MEETING PLACE, S O 397338 6473454 R CAMP, NATURAL FEATURE, WATER SOURCE

21393 NOR/02 - LIGHTNING SWAMP MYTHOLOGICAL MEETING PLACE, I O 396423 6473616 R CAMP, NATURAL FEATURE, WATER SOURCE

21432 MARSHALL POOL WETLANDS [OTHER] CAMP, WATER S O 401632 6474148 R SOURCE

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 118 Department of Environment October 2005

______

APPENDIX 2: ABORIGINAL HERITAGE ACT 1972 Individuals are required to report a suspected Aboriginal heritage site to the Department of Indigenous Affairs (DIA) under Section 15 of the Western Australian Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972. However, the Act provides for all Aboriginal heritage sites whether reported to DIA or not. When a place or object to which the Act may apply is reported to the Department, it is placed on the Interim Register of Aboriginal Sites and awaits assessment by the Aboriginal Cultural Material Committee (ACMC). A place can be assessed as an Aboriginal site under Section 5 of the Act, taking into consideration values listed in Section 39(2) (see below). Upon assessment under Section 5, the place or object is either: • Determined to be an Aboriginal site under Section 5 of the Act and placed on the Permanent Register; • Determined not to be an Aboriginal site under Section 5 of the Act, although a file is maintained under the ‘Stored Data’ component of the Register; or • Retained on the Interim Register until sufficient information is available to make an informed assessment. Under Section 18 of the Act, proponents wishing to undertake development on land containing an Aboriginal site are required to submit an application to the Minister for Indigenous Affairs to use the land for a purpose. Under Section 17, it is an offence to disturb an Aboriginal site unless consent to do so has first been obtained from the Minister. Section 5 This Act applies to — a. Any place of importance and significance where persons of Aboriginal descent have, or appear to have, left any object, natural or artificial, used for, or made or adapted for use for, any purpose connected with the traditional cultural life of the Aboriginal people, past or present; b. Any sacred, ritual or ceremonial site, which is of importance and special significance to persons of Aboriginal descent; c. Any place which, in the opinion of the Committee, is or was associated with the Aboriginal people and which is of historical, anthropological, archaeological or ethnographic interest and should be preserved because of its importance and significance to the cultural heritage of the State; d. Any place where objects to which this Act applies are traditionally stored, or to which, under the provisions of this Act, such objects have been taken or removed.

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 119 Department of Environment October 2005

______

Section 39(2) In evaluating the importance of places and objects the Committee shall have regard to — a. Any existing use or significance attributed under relevant Aboriginal custom; b. Any former or reputed use or significance which may be attributed upon the basis of tradition, historical associations, or Aboriginal sentiment; c. Any potential anthropological, archaeological or ethnographic interest; and d. Aesthetic values.

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 120 Department of Environment October 2005

______

APPENDIX 3: REPORT ON CONSULTATIONS WITH THE COMBINED METROPOLITAN NATIVE TITLE WORKING GROUP

Aboriginal Cultural Values on Gnangara Mound 121 Department of Environment October 2005 350000 360000 370000 380000 390000 400000 410000 420000 L A N C WHITE LAKE E STUDYL OF GROUND WATER RELATED ABORIGINAL CULTURAL VALUES ON THE IN

R O BIG BOOTINE SWAMP

0 GNANGARA MOUND, WESTERN AUSTRALIA 0 A LITTLE BOOTINE SWAMP 0 D 0 0 0

0 SEABIRD 0 4 4 5 5 6 6 CULCADARRA LAKE YEEREALUP LAKE

MOORE RIVER LAKE NANGAR GUILDERTON LAKE MUCKENBURRA GINGIN 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 3 5 5 6 6

LAKE NEEDOONGA

LAKE BAMBUN LAKE NAMBUNG

0 LAKE CHITTERING 0 LAKE MUNGALA B

0 R 0

0 A 0

0 N 0

2 N O R T H E R N Z O N E D 2

5 5 H 6 6 I G

H

W

A

Y TWO ROCKS

B R A N D 0 0

0 H 0

0 I 0 G 0 YANCHEP 0 1 LOCH MCNESS H 1 5 W 5 6 6 A Y MUCHEA

G

R

E

0 A 0

0 G N A N G A R A M O U N D 0 G N A N G A R A M O U N D T

0 0 N 0 0

0 NOWERGUP LAKE O 0 5 5 R 6 6

T

H

E

BULLSBROOK R

NEERABUP LAKE N

H

I G

H

W

LAKE ADAMS A Y 0 0 0 0

0 LITTLE MARIGINIUP LAKE 0 0 0

9 MARIGINIUP LAKE 9 4 4 6 6 C E N T R A L Z O N E JANDABUP LAKE LAKE JOONDALUP

BADGERUP LAKE WALLUBURNUP SWAMP GNANGARA LAKE GNANGARA ROAD 0 0 0 0

0 D 0

0 A 0 LAKE GOOLLELAL RO 8 AY 8 4 DY 4 6 TOO 6 I N D I A N O C E A N EMU LAKE

W A REI T D HIGH N WAY O N LAKE KARRINYUP N E K R

I GWELUP LAKE O N

O H 0 0 GUILDFORD I 0 R 0 G

0 O 0 H 0 0 A

7 W 7 D 4 4

A 6 6

Y

LAKE MONGER

PERRY LAKES PERTH RIV G U I L D F O R D Z O N E ERSIDE G U I L D F O R D Z O N E DRIVE

IIN N E R C II T Y Z O N E LAKE CLAREMONT 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 SWAN RIVER 0 6 6 Y 4 4

6 A 6

W H

G I H

D E

A O

FREMANTLE O BOORAGOON LAKE R

R

K

C 0 0

O 0 0

T

A 0 0

S NORTH LAKE L 0 0

B 5 5

4 A 4

6 MANNING LAKE BIBRA LAKE 6 N Legend SOUTH LAKE Y F i g u r e 2 : O v e r v i e w M a p LITTLE RUSH LAKE H MARKET GARDEN SWAMP I Localities G H P r e p a r e d b y : W

0 3 6 12 18 2K4OGOLUP LAKE A Principal Road LAKE COOGEE Y ARMADEALE RtOAhD n o s c i e n c e s Minor Road Kilometers THOMSONS LAKE

0 FORRESTDALE LAKE 0 Secondary Road Y

0 F o r : 0

A 0 0

0 Track 0 W 4 4

E E s t i l l & A s s o c i a t e s 4 4

E 6 Drainage 1:400,000 6 R J u l y 2 0 0 5 Lakes F

Projection: MGA Zone 50, GDA94 A

Study Zones N

A

Gnangara Mound N

I

W

K Ref: AS1102-04 Map5 350000 360000 370000 380000 390000 400000 410000 420000 STUDY OF GROUND WATER RELATED ABORIGINAL CULTURAL VALUES ON THE GNANGARA MOUND, WESTERN AUSTRALIA

360000 370000 380000 390000 400000 410000

L A N C E L CULCADARRA LAKE I N D

R A O A O R D

BOONALARUP LAKE A

YEEREALUP LAKE R

O 3364 3365 O M WALLERING BRO O K GUILDERTON BRIDGE. GINGIN BROOK N

O

O

D

N

I

G B IN G I N L MOORE RIVER B AN R C O EL O IN K R O S K A O D U O T O R Q H U G B IN IN B G N R I I O N OK BR G O N O I K G LAKE NANGAR RO AD B R 4100 O C K MOORE RIVER M OK D O A EW B R N DA A N R R M OO RO I AD V E

R

BROCKMAN RIVER

ROAD LAKE MUCKENBURRA RA OO M N WO O WR D O A IN GINGIN BR AD B OO EE RO W K BEEN OOLIA GUILDERTON A M N MO N OR E E R R O 3653 I V E R O MOORE RIVER R

0 O 20008 0 A 0 D Gingin Brook Waggyl Site 0 0 0 W 0 0 A C 3 N 3 3357 N O 5 5 E C

K 6 R 6

GUILDERTON SOUTH. O R

O A

M R

O

R A D O

A

D

LENNA 3363 RD BR O

O

GUILDERTON BRIDGE. K

B I N D O O N

B R ANCH

LAKE NEEDOONGA

BROOK LA IL LL NU

R E V I R N A M K LAKE BAMBUN C O R B

LAKE NAMBUNG LAKE CHITTERING A BR REER OOK K LAKE MUNGALA B O O R B E

C

I

P

S 21614 0 0

0 Airfield Road Wetlands 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 5 5 BINDIAR LAKE 6 18077 6 Pipeline Corridor 88 (PC-88)

3574 SMOKEBUSH WATERHOLE.

17597 B Emu Cave R A

N

D

H

I G

H

W

A

Y

TWO ROCKS

Y A W H IG 3742 3566 H N M ELLEN BROOK: MUCHEA 2. R A LOCH McNESS,WAGARDU SPRING. E R K H B E L 0 T 0 E IN R R G 0 C O 0 Y N B 0 K R 0 C T O

0 O 0 O A K 3186 R E 1 R 1 G 5 YONDERUP CAVE 5 6 6

YANCHEP LOCH MCNESS 19589 C Locality Map H A Muchea Unnamed Lake (Mu5) N D A L A

17599 B R O Yanchep Beach O

K

B R

A N

D

H

I G

H

W

A Y

MUCHEA 17451 PIPIDINNY LAKE 3930 FEWSTER.

1018 E L L DOOGARCH. E N

B R O

O

K

CARABOODA LAKE 0 0 0 0

0 3509 0 0 20765 0 0 KARLI SPRING. 0

5 SBJ01 5 6 17450 6 20598 NOWERGUP LAKE 20772 BUTLER - FS03 Jindalee 3366 DUNSTAN'S QUARRY. RUTLAND ROAD

20596 BUTLER - FS01

4404 ORCHESTRA SHELL CAVE. 3525 ELLEN BROOK: UPPER SWAN OK RO B A D 3583 R A BULLSBROOK KI-IT MONGER BROOK 2 M 3693 LAKE NEERABUP.

H BROOK BA M Legend NA K O AD O 21588 O R R B Kinsale ES R AV E E G N N

O

M Localities

T

I

-

I

K Dual Carriageway 3567 3503 MINDARIE WAUGAL HONEY POSSUM SITE 3396 Principal Road LAKE ADAMS. R E V I D 3514 R A N O PAYNE ROAD O R V A 17497 R Minor Road A J MINDARIE BURIAL MOUND N I P LITTLE MARIGINIUP LAKE 0 0 MARIGINIUP LAKE 0 0

0 Secondary Road 4143 0 0 NATGAS 122 0 9 9

4 3741 4 6 6 3504 Y LAKE MARIGINIUP. LL GU 3603 Track JOONDALUP WAUGAL EGG IT WP SA ELLEN BROOK: BULLSBROOK 3532 WOORO JOONDALUP CAVES L O

O

Drainage B R K O O JANDABUP LAKE Lakes LAKE JOONDALUP 15120 3740 LORD STREET 02. LAKE JOONDALUP. Gnangara Mound 20055 3965 Wanneroo Primary Scool Scarred Tree #2 LAKES RD: POWERLINE A,B & C

Registered Sites - Dept. of Indigenous Affairs 3441 ELLEN BROOK SCATTER

17590 3535

3673 M Edgewater Burial Site ELLEN BROOK ARTEFACTS A MULLALOO DESERT NORTH R M

I

O

N

A 3640 BADGERUP LAKE

V

E GNANGARA LAKE 17316 17319 N LAKE JOONDALUP SOUTH-WEST U SWAMP ELLEN BROOK TRIBUTARY E

3772 16801 GNANGARA LAKE. 3226 Gnangara Site 3 (GN#3) 4377 WANNEROO SHIRE 3169 GNANGARA ROAD GNANGARA ROAD NORTH GNANGARA LAKE SE 15118 HENLEY BROOK SUSANN AH B R 16803 OOK Gnangara Site 4 (GN#4) 0 0 0 0

0 640 0

0 3739 SUSANNAH BROOK(whole extent 0 8 8

4 LAKE GOOLLELAL. 4

6 0 2.5 5 10 15 20 6

3315 16797 MURRAY'S CAVE. Gnangara Site 1a (GN#1a) B

E

N N Kilometers M E I T T C B R H Y

E O A L O L 552 W K F H R LORD STREET NORTH 2. G E I

E H W D

N A A Y R O E R H Y 3743 T A R Y

O D

EMU SWAMP. N O AD O T O M 3745 R T A I T MUSSEL POOL. E Y C R A

Y 1:80,000 H G

3619 D E

L O L WHITEMANS QUARRY O T F R

E

E W 3611 3622 A 3552 Y TURTLE SWAMP. REID 3692 ROES VINEYARD. HIGHW MARSHALL/DELLA ROADS. Projection: MGA Zone 50, GDA94 AY BENNETT BROOK: in toto 16684 Truganina Road - Lot 321 3759 3620 REID D JANE BROOK HIGHWAY A 3176 3613 O BASSETT ROAD. R LAKE KARRINYUP DELLA ROAD NORTH WIDGEE ROAD RESERVE. N 21393 A W S NOR/02 - Lightning Swamp T ES W 3488 K O BENNETT BROOK: ROSHER PARK. O 3393 R 3840 3720 B LAKE GWELUP. J A N E BENNETT BROOK: CAMP AREA. BLACKADDER & WOODBRIDGE CK

D

A

O 3487 3796

R 3757 BENNETT BROOK: EDEN HILL R. BLACKADDER CK & SWAN RIVER. R

E SUCCESS HILL.

D

N GRE A AT EA X S 21538 E T L ER A N

0 Stirling Wetlands H 0 IG H 0 3608 W 0 AY 0 AD 0 RD RO BRIDGE CAMPS. 0 DFO 0 3738 IL 7 3748 U 7 G 4 DOG SWAMP. NYIBRA SWAMP. 4 6 F i g u r e 2 : O v e r v i e w M a p 6 4405 JACKADDER LAKE

Y

A 3749 GREAT C EA W STER H N HIGHWAY BYPASS H BAYSWATER CAMP 1. A

G R I L

H

3758 E

T S

S 3585 S HELENA RIVER P r e p a r e d b y : A T T

O

E R

C

HERDSMAN LAKE. E E D E

R T OA T T R S RD

S E O F T LD 3520 HE BOU S I W L EV GU AR U D 3788 T MAYLANDS SCARRED TREE

F

LAKE MONGER. O

L

T 3170 O E t h n o s c i e n c e s 20178 N K Bold Park 3756 3572 BARDON PARK. IN 3573 H TRIGG? TO FREMANTLE I SMITH'S LAKE / DANJANBERUP G STONES LAKE. H 3753 W A Y PERTH? IVER NA R 3735 HELE 3703 20178 PERRY LAKES. SPRING STREET 3694 Y Bold Park A 20178 3704 3593 CLAISEBROOK CAMP. W F o r : H

G Bold Park KINGS PARK WAUGAL. GUDINUP I H

E

O

R 20178 3764 3787 Bold Park FRINGECAMP. 18936 MOUNTS BAY ROAD. 21621 E s t i l l & A s s o c i a t e s Kings Park Kilang Minangaldjkba

P IE S D R SE O A E G R V Y I U A L B R S L T Y Y N N 3762 U A A J u l y 2 0 0 5 O W M W S H LAKE CLAREMONT. G Y I WA H IGH Y G H E IRLIN A ST W O H R IG T H O N 3791 3536 G N K I I MATILDA BAY. SWAN RIVER N N 0 N 0 A H

0 C IG 0

0 H 0 3755 W 0 A 0 6 LORETO CONVENT,CLAREMONT. SWAN RIVER Y 6

4 3706 4

6 NEDLANDS FORESHORE. 6

435 K W

MOONDERUP I N

A

N

A

F

R

E

E

W

3651 A BLACKWALL REACH, MOSMAN PK. Y

21253 3650 Mosman Park BLACKWALL REACH, BICTON. CANNING RIVER

A L B A N Y H S IG T Y H IR WA W L GH A HI Y IN ING G NN S A N C T

H O I O

G R C

H T

K

W H

R

A

L Y O

A

A

K

D

E BOORAGOON LAKE

LEACH HIGHWAY AY R O S HIGHW A H A L T LEAC B

D O AN

STREET C Y HIGH STREETHIGH H FREMANTLE K IG

R H W Y O A A Y

A

W

D

E

E

Ref: AS1102-04 Gnangara Mound A0 R Y A F W A H N IG A H

N UTH STREET UTH STR I E SO SO EE O T W R

K 360000 370000 380000 390000 400000 410000