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The Exodus-Conquest and the Archaeology of Transjordan: New Light on an Old Problem

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The Exodus-Conquest and the Archaeology of Transjordan: New Light on an Old Problem Grace Theological Journal 4.2 (\983) 245-262 THE EXODUS-CONQUEST AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF TRANSJORDAN: NEW LIGHT ON AN OLD PROBLEM GERALD L. MATTINGLY One of the major arguments used to support a 13th-century date for the exodus-conquest is the alleged Late Bronze Age occupational gap in central and southern Transjordan. Recent archaeological investigations indicate that this gap hypothesis, which was originally advocated by Nelson Glueck, needs to be modified. Although the historical/archaeological picture is still coming into focus, it now appears that Ammon, Moab, and Edom were settled during the Late Bronze Age. The density of this occupation remains an open question. Nevertheless, it appears that the archaeological data from Late Bronze Age Transjordan have become neutral in the debate on the date of the exodus-conquest. * * * 1 N the opening pages of Redating the Exodus and Conquest, I John J. Bimson identifies two major assumptions of his study. First, he maintains that "the biblical traditions of the bondage in Egypt and of the Exodus have a firm historical basis." Second, Bimson insists that these historical events must be and can be con­ nected to an absolute chronology.2 This emphasis demonstrates that Redating is important reading for anyone who takes the biblical narratives and their historical/ archaeological context seriously. Al­ though many readers will have some reservations, Bimson's study is now the most comprehensive and up-to-date examination of the historical and archaeological data pertaining to the OT accounts of the exodus-conquest. Since its publication in 1978, Redating has received mixed reviews. 3 For example, Miller suggests that Bimson's theory of a mid- 15th century exodus-conquest, which calls for the lowering of the end IJohn J. Bimson, Redating the Exodus and Conquest (Sheffield: Almond, 1978). 2Bimson, Redating, 10-13. 3See, e.g., A. G. Auld, ExpTim 90 (1979) 152; A. H. W. Curtis, EvQ 52 (1980) 54-55; H. Engel, Bib 6'1 (1980) 437-40; J. D. Martin, SJT 33 (1980) 183-85; E. H. Merrill, BSac 136 (1980) 184; J. M. Miller, JBL 99 (1980) 133-35; P. R. S. Moorey, 246 GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL of MB lie, is plausible, but the number of secondary explanations needed to support this daring theory neutralize its advantage over the Albrightian hypothesis for a 13th-century date. Miller says that the most significant contribution of Bimson's book is its demonstration "that those who hold to a thirteenth century exodus-conquest have no monopoly on the archaeological evidence.,,4 In other words, Redating re-examines an old problem from a fresh perspective and shows that the questions concerning the date of the exodus-conquest have not been resolved. Not only are there new ways of looking at old data, as Bimson proves, but there is also new evidence that must be considered. The main purpose of this article is to review the ways in which the archaeological evidence from Transjordan relates to the exodus­ conquest and to present some new data that bear upon this issue. ARGUMENTS FOR THE LATE DATE EXODUS-CONQUEST There are four major arguments used to support the late date for the exodus-conquest: (I) the identification of Pithom and Raamses, (2) the 13th-century destruction of Palestinian towns mentioned in the conquest narratives, (3) the archaeological evidence from Middle Bronze and Late Bronze Age Transjordan, and (4) the military cam­ paigns of Seti I and Ramses 11.5 While Bimson refers to the first two arguments as the "main pillars" of the late date, he also regards the third and fourth points as key elements. However, all four of these arguments are still open to further deliberation. The Egyptian evi­ dence, which forms the basis of arguments (I) and (4), is still being reworked and interpreted in different ways.6 And, although it is a favorite of many OT scholars, Miller recently delivered a critical blow to the second argument by showing that the "destruction layers" at certain Palestinian tells represent, at best, an ambiguous form of evidence. 7 1 focus here on the third argument, the lack of Middle JTS 31 (1980) 111-13; W. H. Shea, C BQ 42 (1980) 88-90; P. Wernberg-M0I1er, JJS 31 (1980) 135; A. F. Rainey, IEJ 30 (1980) 249-51; J. A. Soggin, VT31 (1981) 98-99; and D. M. Beegle, TSF Bulletin 5.5 (1982) 16-17. 4Miller, 133, 135. 5Bimson, Redating, 30-73; cf. K. A. Kitchen, Aflcielll Orient and Old Testamelll (London: Tyndale, 1966) 57-69; C. F. Aling, Egypt and Bible History from Earliest Times to 1000 B.C. (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1981) 77-96. 6S ee, for example, Aling, Egypt and Bihle History, 77-110; idem, "The Biblical C ity of Ramses," JETS 25 (1982) 129-37; H. Shanks, "The Exodus and the Crossing of the Red Sea, According to Hans Goedicke," BA R 7 (1981) 42-50, and other articles related to Goedicke's theory; B. MacDonald, "Excavations at Tell el-Maskhuta," BA 43 (1980) 49-58. 7J. M. Miller, "Archaeology and the Israelite Conquest of Canaan: Some Methodo­ logical Observations," PEQ 109 (1977) 87-93. MATTINGLY: THE EXODUS-CONQUEST AND TRANSJORDAN 247 Bronze and late Bronze settlements in central and southern Trans­ jordan. Assumptions Behind the Third Argument The archaeological evidence from Transjordan IS Important in this debate because Numbers 20ff. and Judges 11 indicate that the Hebrews, while en route to the land of Canaan, were opposed by the kings of Edom and Moab and the Amorite kings to the east of the Jordan River. Therefore, archaeological evidence of occupation in their territories at the time of the conquest should be found, regardless of the date assigned to this event. Because Glueck's surface survey indicated that there was a gap in the sedentary occupation of Edom and Moab from ca. 1900 B.C. until ca. 1300 B.C. (although Glueck's dates fluctuated), the archaeological material from Transjordan seemed to support the late date. Recognizing that the reconstruction of occupational history in this region is crucial to this whole discus­ sion, Bimson observes: This argument for the 13th century date only holds if the following three assumptions are correct: (a) that the accounts in Num 20ff are historical, (b) that those accounts, if historical, require the existence of a sedentary popUlation settled in permanent towns at the time of the Israelite migration, and (c) that Glueck's interpretation of the archaeo­ logical material is correct. 8 Before proceeding to a more detailed treatment of the third assump­ tion, including a report on some archaeological data recently recovered in Jordan, I comment on the first two suppositions mentioned by Bimson. With regard to the first point, Bimson says that he does not doubt the "basic historicity" of Numbers 20ff. He does, however, in agreement with Bartlett, accept the 'possibility that certain features of these accounts could be late accretions to the earlier traditions. Many conservative scholars will not approve of such concessions, but there is nothing to fear in admitting that such a possibility exists. Indeed, when compared with the negative conclusions reached by Van Seters in his ongoing debate with Bartlett,9 Bimson's openness is not extreme. Following a thorough discussion of the second assumption listed above, Bimson concludes that the OT does not demand that the 8Bimson. Redaling. 61. 62. 9J. R. Bartlett. "Sihon and Og. Kings of the Amorites." VT 20 (1970) 257-77; J. Van Seters. "The Conquest of Sihon's Kingdom: A Literary Examination." J BL 91 (1972) 182-97; J. R. Bartlett. "The Conquest of Sihon's Kingdom: A Literary Re­ examination." JBL 97 0978) 347-51; J. Van Seters. "Once Again- The Conquest of Sihon's Kingdom." JBL 99 (1980) 117-19. 248 GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL Transjordanian opponents encountered by the Hebrews were part of an urbanized sedentary population. In agreement with the earlier studies of de Vaux and Rea, Bimson suggests that "it is therefore possible that the kings we read of in Num 20ff were chieftains of semi-nomadic groups who refused to let another nomadic group, the Israelites, pass through their areas of pasturage. ,,10 This conclusion is plausible, especially if we follow Wenham's theory which calls for a significant reduction in the Hebrew population and its fighting force. I I Otherwise, it would have taken sizeable armies, perhaps from orga­ nized kingdoms, to restrict the movement of such a large number of Hebrews. GLUECK'S SURVEY OF TRANSJORDAN In the Glueck festschrift, Wright provides a valuable assessment of Glueck's exploration of Transjordan: Glueck was not the first man by any means who had searched these lands, but he was the first to do as complete a survey as possible with a small budget and few helpers, and he was the first to use the pottery-dating tool as a basic scientific aid. Between 1932 and 1947, he spent nearly all his exploration time in Transjordan and in the Jordan-Dead Sea rift as far south as the Gulf of Aqabah .... Most of Glueck's work in Transjordan had to be on foot or on horseback. Refusing elaborate equipment, the explorer lived for days at a time as a Bedu, drinking what water was available from any source, living as a guest of the bedouin, and so well known and trusted that he was always protected, needed no foreign guards, and was never harmed. 12 Having worked for two summers on an archaeological survey in the region of ancient Moab, I have great respect for Glueck, and it seems wise (indeed, necessary!) to preface a critique of Glueck with an acknowledgment of his remarkable accomplishments.
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