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The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’S Revolutionary Guard
The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’s Revolutionary Guard SAEID GOLKAR AUGUST 2021 KASRA AARABI Contents Executive Summary 4 The Raisi Administration, the IRGC and the Creation of a New Islamic Government 6 The IRGC as the Foundation of Raisi’s Islamic Government The Clergy and the Guard: An Inseparable Bond 16 No Coup in Sight Upholding Clerical Superiority and Preserving Religious Legitimacy The Importance of Understanding the Guard 21 Shortcomings of Existing Approaches to the IRGC A New Model for Understanding the IRGC’s Intra-elite Factionalism 25 The Economic Vertex The Political Vertex The Security-Intelligence Vertex Charting IRGC Commanders’ Positions on the New Model Shades of Islamism: The Ideological Spectrum in the IRGC Conclusion 32 About the Authors 33 Saeid Golkar Kasra Aarabi Endnotes 34 4 The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi Executive Summary “The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps [IRGC] has excelled in every field it has entered both internationally and domestically, including security, defence, service provision and construction,” declared Ayatollah Ebrahim Raisi, then chief justice of Iran, in a speech to IRGC commanders on 17 March 2021.1 Four months on, Raisi, who assumes Iran’s presidency on 5 August after the country’s June 2021 election, has set his eyes on further empowering the IRGC with key ministerial and bureaucratic positions likely to be awarded to guardsmen under his new government. There is a clear reason for this ambition. Expanding the power of the IRGC serves the interests of both Raisi and his 82-year-old mentor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic. -
Iran Pada Masa Pemerintahan Khatami 1997-2001
IRAN PADA MASA PEMERINTAHAN KHATAMI 1997-2001 SKRIPSI Diajukan kepada Fakultas Adab dan Humaniora untuk memenuhi Syarat mendapat Gelar Sarjana (S1) Humaniora OLEH: Rahmawati NIM: 107022002201 JURUSAN SEJARAH DAN PERADABAN ISLAM FAKULTAS ADAB DAN HUMANIORA UIN SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 2011 M/1432 H i Abstrak Rahmawati Iran Pada Masa Pemerintahan Khatami 1997-2001 Republik Islam Iran, Negara dikawasan Timur Tengah yang pernah melahirkan dua Revolusi besar modern. Yaitu Revolusi konstitusional 1905- 1911 dan Revolusi Islam Iran 1979. Akan tetapi sejarah bangsa Iran tercatat bahwa, kemajuan politik terus berjalan dengan munculnya seorang tokoh karismatik yang mencoba menghadirkan sebuah revolusi bagi bangsa Iran. ialah Ayatollah Khomeini telah membawa bangsa Iran kepada arah revolusi panjang, ia mencoba menghadirkan suatu sistem pemerintahan yang tak lepas dari nlai-nilai keislaman. Ternyata semangat revolusi yang ayatollah Khomeini tinggalkan, telah tertanam pada setiap jiwa rakyat Iran. salah satunya Mohammad Khatami. Di bawah kepemimpinan Khatami, Negara Iran tampil denga pemikiran dan kebijakan yang lebih baik. Kemenangan mutlak pada pemilu 1997, telah membawa Mohammad Khatami sebagai seorang presiden dengan dialog peradaban dan demokrasi yang ia tawarkan. Membawa Iran kepada kemajuan dalam dunia politik, ekonomi dan hubungan dengan dunia internasional. KATA PENGANTAR Segala puja dan puji syukur kita haturkan kehadirat Allah SWT semata. Salawat serta salam senantiasa tercurahkan pada muara ilham, lautan ilmu yang tidak pernah larut yakni keharibaan baginda Nabi Muhammad SAW, serta keluarga, sahabat dan seluruh pengikutnya.Amin Tentunya dalam menyelesaikan skripsi ini saya tidak semata berhasil dengan tenaga dan upaya sendiri namun banyak pihak yang telah berpartisipasi dalam terselesaikannya penulisan skripsi ini baik yang bersifat moril maupun materil, maka dengan ini sepatutnya penulis menyampaikan banyak terima kasih atas kerjasamanya dan dorongannya. -
Sheikh Qassim, the Bahraini Shi'a, and Iran
k o No. 4 • July 2012 o l Between Reform and Revolution: Sheikh Qassim, t the Bahraini Shi’a, and Iran u O By Ali Alfoneh The political stability of the small island state of Bahrain—home to the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet—matters to the n United States. And Sheikh Qassim, who simultaneously leads the Bahraini Shi’a majority’s just struggle for a more r democratic society and acts as an agent of the Islamic Republic of Iran, matters to the future of Bahrain. A survey e of the history of Shi’a activism in Bahrain, including Sheikh Qassim’s political life, shows two tendencies: reform and t revolution. Regardless of Sheikh Qassim’s dual roles and the Shi’a protest movement’s periodic ties to the regime in Tehran, the United States should do its utmost to reconcile the rulers and the ruled in Bahrain by defending the s civil rights of the Bahraini Shi’a. This action would not only conform to the United States’ principle of promoting a democracy and human rights abroad, but also help stabilize Bahrain and the broader Persian Gulf region and under- mine the ability of the regime in Tehran to continue to exploit the sectarian conflict in Bahrain in a way that broadens E its sphere of influence and foments anti-Americanism. e Every Friday, the elderly Ayatollah Isa Ahmad The Sunni ruling elites of Bahrain, however, l Qassim al-Dirazi al-Bahrani, more commonly see Sheikh Qassim not as a reformer but as d known as Sheikh Qassim, climbs the stairs to the a zealous revolutionary serving the Islamic pulpit at the Imam al-Sadiq mosque in Diraz, d Bahrain, to deliver his sermon. -
KHERAD-DISSERTATION-2013.Pdf
Copyright by Nastaran Narges Kherad 2013 The Dissertation Committee for Nastaran Narges Kherad Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: RE-EXAMINING THE WORKS OF AHMAD MAHMUD: A FICTIONAL DEPICTION OF THE IRANIAN NATION IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY Committee: M.R. Ghanoonparvar, Supervisor Kamran Aghaie Kristen Brustad Elizabeth Richmond-Garza Faegheh Shirazi RE-EXAMINING THE WORKS OF AHMAD MAHMUD: A FICTIONAL DEPICTION OF THE IRANIAN NATION IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY by Nastaran Narges Kherad, B.A.; M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May 2013 Dedication Dedicated to my son, Manai Kherad-Aminpour, the joy of my life. May you grow with a passion for literature and poetry! And may you face life with an adventurous spirit and understanding of the diversity and complexity of humankind! Acknowledgements The completion of this dissertation could not have been possible without the ongoing support of my committee members. First and for most, I am grateful to Professor Ghanoonparvar, who believed in this project from the very beginning and encouraged me at every step of the way. I thank him for giving his time so generously whenever I needed and for reading, editing, and commenting on this dissertation, and also for sharing his tremendous knowledge of Persian literature. I am thankful to have the pleasure of knowing and working with Professor Kamaran Aghaei, whose seminars on religion I cherished the most. -
Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the Rise of the Revolutionary Guards
Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh February 5, 2018 Issue Paper #1 2019 The Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington (AGSIW), launched in 2015, is an independent, nonprofit institution dedicated to providing expert research and analysis of the social, economic, and political dimensions of the Gulf Arab states and how they impact domestic and foreign policy. AGSIW focuses on issues ranging from politics and security to economics, trade, and business; from social dynamics to civil society and culture. Through programs, publications, and scholarly exchanges the institute seeks to encourage thoughtful debate and inform the U.S. policy community regarding this critical geostrategic region. © 2019 Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. All rights reserved. AGSIW does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of AGSIW, its staff, or its board of directors. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from AGSIW. Please direct inquiries to: [email protected] This publication can be downloaded at no cost at www.agsiw.org. Cover Photo Credits: Khamenei.ir/Wikimedia Commons About the Author Ali Alfoneh is a senior fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. He is the author of Iran Unveiled: How the Revolutionary Guards are Transforming Iran from Theocracy into Military Dictatorship, published by AEI Press in April 2013. -
Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion. -
Patterns of Religion and Democracy in World of Muslims
Volume 3 Issue 1 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES AND June 2016 CULTURAL STUDIES ISSN 2356-5926 Patterns of Religion and Democracy in World of Muslims Parvizreza Mirlotfi Children and Adolescents Health Research Center, Zahedan University of Medical Science, Zahedan, Iran Mohammad Edris Arbabshastan* Iranshahr University of Medical Sciences, Iranshahr, Iran *Corresponding Author Mahin Gholamian MA in political Sciences, graduated from Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran Homa Shiranzaei Islamic Azad University, Baft Branch, Faculty of Humanities – Department of Social Sciences, Iran Abstract The coincidence of arriving the democracy and the familiarity of Muslims with the word of democracy, there has been attempted to define the relationship between Islam and democracy among Muslin scholars. The attempt to define the religion and its nature and to make the balance with the democracy leads to form different interpretations from this relationship. Various examples of the concept of religion and different and conflicting definitions of the democracy have caused that delivering a comprehensive definition of the relationship between democracy and religion to face some problems. Referring to Quran and tradition and assignment of scientific and moral instruction to religion are against the democracy ideals. The emphasis on individual freedoms, public participation in politics, attention to common good and above all the rule of people over people led to form the theoretical and practical conflicts between science and religion and between religion and politics among Muslim thinkers. This article has reviewed the philosophical thoughts of some thinkers of Islam and their views in order to explain the relationship between Islam and democracy and it has proved this hypothesis that the Islamic thinkers have different interpretations and perceptions in dealing with democracy; some perceptions are intrinsic, immutable and inherent and some other perceptions are extrinsic and mutable. -
Khomeinism April 2020
Khomeinism April 2020 1 Table of Contents Ideology ......................................................................................................................................................... 3 Governing ...................................................................................................................................................... 4 Khomeinism Abroad ...................................................................................................................................... 5 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................................... 6 2 Khomeinism Khomeinism is an ideology and a system of governance derived from Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, leader of Iran’s 1979 Islamic Revolution. Khomeini was such a singular figure that the U.S. government assessed the revolution would not have taken place without him. This piece will discuss Khomeinism’s ideology, governance structure, and influence abroad. Ideology The Islamic Republic’s founding father was a rebel within the Shiite clerical establishment. Khomeini departed from the quietists among Iran’s clerical establishment who argued against clerical involvement in daily governance. He advocated for a more active role for clerics in the ship of state, once dubbing the quietists “court mullahs.” To demonstrate Khomeini’s extreme views on the proper Islamic governing model, the Central Intelligence Agency once cited a Western scholar in one of its assessments, -
Nuclear Fatwa Religion and Politics in Iran’S Proliferation Strategy
Nuclear Fatwa Religion and Politics in Iran’s Proliferation Strategy Michael Eisenstadt and Mehdi Khalaji Policy Focus #115 | September 2011 Nuclear Fatwa Religion and Politics in Iran’s Proliferation Strategy Michael Eisenstadt and Mehdi Khalaji Policy Focus #115 | September 2011 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2011 by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 2011 in the United States of America by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Design by Daniel Kohan, Sensical Design and Communication Front cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei delivering a speech on November 8, 2006, where he stated that his country would continue to acquire nuclear technology and challenge “Western fabrications.” (AP Photo/ISNA, Morteza Farajabadi) Contents About the Authors. v Preface. vii Executive Sumary . ix 1. Religious Ideologies, Political Doctrines, and Nuclear Decisionmaking . 1 Michael Eisenstadt 2. Shiite Jurisprudence, Political Expediency, and Nuclear Weapons. 13 Mehdi Khalaji About the Authors Michael Eisenstadt is director of the Military and Security Studies Program at The Washington Institute. A spe- cialist in Persian Gulf and Arab-Israeli security affairs, he has published widely -
The Roots of Feminist Invocations in Post-Revolutionary Iran
THE ROOTS OF FEMINIST INVOCATIONS IN POST-REVOLUTIONARY IRAN Nina Ansary Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 © 2013 Nina Ansary All rights reserved ABSTRACT The Roots of Feminist Invocations in Post-Revolutionary Iran Nina Ansary Studies of the transformation of Iranian society after the Islamic Revolution of 1979 and its impact on the position of the Iranian woman have revealed that three and a half decades of efforts by the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) to institutionalize an archaic image of the ideal Muslim woman have produced results contrary to what was intended. The expansion of women’s education in post-revolutionary Iran identified as an unintended consequence of the revolution has been empowering women against the IRI’s misogynistic ideology. A feminist movement based on the evolution of female consciousness and an unprecedented solidarity among previously divided secular and religious women has emerged as another medium of resistance. This study augments the research in this field by examining modifications in the education system following the revolution. A critical content analysis of elementary school textbooks issued by the Pahlavi and the IRI assesses the way in which each regime sought to impart its gender ideology to young girls. The eradication of coeducation and institution of single-sex schooling at the pre- university level is investigated as a factor in combating the constraints imposed by patriarchal laws on the female population. The conclusion is offered that the IRI may have unwittingly undermined its own agenda for women in promulgating such seemingly outdated decrees. -
Maximilian Terhalle
TERHALLE: ARE THE SHIA RISING? ARE THE SHIA RISING? Maximilian Terhalle Dr. Terhalle serves as an expert on the Gulf region with the German Army. This essay reflects entirely his own opinions. The author would like to thank Professor Gregory Gause (University of Vermont) for reading the final draft and enriching the assessment. n an article published in The Persian Gulf6 — has become more promi- Washington Post on November 29, nent in the last six years due to three 2006, a security adviser to King interwoven developments. Abdullah of Saudi Arabia stressed the The first is the strengthening of Iran’s I geopolitical position after the fall of the inevitable necessity for a “massive Saudi intervention”1 to shield the kingdom’s Sunni Taliban and Saddam Hussein and its brethren against any Shia-supported attempt to diversify its bilateral relations in expulsion should Iraq split up. Even though the Gulf afterwards. The second is the Nawaf Obaid was dismissed shortly increase in Shia awareness, precipitated by afterwards, presumably for his boldness, the U.S. democratization plans, in countries his words reflected the king’s use of the where major parts of the populations are term “Shia crescent” renewed during the followers of Ali (Shiat Ali).7 The third is visit of Vice President Cheney last Novem- the decline of U.S. power in Iraq, linked to ber. Previously, Jordan’s King Abdullah and Iran’s successful defiance of international Egypt’s President Mubarak had pointed in pressure to halt its nuclear program, as the same direction. Moreover, “Iran’s well as its subsequent rhetorical hubris, nuclear ambitions”2 prompted the leaders which increasingly frightens its neighbors. -
Implications of Iranian Elections
CRS INSIGHT Implications of Iranian Elections March 4, 2016 (IN10457) | Related Author Kenneth Katzman | Kenneth Katzman, Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs ([email protected], 7-7612) Summary An apparent strong showing by supporters of President Hassan Rouhani might reflect broad support for the nuclear agreement between Iran and major international powers ("Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action," JCPOA) that is providing significant sanctions relief. Iran's core national security goals are unlikely to change, and with runoffs still to come, any possible easing of social and political restrictions is difficult to predict. The results could affect the choice of the next Supreme Leader. Election Processes On February 26, 2016, Iran held elections for the 290-seat Majles (parliament) and for the 88-seat body called the "Assembly of Experts," which is empowered to choose a successor to the Supreme Leader and rewrite Iran's constitution. The Majles plays a significant role on budgetary and economic decisions, but less of a role on issues of national security. The Majles seats are allocated to 207 geographic constituencies, meaning that some constituencies send more than one person to the body. Tehran, for example, sends 30 members to the Majles. The Assembly of Experts seats are divided among Iran's 31 provinces. The largest constituency in both elections is Tehran, which sends 30 persons to the Majles and 16 to the Assembly of Experts. Five Majles seats are reserved for members of the "recognized" religious minorities (Zoroastrians, Jews, and several Christian denominations). Political parties are generally banned, and factions compete as loose alliances of candidates based on ideology.