The Complications of Colonialism for Gentrification Theory and Marxist Geography
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1 Zhirong “Jerry” Zhao
Updated 03/16/2020 ZHIRONG “JERRY” ZHAO Gross Family Professor, Public & Nonprofit Management Hubert H. Humphrey School of Public Affairs, University of Minnesota (UMN) 301 19th Avenue South, Minneapolis, MN 55455 [email protected], 612-625-7318 (phone) BIOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION Education 2005 Ph.D. of Public Administration, University of Georgia (UGA), Athens 1997 Master of Urban Planning, Tongji University, Shanghai, China 1993 Bachelor of Urban Planning, Tongji University, Shanghai, China Academic Positions 2019- pres. Chair Leadership & Management Area, Humphrey School of Public Affairs, UMN 2019–pres. Gross Family Professor, Humphrey School of Public Affairs, UMN 2017- pres. Director, Master of Public Policy Program, Humphrey School of Public Affairs, UMN 2017- pres. Founding Director, Institute for Urban & Regional Infrastructure Finance, UMN 2012–2019 Associate Professor, Humphrey School of Public Affairs, UMN 2007–2011 Assistant Professor, Humphrey School of Public Affairs, UMN 2005–2007 Director, Political Science Internship Program, Eastern Michigan University 2005–2007 Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Eastern Michigan University Professional Experience 2002–2005 Education Program Specialist, Carl Vinson Institute of Government, UGA 1993–1998 Assistant Urban Planner, Xiamen Academy of Urban Planning & Design, China Awards and Honors 2020 SCPA Leadership Award, American Society for Public Administration (ASPA) 2018 Outstanding Services Award, Center for Transportation Studies, UMN 2018 Leadership Award, China-America -
The Tools at Their Fingertips How Settler Colonial Geographies Shape
Social Science & Medicine 237 (2019) 112363 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Social Science & Medicine journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/socscimed The tools at their fingertips: How settler colonial geographies shape medical T educators’ strategies for grappling with Anti-Indigenous racism ∗ ∗∗ Paul Sylvestrea, , Heather Castledena,b, , Jeff Denisc, Debbie Martind, Amy Bombaye a Department of Geography and Planning, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada b Department of Public Health Sciences, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada c Department of Sociology, McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada d School of Health and Human Performance, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada e Department of Psychiatry and School of Nursing, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Keywords: Settler colonialism implicates settler and Indigenous populations differently within ongoing projects of settle- Medical education ment and nation building. The uneven distribution of benefits and harms is a primary consequence of settler anti-Indigenous racism colonialism. Indeed, it is a central organizing feature of the settler state's governance of Indigenous societies and Indigenous health is animated, in part, through pervasive settler ignorance and anti-Indigenous racism, which has manifested in Settler colonialism persistent health disparities amongst Indigenous peoples. This broader socio-political context surrounding Multiculturalism medical schools, which are seeking to develop teaching and learning about Indigenous health presents a sig- Qualitative inquiry Truth and reconciliation commission of Canada nificant challenge. Understanding the cognitive and affective tools that settler educators use when grappling with questions of race, racialization, and Indigenous difference is an important step in addressing anti- Indigenous racism in health care provision. -
Institutional Change in Market-Liberal State Capitalism
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics ten Brink, Tobias Working Paper Institutional change in market-liberal state capitalism. An integrative perspective on the development of the private business sector in China MPIfG Discussion Paper, No. 11/2 Provided in Cooperation with: Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies (MPIfG), Cologne Suggested Citation: ten Brink, Tobias (2011) : Institutional change in market-liberal state capitalism. An integrative perspective on the development of the private business sector in China, MPIfG Discussion Paper, No. 11/2, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, Cologne This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/45622 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. -
On 11 December 2012, in a Teepee in the Shadow of the Canadian Parliament, Theresa Spence, the Chief of Attawapiskat First Nation, Began a Hunger Strike
Glen Sean Coulthard, Red Skin, White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2014. ISBN: 978-0-8166- 7965-2 (paper); ISBN: 978-0-8166-7964-5 (cloth) On 11 December 2012, in a teepee in the shadow of the Canadian Parliament, Theresa Spence, the chief of Attawapiskat First Nation, began a hunger strike. With her protest, she sought to focus public attention on issues of concern to Indigenous peoples in Canada, including recent federal legislative changes, and support an emerging Indigenous rights movement called Idle No More. The poverty, substandard housing, and overcrowding of Attawapiskat stood in marked contrast to the wealth flowing from their traditional territories. Upstream from Attawapiskat, De Beers’ Victor Diamond Mine produced 826,000 carats of diamonds in 2010, worth an approximate US$210,000,000.1 To further facilitate such development, in 2012 the Canadian government introduced a pair of omnibus bills, removing environmental protections and regulatory hurdles that impeded resource extraction. The juxtaposition of government priorities and the desperate conditions in Indigenous communities incited Indigenous political resurgence. A group of women on the prairies began organizing local teach-ins about the impact of the omnibus bills for Indigenous peoples, publicizing events under the hashtag #idlenomore. The message resonated and through the winter of 2012-2013, the call for action became a movement. Indigenous peoples across the country took part in rallies and marches, flash 1 These production figures for the Victor mine are taken from the De Beers’ 2010 Report to Society Canada: Maximizing the Value and Life of the Resource. -
Introduction
NEL1 9/23/2004 1:21 PM Page 1 Chapter 1 Introduction Lise Nelson and Joni Seager The Poetics of Bodies, Spaces, Place, and Politics my womb a public domain erotica a doormat trampled on by birthright my womb a legislated periphery no longer mine but public space my womb a palestinian front fighting for the right to be a private space “My Womb” by Esmeralda Bernal (reprinted with permission from the publisher of The Americas Review, Houston: Arte Publico Press–University of Houston, 1986) The ideas and materialities woven into Bernal’s poem evoke some of the key insights and sites of feminist geography. Locating her poem within the gendered body, Bernal weaves together the politics of public and private space, the state and nationalism. While no single poem can represent the diverse issues and questions in feminist geog- raphy, the centrality of the body in her poem is significant. Only a few decades after feminists levered “woman” and “gender” into the lexicon of geographic thought, it is “the body” and the multidimensionality of embodied experience(s) that con- tinue to anchor feminist geography at the dawn of the twenty-first century. NEL1 9/23/2004 1:21 PM Page 2 2 LISE NELSON AND JONI SEAGER The body is the touchstone of feminist theory. Within contemporary feminist theory “the body” does not have a single location or scale; rather it is a concept that disrupts naturalized dichotomies and embraces a multiplicity of material and symbolic sites, ones located at the interstices of power exercised under various guises. From the pivotal second-wave feminist understanding that “the personal is political” to the postmodern decentering of a singular notion of gendered experi- ence, feminist theory draws on understandings of embodied experience to funda- mentally challenge bedrocks of Western social and political thought. -
The Emergence of Radical/Critical Geography Within North America
The Emergence of Radical/Critical Geography within North America Linda Peake1 Urban Studies Program, Department of Social Science York University, Canada [email protected] Eric Sheppard Department of Geography University of California, Los Angeles, USA [email protected] Abstract In this paper we aim to provide a historical account of the evolution of Anglophone radical/critical geography in North America. Our account is structured chronologically. First, we examine the spectral presence of radical / critical geography in North America prior to the mid-sixties. Second, we narrate the emergence of both radical and critical geography between 1964 / 1969 until the mid-1980s, when key decisions were taken that moved radical / critical geography into the mainstream of the discipline. Third, we examine events since the mid- 1980s, as radical geography merged into critical geography, becoming in the process something of a canon in mainstream Anglophone human geography. We conclude that while radical / critical geography has succeeded in its aim of advancing critical geographic theory, it has been less successful in its aim of 1 Published under Creative Commons licence: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2 Eric’s first exposure was as an undergraduate at Bristol in 1971 when the newly hired lecturer Keith Bassett, freshly returned from Penn State, brought a stack of Antipodes to one of his lectures. Linda’s radical awakening also came in the UK, in the late 1970s courtesy of her lecturers at Reading University. Sophie Bowlby took her The Emergence of Radical/Critical Geography in North America 306 increasing access to the means of knowledge production to become a peoples’ geography that is grounded in a desire for working towards social change. -
Ali a Mazrui on the Invention of Africa and Postcolonial Predicaments1
‘My life is One Long Debate’: Ali A Mazrui on the Invention of Africa and Postcolonial Predicaments1 Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni2 Archie Mafeje Research Institute University of South Africa Introduction It is a great honour to have been invited by the Vice-Chancellor and Rector Professor Jonathan Jansen and the Centre for African Studies at the University of the Free State (UFS) to deliver this lecture in memory of Professor Ali A. Mazrui. I have chosen to speak on Ali A. Mazrui on the Invention of Africa and Postcolonial Predicaments because it is a theme closely connected to Mazrui’s academic and intellectual work and constitute an important part of my own research on power, knowledge and identity in Africa. Remembering Ali A Mazrui It is said that when the journalist and reporter for the Christian Science Monitor Arthur Unger challenged and questioned Mazrui on some of the issues raised in his televised series entitled The Africans: A Triple Heritage (1986), he smiled and responded this way: ‘Good, [...]. Many people disagree with me. My life is one long debate’ (Family Obituary of Ali Mazrui 2014). The logical question is how do we remember Professor Ali A Mazrui who died on Sunday 12 October 2014 and who understood his life to be ‘one long debate’? More importantly how do we reflect fairly on Mazrui’s academic and intellectual life without falling into the traps of what the South Sudanese scholar Dustan M. Wai (1984) coined as Mazruiphilia (hagiographical pro-Mazruism) and Mazruiphobia (aggressive anti-Mazruism)? How do we pay tribute -
The Political Economy of Chinese State Capitalism
The Political Economy of Chinese State Capitalism Li Xing and Timothy M. Shaw∗ Abstract: The paper intends to provide a framework of understanding the political economy of Chinese state capitalism in which China transformed from an economy owned and controlled by the state to one supervised and regulated by the state in combination with market mechanisms. It explores how China is able to combine political, economic and socio- cultural innovations in developing state capitalism with “Chinese characteristics”. It argues that the uniqueness of Chinese state capitalism can be conceptualized from the perspectives of: 1) understanding China as a “civilization-state” (vis-à-vis Western “nation-state”) that has a unique type of political culture and rationality; 2) examining the resilient capacity of Chinese culture and the Chinese party-state in sinicizing and internalizing foreign ideas and practices; 3) analyzing the Chinese state-market relationship in which institutional innovations, commodification of state power, and marketization of public resource play a positive role in securing a certain level of state-market-society embeddedness. But the paper also indicates the potential challenges and limitations of Chinese state capitalism. Introduction One of the puzzling questions facing many scholars of social sciences and especially those engaged in Chinese studies is how to comprehend and interpret China’s historical transformations shaped by fundamental changes and great successes in the past three decades. What are the internal driving forces and the external influences behind these transformations? There is a general consensus that China’s success in moving from an economy owned and controlled by the state (state socialism) to one supervised and regulated by the state through combining legal means with market mechanisms cannot be achieved without an active role by the Chinese state in attaining macro-policy independence and socio-political stability. -
Refugee Inflow, Surplus Farm Labor, and Crop Marketization in Rural Africa
Refugee Inflow, Surplus Farm Labor, and Crop Marketization in Rural Africa∗ Shunsuke Tsuday Brown University PRELIMINARY—Please do not cite. October 8, 2018 Abstract This paper investigates long-term effects of a mass refugee inflow on agricultural households through local labor and crop market interactions. I exploit a natural experiment Tanzania faced when it experienced a refugee inflow from Burundi and Rwanda in the early 1990s. This refugee inflow is distinguishable from a general migration context in terms of food aid and infrastructure develop- ment around refugee camps. Empirical analyses using the long-term panel data from refugee-hosting economies, in conjunction with the non-separable household model, show that the refugee inflow causes both benefits and losses for local farmers. The refugee inflow tightens the off-farm labor mar- ket participation constraint, implying an increase in surplus farm labor and labor market inefficiency. On the other hand, the refugee inflow has a positive effect on the transition from subsistence into crop marketization. In the long run, this transition is revealed to be primarily due to the decrease in fixed crop market transaction costs, rather than consumption demand shifts. Since the “surplus farm labor effect” and “crop marketization effect” work in opposite directions, the overall impact of the refugee inflow on agricultural labor productivity is insignificant. JEL Classification: O12, O13, D74, Q12, R23 Keywords: Ethnic Conflicts, Refugees, Agricultural Household Models, Subsistence, Transactions Costs, Shadow Wages, Structural Transformation, Sub-Saharan Africa ∗I am grateful to my advisor Andrew Foster for discussions. I thank Bryce Steinberg for her numerous comments. The earlier version of this paper substantially benefited from discussions with Yasuyuki Sawada and comments from Hidehiko Ichimura, Takashi Kurosaki, Daniel Marszalec, Kenichi Ueda, Koichi Ushijima, and participants of Microeconomic Workshop at U-Tokyo and JEA meeting at Nagoya-U. -
Identity, Land and the Dispossession of First Nations Women in Canada | Darkmatter Journal
17/05/2016 Status as Property: Identity, Land and the Dispossession of First Nations Women in Canada | darkmatter Journal an international peerreviewed journal ISSN 20413254 Status as Property: Identity, Land and the Dispossession of First Nations Women in Canada by Brenna Bhandar 16 May 2016 • Comment (0) • Print Posted: Reflections on Dispossession: Critical Feminisms [14] | Article Share 0 Tweet They acknowledge no right for you, and they do not credit you with a memory.[1] In the mid to late nineteenth century, as English and French settlers were in the process of consolidating their colonial Dominion over vast First Nations’ territories in the form of a Canadian federal state, the government enacted legislation to create the juridical category of the Indian. Binding together identity with access to land, Indian status and the Indian reserve would come irrevocably to define and regulate the lives of First Nations people in Canada from the midnineteenth century until the present. The creation of the “Indian” as a juridical category, along with the Indian reserve as a space of domination, marks a specific historical conjuncture—one in which identity (or indeed, subjectivity itself) and property relations were bound to one another, creating an apparatus [2] of colonial knowledge and governance that structures the ongoing dispossession of First Nations women. This identityproperty nexus in the settler colony of Canada was forged in relation to two distinct economies of land. One was the Indian reserve, the other a market for individual private property ownership that rested upon the fiction of underlying Crown sovereignty. -
Confronting Settler Colonialism in Food Movements
Running head: CONFRONTING SETTLER COLONIALISM IN FOOD MOVEMENTS Confronting Settler Colonialism in Food Movements By Michaela Bohunicky A thesis presented to Lakehead University in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Health Sciences With specialization in Social-Ecological Systems, Sustainability, and Health Thunder Bay, Ontario, Canada, 2020 © Michaela Bohunicky 2020 CONFRONTING SETTLER COLONIALISM IN FOOD SYSTEMS Approval 2 CONFRONTING SETTLER COLONIALISM IN FOOD SYSTEMS Declaration of originality I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. 3 CONFRONTING SETTLER COLONIALISM IN FOOD SYSTEMS Abstract The dominant global capitalist food system is contributing significantly to social, political, ecological, and economic crises around the world. In response, food movements have emerged to challenge the legitimacy of corporate power, neoliberal trade policies, and the exploitation of people and natural resources. Despite important accomplishments, food movements have been criticized for reinforcing aspects of the dominant food system. This includes settler colonialism, a fundamental issue uniquely and intimately tied to food systems that has not received the attention it deserves in food movement scholarship or practice. While there is a small but growing body of literature that speaks to settler colonialism in contemporary -
Marxism and Geography in the Anglophone World
Essay Neil Smith Marxism and Geography in the Anglophone World In October 1997 an article appeared in the impeccably bourgeois magazine, the New Yorker, which championed Karl Marx as the “next new thinker”. Down on Wall Street, wrote John Cassidy, there is a new appreciation for Marx’s understanding of capitalism, and a sense that Marx anticipated brilliantly what so-called globalization was all about th (Cassidy 1997). The impending 150 anniversary of The Communist Manifesto intensified the clamour. As Marx and Engels famously wrote there, the bourgeoisie “creates a world after its own image”, and so with the dragon of international socialism apparently slain after 1989, despite local holdouts in Cuba and North Korea, and with Marx no longer the demon of capital, expectant young Wall Street financiers could embrace Marx’s vivid depiction of capitalism as a remarkably prescient portrait of the neo-liberal global order they themselves strove to create. Marx had brilliantly anticipated globalization, and Wall Street thought it was a good thing. But the “Marx boom” of 1997-98 quickly fizzled as capitalism itself turned sour. The Asian economic crisis exploded, Indonesia’s Suharto was overthrown in a deadly revolt, and the economic malaise spread to Brazil, Mexico and Russia. Marx, it seemed, still had a sting in his tail. Reading Das Kapital to understand how capitalism really worked was one thing. But the same Das Kapital also seemed to teach that economic depression was endemic to capitalism, the stock market was a giant swindle, the Asian economic crisis – rooted in overproduction in Thailand and generalized into the region’s currency and security markets – was a classic capitalist crisis, and that political struggle is equally endemic to capitalism.