九州大学学術情報リポジトリ Kyushu University Institutional Repository

Tenrikyō's Divine Model through the Manga Oyasama Monogatari

Porcu, Elisabetta University of Cape Town : Senior Lecturer in Asian Religions

https://doi.org/10.5109/1806140

出版情報：Journal of Asian Humanities at Kyushu University. 2, pp.85-93, 2017-03. 九州大学文学 部大学院人文科学府大学院人文科学研究院 バージョン： 権利関係： enikyōs iine Mode toug the Manga Oyasama Monogatari

eliSaBeTTa porCu

Intodution authority, being linked to politics, economy, science, and culture, as well as competitions among diferent HE idea of religion continuously reinventing religious traditions.2 Te feld of culture, in particular itself has come to the fore once again during a popular culture, can be aptly seen as an arena where recent symposium held at Kyushu University.1 A religious institutions attempt to keep their bonds to so- Tclear example is Japan’s modernization during the Meiji ciety.3 Two notable expressions of such culture, manga period (1868–1912), when Buddhism needed to face the and anime, have become distinctive aspects of Japa- challenges coming from external threats (such as those nese culture and signifcant examples of what Joseph posed by Christianity as well as foreign economic and political interests) and internal struggles related to the forced separation of Buddhism and Shintō, the subse- 2 See also the recent study on the Ise shrines by Mark Teeuwen and ohn reen where the idea of Ise as an immutable sacred quent persecution of Buddhism, and the establishment space is clearly deconstructed. Mark Teeuwen and ohn reen, of what was later labeled State Shintō (kokka shintō 国 A ocial History of the Ise hrines: iine apital (London and 家神道). Such a reshaping is, however, not surprising New York: loomsbury, 201). In present-day apan, we can consider the strategies used by religious institutions to overcome considering that religion is part of a socio-economic a condition where religion is not playing an infuential role in fabric in continuous fux and, as such, always involved public life and their attempts to experiment with new modes of in processes of transformation and (re)afrmation of temple’s management and communication with members and visitors. See my paper Pop eligion in apan: uddhist Temples, Icons, and randing, Journal of eligion an Popular ulture 2, no. 1 (201): 152 and ohn K. Nelson, perimental uhism: 1 th IMAP in apanese umanities Symposium on Pre-Mod- Innoation an Actiism in ontemporary Japan (onolulu: ern apanese Culture: eligion and Imagination in apanese University of awaii Press, 201). Contexts, organized by the IMAP in apanese umanities in e- In this regard, see my paper Pop eligion in apan lisabetta cember 201. This paper was written during my stay as a visiting Porcu and Paul att, eds., Journal of eligion in Japan 1, no. professor at the IMAP in apanese umanities, Kyushu University, 1 (2012), special issue on eligion and the Secular in apan and I would like to thank my colleagues Cynthea . ogel and and Satoko ujiwara, ed., Journal of eligion in Japan 5, no. 2 llen an Goethem for their kind invitation. I would also like to (201), special issue on Secularity and Post-Secularity in apan: thank the anonymous reviewers for their comments. apanese Scholars’ esponses.

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JAHQ-V2-interior-final-v2.indd 85 3/20/17 7:41 AM Nye has labeled “sof power.”4 Trough popular culture manga and anime to communicate with their mem- things Japanese have gained global recognition,5 and re- bers, the choice of themes and the way the founders ligious groups and individual priests have ofen turned are portrayed are quite traditional and can be seen as to popular culture to appeal to younger generations in a manga-ized replica of accounts found in the denom- contemporary Japan.6 inations’ booklets and teachings transmitted through In this brief paper, I will focus on some crucial as- kawaii (“cute”) fgures. For example, the anime Shin- pects of a manga created by Tenrikyō 天理教 (a new ran sama: Negai, soshite hikari 親鸞さま―ねがい、 religious movement originating in the nineteenth-cen- そしてひかり (Shinran-sama: His Wish and Light, tury), Oyasama monogatari (Gekiga Oyasama mo- 2008) clearly mirrors a classical/popular narrative nogatari 劇画教祖（おやさま）物語), in relation of the Buddhist master Shinran’s (1173–1262) life and to the group’s doctrine as expounded in the Tenrikyō teachings. In presenting this project, the Honganji-ha kyōten 天理教教典 (Te Doctrine of Tenrikyō) and branch of Shin Buddhism has used expressions such the Ofudesaki おふでさき (Tip of the Divine Writ- as “innovation” and “a new current of visual propaga- ing Brush).7 In particular, I will draw attention to the tion,” which aimed at conveying Shinran’s biography life of the group’s foundress, Nakayama Miki 中山み “in a style never before attempted” and appropriate き (1798–1887), otherwise known as Oyasama 教祖, as for the times. Despite all these claims, however, the the Divine Model (Hinagata ひながた) to be followed, choice of themes from Shin Buddhist teachings, as and how her fgure as a divine being is represented in well as the way Shinran is portrayed, are quite tradi- the manga in an attempt to create a closer connection tional and an expression of the Honganji-ha’s ofcial between her and Tenrikyō’s members. stance. Tese also represent the reassuring message Oyasama monogatari belongs to what Yamanaka the branch wishes to transmit to its followers through Hiroshi has termed kyōdan manga 教団マンガ, the animated, kawaii, and approachable fgure of its which are produced by religious institutions about founder.9 In terms of both content and style, not much their teachings and founders.8 As I highlighted else- of a “revolution” is to be seen here. where in the case of Jōdo Shinshū 浄土真宗, although Stylistically, the majority of kyōdan manga are very the institutions insist to claim the “innovative” use of linear and their layout lacks cinematic diversifcation of the frames, such as diferent angles and close-ups, while the traits of the characters are roughly drawn. Tis is See Craig Norris, Manga, Anime and isual Art Culture, in The particularly evident in the case of traditional Buddhist ambrige ompanion to oern Japanese ulture, ed. Yoshio Sugimoto (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 200), schools, but not only there. Examples include the biogra- 20. phies of Buddhist masters such as Dōgen (Manga Dōgen 5 Cf. Koichi Iwabuchi, apanese Popular Culture and Postcolonial sama monogatari まんが道元さまものがたり, Te esire for Asia’, in Popular ulture lobaliation an Japan, eds. Matthew Allen and umi Sakamoto (ondon and New York: Manga Story of Master Dōgen 2003) and Keizai (Manga outledge, 200), 155 and Matthew Allen and umi Sakamoto, Keizai sama monogatari まんが瑩山さまものがたり, Introduction: Inside-out apan Popular Culture and Globaliza- Te Manga Story of Master Keizai, 2005) produced by tion in the Context of apan, in Popular ulture lobaliation an Japan, eds. Matthew Allen and umi Sakamoto, 2. Sōtō 曹洞 Zen; and the Manga Hōnen Shōnin den マン This does not mean, however, that the efforts of both institutions ガ法然上人伝 published in 1995 by Jōdoshū 浄土宗 and individual priests have been successful in terms of increas- headquarters and translated into English in 2009 as Just ing membership, etc. See Porcu, Pop eligion in apan. Tenriky Kykai onbu, Tenriky kyten (Tenri: Tenriky ysha, As you Are: Te Manga Biography of Pure Land Master 2012 1, hereafter: Tenriky kyten) and Tenrikyo Church Honen Shonin; or biographies of founders of new reli- eaduarters, The octrine of Tenrikyo, tenth edition (Tenri: gious movements, such as Risshō Kōseikai’s 立正佼成会 Tenri ihosha, 200, hereafter: The octrine of Tenriky). The fuesaki was revealed by God the Parent to yasama, who Manga Ichijō no hohoemi まんが一乗のほほえみ (Te started to compile it in 1. See Tenrikyo Church eaduarters, Smile of the One Vehicle Teaching, 2001–03) on Niwano fuesaki: The Tip of the Writing rush, nglish, apanese and Nikkyō 庭野日敬 (1906–99), to name just a few. omanization (Tenri: Tenri ihosha, 200). Yamanaka iroshi, Manga bunka no naka no shky, in hhi sareru shky, eds. Ishii Kenji and Shimazono Susumu (Tokyo: Shunjsha, 1), 11. or a classication of religious and educa- lisabetta Porcu, Speaking through the Media: Shin uddhism, tional manga, see also Mark Macilliams, eligion and Manga, Popular Culture and the Internet, in The ocial imension of in Hanbook of ontemporary Japanese eligions, eds. Inken Shin Buddhism, ed. Ugo ess (eiden and oston: rill, 2010), Prohl and ohn Nelson (eiden, oston: rill, 2012), 552. 20.

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JAHQ-V2-interior-final-v2.indd 86 3/20/17 7:41 AM diferent from the cute traits of kodomomuke 子供向 け manga (for children) or shōjo 少女 manga (“girls’ comics”), and by their political-oriented topics which made this genre popular among young workers and student activists, in particular in the 1960s.11 Unlike other religious institutions that have focused on cute characters in their creation of manga and anime,12 Ten- rikyō has tried to locate its product within the frame of a more realistic genre where kawaii features hardly fnd a place. Tis does not mean, however, that con- tent-wise the manga is “innovative,” or has diverged from a “traditional” account of the foundress’s life, as I will show below. Te choice of the gekiga in this case, was not so much a strategic choice of the group than it was dictated by the fact that its author, Nakajō Tateo 中城健雄 (b. 1938), is a well-known gekiga artist and Tenrikyō follower, who in 1987 became head of the Tenrikyō Moritakabun 森高分church in Aichi.13 In his recollection, to write the gekiga version of the found- ress story was a way to combine his religious path as a religious leader with its profession as a manga artist, which he clearly saw as a sign sent by Oyasama.14

e ekiga iogay of te Foundess of enikyō

Figure 1. Cover of Tenriky’s 200 manga, yasama monogatari Tenrikyō is a new religious movement (shin shūkyō 新 (ekiga yasama monogatari 劇画教祖（おやさま）物語). 宗教),15 whose origins date back to the late Edo period. It was founded in 1838 by a farmer’s wife and medium,

Tenrikyō, on the other hand, in Oyasama monoga- tari has chosen to represent the life of the group’s acters, Themes, and Narrative Patterns in the Manga of samu foundress through the genre known as gekiga 劇画. Tezuka, in Japanese isual ulture, ed. Mark Macilliams, , Tis term, meaning “drama/dramatic pictures,” was 12. 11 See also Norris, Manga, Anime and isual Art Culture, 2, 22. used in opposition to manga 漫画 or “whimsical Another example of gekiga within the religious manga is Ningen pictures,” and used from the late 1950s by a group of kakumei 人間革命 (The uman evolution, 1200) by Ska manga artists, such as Tatsumi Yoshihiro, Saitō Takao, Gakkai 創価学会, which features fty-six volumes (now available as e-books) and a ten-anime collection. and Sanpei Shirato, who wanted to adopt “a more se- 12 See, for example, my analysis of the manga Tannish and the rious, graphic approach” targeting a more adult au- anime hinran sama: Negai soshite hikari, of the onganji-ha in dience.10 Gekiga are characterized by realistic tones, Porcu, Speaking through the Media. 1 See also http:doyusha.jpdoyutoppageid11 (accessed 21 ecember 201). 1 See Nakaj Tateo, yasama monogatari, hwa shnen 10 Gekiga fall into the general category of manga. See rederik (201), http:doyusha.jpdoyutoppageid11 (accessed 2 Schodt, anga anga: The Worl of Japanese omics (Tokyo: ecember 201). In this essay, he refers to his work both in terms Kodansha International, 1), and Kinko Ito, Manga in of gekiga and manga. apanese istory, in Japanese isual ulture: ploration in the 15 or an overview of the periodization of new religious movements Worl of anga an Anime, ed. Mark Macilliams (Armonk: and uestions on terminological issues, see, for example, Trevor M.. Sharpe, 200), 2. In the late 10s, Tezuka samu also Astley, New eligions, in Nanan uie to Japanese eligions, had to modify his style towards a more realistic, gekiga, style, eds. Paul . Swanson and Clark Chilson (onolulu: University of after this genre gained popularity. See Susanne Phillipps, Char- awaii Press, 200), 111.

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JAHQ-V2-interior-final-v2.indd 87 3/20/17 7:41 AM Nakayama Miki, in what is now Tenri, in Nara pre- as I have argued elsewhere using Walter Benjamin’s fecture. As we will see in more detail below, a crucial formulation, we might say that this manga—through aspect in Nakayama’s life and the origin of the group, the technological reproduction of Nakayama Miki’s life is that, according to Tenrikyō’s teachings, she was cho- and teachings—detaches to some extent “the repro- sen by Tenri-ō-no-mikoto 天理王命 (Lord of Heav- duced object from the sphere of tradition” and that by enly Wisdom), or Oyagami 親神 (God the Parent) as reaching viewers in their own situation, “it actualizes he was called later, as his vessel in this world to save that which is reproduced.”19 Trough the medium of all human beings, who are meant to live a “joyous life” manga and the creation of a more approachable image (yōki gurashi 陽気ぐらし) through a complete reliance of the group’s foundress, the distance between her (the on God’s providence. Tis is closely linked to the idea religious object) and the viewers (as recipient of the re- that Nakayama’s residence was the place where God ligious message) is minimized and, as a consequence, had created humankind, and that Tenri is the location this might lead to a closer connection of the members where Nakayama is still believed to live. to the institution.20 Moreover, building familiarity be- Te manga Oyasama monogatari was originally is- tween the readers and the characters is an important sued in fve volumes between April 1987 and August aspect of manga (and anime) that makes the subject 1990 by the organization’s publishing company, Ten- more comprehensible,21 and in this case might facilitate rikyō Dōyūsha. In 2008 the frst three volumes were religious communication. made into a single, voluminous manga of almost 700 Te life of the foundress as the Divine Model to be pages that focuses on the life story of its foundress. followed is crucial in Tenrikyō’s doctrine. Tese lines Te frst part, titled “Tsukihi no yashiro 月日のやし from Chapter Five of Tenrikyō kyōten provide a version ろ (Te Shrine of Tsukihi),” is centered on the foun- of Oyasama’s exemplary (and divine) life in a nutshell: dation of Tenrikyō in Nara prefecture and the life of Nakayama Miki/Oyasama from her childhood until Oyasama not only revealed the teachings of God 1864. Part two, “Tasuke zutome たすけづとめ (Te the Parent by Her spoken word and by Her writing Salvation Service),” is related to events from 1864 to brush but demonstrated them in Her life. Te life 1877, and the last part, “Tobira hiraite 扉ひらいて of Oyasama afer She became the Shrine of God (Te Portals Open),” covers episodes from 1877 until is indeed the Divine Model for all humankind to Nakayama Miki’s death in 1886.16 Te frst volume was follow. translated into English by the Translation Committee Oyasama wa, kuchi ya fude de Oyagami no of the Tenrikyo Mission Headquarters in America and oshie o toki akasareru to tomo ni, mi o motte kore was frst serialized in the North American Tenrikyo o shimesareta. Kono michi sugara koso, man’nin no Mission Headquarters’ Newsletter (2010–15). It was sub- Hinagata de aru. sequently published by Tenrikyō Dōyūsha on the occa- 教祖は、口や筆で親神の教えを説き明かさ sion of the 130th Anniversary of the foundress’s death in れると共に、身を以てこれを示された。この January 2016, and a Kindle edition was made available 道すがらこそ、万人のひながたである。22 in July of the same year.17 In the intention of the group, the manga version of the life of its foundress “was a According to Tenrikyō’s teachings, Nakayama Miki, long-cherished hope.” Te intent to publish a manga who was inclined to compassion and benevolence since characterized by “dignifed illustrations and simple yet appropriate vocabulary” to help the readers familiarize with the life of Oyasama and “feel closer to the Divine iii. The sentence dignied illustrations and simple yet appropri- 18 ate vocabulary is missing in the apanese original, where the Model” is clearly stated in the preface. In this regard, term roman ロマン (novel) is used instead. 1 See alter enjamin, The Work of Art in the Age of Its Technolog ical eproucibility an ther Writings on eia, eds. Michael . ennings, rigid oherty, and Thomas Y. evin (Cambridge, 1 The texts are written by attori Takeshir 服部武四郎 (b. 125), a Massachusetts, ondon: The elknap Press of arvard University Tenriky member. Press, 200). 1 See also http:www.tenrikyo.comurTeachingsyasama.html 20 See Porcu, Speaking through the Media. (accessed 1 ecember 201). 21 See Mark Macilliams, Introduction, in Japanese isual ul 1 Translation Committee Tenrikyo Mission eaduarters in Amer- ture, ed. Mark Macilliams, 10. ica, Tale of yasama (Tenri: Tenrikyo oyusha, 201), ook ne, 22 The octrine of Tenriky, 5 and Tenriky kyten, 5.

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JAHQ-V2-interior-final-v2.indd 88 3/20/17 7:41 AM her childhood, received a revelation by Tenri-ō-no- Moreover, the location of Tenri as the birthplace of mikoto to save all humankind when she was forty-one humankind is underlined through its designation as years old. Tis revelation occurred afer a possession ex- Oyasato 親里 (residence of origin) and the words that perience when God of Origin, God in Truth (Moto no welcome believers and visitors to Tenri city: “Yōkoso Kami Jitsu no Kami 元の神実の神) chose Miki as his o-kaeri” ようこそおかえり (Welcome Home!). vessel. She became in this way the shrine where Tsukihi 月日 (lit. moon-sun) abides, Tsukihi no yashiro. Te world and humankind were created by Tsukihi/Oyag- e eginning of enikyō ami, and everything in the whole universe depends on Nakayama Miki as the Shrine of God his divine providence (shugo 守護), which occupies a great deal of space in the manga.23 God the Parent was Nakayama Miki is depicted in the scriptures and the called Tsukihi since he “manifests in the heavens as the manga as a compassionate being since her early life. In moon and the sun and sheds benevolent light all over the Tenrikyō kyōten she is presented as kindhearted and the world.” His will is for human beings to enjoy what is with a deep interest in a (non-specifed) “path of faith” called “joyous life” and rejoice “the blessings of heaven to the extent that she decides to dedicate her life to it. and earth without discrimination.”24 In order to grant In the gekiga, on the contrary, following Chapter 2 of them salvation in the sacred place of origin, or jiba ぢ the Kōhon Tenrikyō Oyasama den 稿本天理教教祖伝 ば, God the Parent revealed himself through Oyasama, (Te Life of Oyasama, Foundress of Tenrikyo, Manu- who is believed to remain alive forever at the jiba to script Edition), some space is devoted to her initial pur- protect humankind. In the scriptures, the unity of Ten- suing of the Pure Land Buddhist teaching and her wish ri-ō-no-mikoto, Oyasama, and the jiba is highlighted to become a nun in that tradition, which is, however, and only through the acceptance of this truth can the not mentioned in the kyōten.29 path to salvation be accomplished.25 Te location of Na- A signifcant phase in Nakayama Miki’s earlier life, kayama’s residence was disclosed as the center of the and the future of Tenrikyō, is closely knit to her moving universe and therefore chosen by Oyagami as the place to what would be “the Residence of Origin” (Oyasato; to reveal himself. It is maybe no coincidence that it was moto no yashiki 元のやしき) afer her marriage into located in Yamato province (present-day Nara prefec- the Nakayama family. Tis is presented in the scriptures ture), traditionally considered the origin of Japanese as a “mysterious causality” (kushiki innen 奇しきいん civilization.26 Here Tenrikyō headquarters were built ねん), as is the appearance of God the Parent “on earth with the jiba located in the inner sanctuary of the head through Oyasama as the Shrine.”30 Tis idea of causality temple and marked by the kanrodai かんろだい (the is recurrent in both the teachings and the manga and stand for the heavenly dew),27 an hexagonal pillar set up is linked at the outset of the Tenrikyō kyōten to the se- to prove the exact location of the origin of humankind: lection of Miki as the vessel of the kami in this world:

Tere at the Jiba, I began all the human beings in I am God of Origin, God in Truth. Tere is causal- this world. ity in this Residence. At this time I have descended Te Jiba in Nihon is the native place of all here to save all humankind. I wish to receive Miki people in the world. as the Shrine of God. As proof of My beginning of human beings, I shall put the Kanrodai into place.28 Tenri ihosha, 200), 0 see also Tenriky kyten, Chapter Two. 2 See yasama monogatari, e.g., 0, 2. The Khon Tenriky yasama en was rst published by the headuarters in 15 2 See yasama monogatari e.g., 12, 1, 11, and 12. on the occasion of the seventieth anniversary of the foundress’s 2 See The octrine of Tenriky, Chapter our Tenri--no-mikoto, death. Tenriky Kykai onbu, Khon Tenriky yasama en 2 and Tenriky kyten, . See also fuesaki : 5 and I: 102. (Tenri: Tenriky ysha, 201). 25 Tenriky kyten, Chapter our. 0 See Tenriky kyten, Chapter ive, inagata, 5 and The oc 2 See obert Kisala, Images of God in apanese New eligions, trine of Tenriky, 5 and Chapter Three, Moto no ri (The Truth Nanan ulletin 25 (2001): 22. of rigin), Tenriky kyten, 25. or an analysis of the concept 2 See also yasama monogatari, . of karma (innen) in Tenriky, see obert Kisala, Contemporary 2 fuesaki II: nglish translation from Tenrikyo Church Karma: Interpretations of Karma in Tenriky and issh Kseikai, eaduarters, fuesaki: The Tip of the Writing rush (Tenri: Japanese Journal of eligious tuies 21, no. 1 (11): 1.

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JAHQ-V2-interior-final-v2.indd 89 3/20/17 7:41 AM Ware wa moto no kami jitsu no kami de aru. family.35 Miki sat in seiza holding paper rods in both Kono yashiki ni innen ari. Kono tabi, sekai ichiretsu hands without eating or drinking for three days, while o tasukeru tame ni amakudatta. Miki o kami no the negotiation of the family with the God continued. yashiro ni morai uketai. Worried about Miki’s state of exhaustion, her family 我は元の神·実の神である。この屋敷にい fnally succumbed to the God’s request. At this point, んねんあり。このたび、世界一れつをたすけ the health conditions of Shūji and Zenbei visibly im- るために天降った。みきを神のやしろに貰い proved and Miki awoke from her possession with no 受けたい。31 recollection of what had happened.36 It was 1838, the year that marks the foundation of Tenrikyō. Miki be- Te crucial event in the founding story of Tenrikyō is came Oyasama and the vessel of Tsukihi as is clear from Nakayama Miki’s possession experience and her be- Tenrikyō’s scriptures: coming the Shrine of Tsukihi. Tis experience is pow- erfully described in the manga32 and thus worthy of Tese thoughts of Tsukihi are spoken through some additional space here. Her: the mouth is human, the mind is that of Everything started when Miki’s elder son, Shūji 秀 Tsukihi. Listen! I, Tsukihi, am borrowing Her 司, was at one time struck by an unbearable pain in his mouth wholly, and I, Tsukihi, am lending My leg. Te doctor, unable to help, advised Shūji’s father, mind wholly.37 Zenbei, to consult with a shugenja 修験者, a mountain ascetic, to pray for his son.33 Believing that the pain According to the teachings, the reluctance of Miki’s was due to a curse inficted upon Shūji by the god Iso- family to surrender to Tsukihi’s request, which would nokami (Isonokami daimyōjin 石上大明神) as he ac- beneft humanity immensely, is explained as a sign cidentally stepped on a rock where the deity was said of human self-centeredness, which led them to miss to abide, the shugenja performed a ritual ceremony. Its the broader picture of salvation for all. It was only by efectiveness, however, proved useless. Various other overcoming selfsh thoughts and concerns that they incantations were recited at the village, and in one of were able to abide by the will of Tsukihi/Oyagami. In these Miki replaced the shamaness who accompanied Tenrikyō’s view, Oyasama is the only medium through the mountain ascetic, as she would not be able to come. which human beings can worship God the Parent and It was on that occasion that Miki experienced posses- understand the “divine will” (Oyagami no oboshi meshi sion by God of Origin, God of Truth, who forcefully 祖神の思召) and the religious truth,38 and Oyagami wished to receive her as the Shrine of God (kami no is the only true God—the others being mere “instru- yashiro 神のやしろ).34 Te scene is strongly depicted ments” to make the “providence easier to understand.”39 in the manga: An aura of light emanates from Miki’s In this regard, ten aspects of Oyagami’s providence, fgure while all attendees, deeply bowing down before jūzen no shugo 十全の守護, are listed in the scriptures her, are overwhelmed by the powerful words of the and the manga. Tese are expressed through ten sacred God fowing from the foundress’s body. No other ele- names, each with a specifc role in the providence plan ments apart from the words of God the Parent and the at two levels, that of the human body (which is only fgure of Miki shown from the back, engage the viewers lent to human beings by God the Parent) and of the in this scene. world. Among them, Kunitokotachi no Mikoto is re- Miki’s family and the shugenja pleaded the God to lated to the eyes and fuid in the human body and water choose another person and another place to reside, in the world; Omotari no Mikoto is the providence of but the God was steadfast and warned them to accept warmth in the body and fre in the world; Izanagi no his request for the sake of humankind or they would Mikoto and Izanami no Mikoto are the models of man experience the devastation of Nakayama’s house and

5 Ibid., 50. 1 Tenriky kyten, the nglish translation is uoted from The Ibid., 5. octrine of Tenriky, . See also yasama monogatari, . fuesaki II: translation into nglish uoted from The 2 yasama monogatari, 5. octrine of Tenriky, Chapter ne, . Ibid., 102. Tenriky kyten, 1. Ibid., 5. The octrine of Tenriky, 2 and Tenriky kyten, 0.

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JAHQ-V2-interior-final-v2.indd 90 3/20/17 7:41 AM and woman and the seed and seed plot respectively.40 II, however, through the Fukugen 復元 (Restoration Te appearance of deities from Shintō mythology is not of Original Teaching) movement, the group altered its only due to the fact that Tenrikyō draws, among others, doctrines in an attempt to distance itself from its war/ from Shintō and folk religions, but it seems also related imperialistic period, which led to the revision of the to the group’s attempts during the Meiji period to con- Tenrikyō Kyōten in 1949. form to the policy of State Shintō in order to be of- cially acknowledged as a religious organization.41 Te manga ofers a quite detailed account spread over two yasamas ife as te iine Mode hundred pages of the struggles between Tenrikyō and Shintō authorities in the attempt of the group to afrm Chapter Five of the Tenrikyō kyōten, titled Hina- its own doctrine and the predominance of God the Par- gata (Te Divine Model), continues with the story of ent/Tenri-ō-no-mikoto, before surrendering and sign- Oyasama afer her possession experience, and import- ing a pledge in fve articles (Gokajō no ukesho 五ヶ条 ant steps in her life are briefy highlighted. Tese are to の請書); these included a declaration that the kami to be found in the manga in their close link to the history be revered were those of the pantheon of Shintō kami of Tenrikyō’s growth and initial institutionalization. and that humankind (and Japan) was not created by Everything in Oyasama’s life, her religious path, and Tenri-ō-mikoto but according to the foundation myths the lives of her followers is framed within the divine of the Kojiki 古事記 (Records of Ancient Matters, 712) will of God the Parent. For example, the manga de- and Nihon shoki 日本書紀 (Chronicles of Japan, 720).42 scribes the difculties faced by Oyasama’s family afer Such adaptations are not unusual in the history of Jap- she gave away all of the family’s possessions to the poor anese religions, including traditional Buddhist denom- following Oyagami’s wishes to “fall to the depths of inations (dentō bukkyō 伝統仏教). Tere are instances poverty”; Oyasama’s miraculous healing episodes; Ten- where the words of founders and the teachings have rikyō’s growth and the persecutions by the authorities, been modifed to ft with the demands of the times, including several detentions of the foundress and her and are used as means of supporting the imperial and disciples; the establishment of the frst kō 講 (associa- nationalistic system in times of war, while later used tions of followers); the writing of the Ofudesaki and the to acknowledge war responsibilities and express paci- Mikagura uta (Songs for the Sacred Dance) to explain fsm.43 Also, Tenrikyō, like many other religious groups, Oyagami’s divine plan; the systematization of the prac- was not immune from cooperating with Japan’s impe- tice; the spreading of the teaching in provinces other rialism, and its missions expanded along with Japan’s than Nara; and lastly the foundress’s passing away. militarist eforts outside its borders. Afer World War In the manga great emphasis is placed on Oyasa- ma’s central and divine image and the scenes of pos- session are strongly depicted, as I noted above. Her 0 See Tenriky kyten, Chapter our and yasama monogatari, healing powers are emphasized, at frst with regard to 5. safe childbirth and then with other illnesses. Tis is a 1 See also Kisala, Images of God in apanese New eligions, 2. Tenriky was recognized as one of the thirteen Shint sects in crucial aspect of Tenrikyō’s teachings, where illness and 10, after modifying its teachings in line with state nationalism. pain are seen as a sign of God the Parent to warn in- owever, it revised its doctrines in the postwar period (1, and dividuals against going into “dangerous paths:” “Illness further revisions were made in 1) in 10 it withdrew from the Association of Shinto Sects. and pain of whatever kind do not exist. Tey are none 2 yasama monogatari, 5. It follows Chapter Nine of the other than the hastening and guidance of God.”44 To Khon Tenriky yasama en become aware of this and follow the path indicated by A clear example in the eld of uddhism is provided by wartime doctrines (seni kygaku 戦時教学) in Shin uddhism. ere, we God the Parent will lead to the joyous life and a better see the modication of the scriptures in order to reinforce the in- world.45 In the manga, Oyasama’s healing power is also stitution’s partnership with the imperial state, and the use of Shin- linked to conversion stories, which are a typical trait ran’s and ennyo’s 蓮如 (115) words to promote imperialism and as justication of belligerence during apan’s fteen-year war (115). See lisabetta Porcu, Anniversaries, ounders, Slogans and isual Media in Shin uddhism, Japanese eligions , no.1 (200): 5 and ukushima Kanry and Senji Kygaku fuesaki II: , translation into nglish uoted from Tenrikyo Kenkykai, eds., eni kygaku to shinsh, volumes (Kyoto: Church eaduarters, fuesaki, 2. Nagata unshd, 1, 11, 15). 5 See Tenriky kyten, Chapter Six.

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JAHQ-V2-interior-final-v2.indd 91 3/20/17 7:41 AM of the communication strategies used by new religious tions. Te Divine Model (hinagata) of Oyasama’s life movements, and the spreading of the teaching.46 and actions is the basis of this volume and the source Stylistically, from the moment Oyasama ceases to be of its religious legitimacy. Tis model is presented and the human Nakayama Miki and is acting and speaking highlighted in the manga not only through a textual as God the Parent (which covers almost 600 pages of correspondence with the teachings, including direct the volume), she is either seen from the back, or her quotations from the scriptures, and the various expla- profle is shown. Sometimes she is depicted from a nations in notes, but also visually through the choice of frontal angle but her face is never shown to preserve her drawing techniques. Oyasama’s face is always concealed sacredness—her body being the vessel, or in Tenrikyō’s and she is portrayed as a liminal fgure, yet very present terms, the Shrine of God the Parent. Along with the and engaging with the viewers. In this way, the audience connection to the sacred aspect of the foundress, the is constantly reminded of her existence as God the Par- shrouding of Oyasama’s face in this manga may remind ent in this world, his vessel, and the medium between us of the convention in premodern Japan of concealing the world of humankind and the divine realm of God, the emperor’s face in paintings.47 To hide the found- from whom, according to the teachings, all derives and ress’s visage locates her fgure in a realm that, although on whose providence everything depends. linked to human beings and this world, is at the same time above and detached from the viewer’s domain.48 Tis is in accord with the scriptures, where it is taught Bibliography that although Oyasama’s physical appearance was still no diferent from that of “ordinary people,” her mind Allen, Matthew and Rumi Sakamoto, eds. Popular Culture, was that of God the Parent.49 Globalization and Japan. London and New York: Rout- ledge, 2006. ______. “Introduction: Inside-out Japan? Popular Culture onusion and Globalization in the Context of Japan.” In Popular Culture, Globalization and Japan. Edited by Matthew Tis short paper has focused on Tenrikyō’s use of Allen and Rumi Sakamoto, 1–12. London and New York: manga as a way to transmit Oyasama’s Divine Model Routledge, 2006. to its members and its attempt to facilitate religious Astley, Trevor. “New Religions.” In Nanzan Guide to Japanese communication through this medium. Te group’s Religions. Edited by Paul L. Swanson and Clark Chilson, engagement has resulted in a product that, according 91–114. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2006. to Tenrikyō itself, is at the same time educational and Benjamin, Walter. Te Work of Art in the Age of Its Tech- adequate to depict and “dignify” Nakayama Miki’s life. nological Reproducibility and Other Writings on Media. Te story of Oyasama, her sacredness, the foundation Edited by Michael W. Jennings, Brigid Doherty, and and later developments of this new religious movement Tomas Y. Levin. Cambridge, Massachusetts, London: from the late Edo period to the foundress’s death in Te Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2008. 1887 are conveyed through the gekiga genre with its use Fujiwara, Satoko, ed. Special issue on “Secularity and of realistic tones rather than a manga characterized by Post-Secularity in Japan: Japanese Scholars’ Responses.” kawaii traits, as in the case of other religious organiza- Journal of Religion in Japan 5, no. 2–3 (2016). Fukushima Kanryū 福❎寛隆 and Senji Kyōgaku Kenkyūkai 戦時教学研究会, eds. Senji kyōgaku to shinshū 戦時教 yasama monogatari, e.g., 1, 1, 10, 2, 2. 学と真宗, 3 volumes. Kyoto: Nagata Bunshōdō, 1988, See, for example, Matthew P. McKelway, apitalscapes: Foling creens an Political Imagination in ate eieal Kyoto (ono- 1991, 1995. lulu: University of awaii Press, 200), 150, 20. Hattori Takeshirō 服部武四郎 and Nakajō Tateo 中城健雄. This is different from the depiction of founders in other manga Gekiga Oyasama monogatari. Ai doku shinsō ban 劇画教 I analyzed, such as nen, gen, and Niwano, who, though highly respected, are still considered human beings, and there- 祖物語 愛読新装版. Tenri: Tenrikyō Dōyūsha, 2008. fore this techniue is not used. Ito, Kinko. “Manga in Japanese History.” In Japanese Visual yasama no sugata wa yo no tsune no hitobito to kotonaru Culture: Exploration in the World of Manga and Anime. tokoro wa nai ga sono kokoro wa oyagami no kokoro e aru 教祖 の姿は、世の常の人々と異なるところはないが、その心は、 祖神 Edited by Mark MacWilliams, 26–47. Armonk: M.E. の心である. See Tenriky kyten, 5 The octrine of Tenriky, . Sharpe, 2008.

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JAHQ-V2-interior-final-v2.indd 92 3/20/17 7:41 AM Iwabuchi, Koichi. “Japanese Popular Culture and Postcolo- Tenrikyo Church Headquarters. Te Doctrine of Tenrikyo, nial Desire for ‘Asia.’” In Popular Culture, Globalization tenth edition. Tenri: Tenri Jihosha, 2006. and Japan. Edited by Matthew Allen and Rumi Sakamoto, ______. Ofudesaki: Te Tip of the Writing Brush. Tenri: Tenri 15–35. London and New York: Routledge, 2006. Jihosha, 2004. Kisala, Robert. “Images of God in Japanese New Religions.” Tenrikyō Kyōkai Honbu 天理教教会本部. Kōhon Tenrikyō Nanzan Bulletin 25 (2001): 19–32. Oyasama den 稿本天理教教祖伝. Tenrikyō Dōyūsha, ______. “Contemporary Karma: Interpretations of Karma 2016 [1956]. in Tenrikyō and Risshō Kōseikai.” Japanese Journal of ______. Ofudesaki おふでさき. Tenri: Tenrikyō Dōyūsha, Religious Studies 21, no. 1 (1991): 73–91. 1995. MacWilliams, Mark. “Religion and Manga.” In Handbook of ______. Tenrikyō kyōten 天理教教典. Tenri: Tenrikyō Contemporary Japanese Religions. Edited by Inken Prohl Dōyūsha, 1989. and John Nelson, 595–628. Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2012. Translation Committee Tenrikyo Mission Headquarters in McKelway, Matthew P. Capitalscapes: Folding Screens and America. Tale of Oyasama, Book One. Tenri: Tenrikyo Political Imagination in Late Medieval Kyoto. Honolulu: Doyusha, 2016. University of Hawai‘i Press, 2006. Yamanaka Hiroshi 山中弘. “Manga bunka no naka no Nakajō Tateo 中城健雄. “Oyasama monogatari 教祖物語.” shūkyō 漫画文化のなかの宗教.” In Shōhi sareru Shōwa shōnen 70 昭和少年70 (2013). http://doyusha. ‘shūkyō’ 消費される「宗教」. Edited by Ishii Kenji 石 jp/doyu/top/?page_id=16619 (3月24日号) (accessed 27 井研士 and Shimazono Susumu 島薗進, 158–84. Tokyo: December 2016). Shunjūsha, 1996. Nelson, John. Experimental Buddhism: Innovation and Activism in Contemporary Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2013. Norris, Craig. “Manga, Anime and Visual Art Culture.” In Te Cambridge Companion to Modern Japanese Culture. Edited by Sugimoto Yoshio, 236–60. Melbourne: Cam- bridge University Press, 2009. Phillipps, Susanne, “Characters, Temes, and Narrative Patterns in the Manga of Osamu Tezuka.” In Japanese Visual Culture: Exploration in the World of Manga and Anime. Edited by Mark MacWilliams, 68–90. Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, 2008. Porcu, Elisabetta. “Pop Religion in Japan: Buddhist Temples, Icons, and Branding.” Journal of Religion and Popular Culture 26, no. 1 (2014): 157–72. ______. “Speaking through the Media: Shin Buddhism, Pop- ular Culture and the Internet.” In Te Social Dimension of Shin Buddhism. Edited by Ugo Dessì, 209–39. Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2010. ______. “Anniversaries, Founders, Slogans and Visual Media in Shin Buddhism.” Japanese Religions 34, no. 1 (2009): 53–73. Porcu, Elisabetta and Paul Watt, eds. Special issue on “Re- ligion and the Secular in Japan.” Journal of Religion in Japan 1, no. 1 (2012). Schodt, Frederik. Manga! Manga!: Te World of Japanese Comics. Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1983. Teeuwen, Mark and John Breen. A Social History of the Ise Shrines: Divine Capital. London and New York: Blooms- bury, 2017.

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