Cambodia: the Lessons and Legacy of UNTAC, SIPRI Research Report
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Seeking Justice in Cambodia Realism
Seeking Justice in Cambodia By Gregory H. Stanton When the Khmer Rouge regime took power in Cambodia in 1975, its leaders hoped to establish a utopian rural communist society without cities, private property or money. They declared a new beginning of history, Year Zero, and a new nation, Democratic Kampuchea. Although they modeled their revolution on the Soviet Union under Stalin and China under Mao Tse-Tung, they believed those regimes had not gone far enough, fast enough in killing class enemies. The Khmer Rouge also eschewed the cults of personality established by Stalin and Mao. Instead the secretive Khmer Rouge power elite named themselves the Angkar, the organization, and claimed absolute obedience from every Kampuchean. Religion and worship were abolished. Buddhist monks were disrobed and often killed. Muslim Chams and the few Christians were murdered at a rate much higher than ordinary Kampucheans. Vietnamese Cambodians were forced to flee to Vietnam until 1977, when the border was closed and the remaining Vietnamese were murdered. Minority ethnic groups were forced to live in Khmer-speaking communes, and forbidden to speak their languages and practice their customs. The Khmer Rouge systematically stripped rural communes of the rice they produced in order to trade it to China for weapons and machines. They substituted traditional herbal treatments for scientific “foreign” medicine and neither manufactured nor imported modern antibiotics. “New people” originally from the cities were declared to be class enemies and were literally worked to death. By 1977, the failures of the Kampuchean economy were blamed on enemies within the Communist party, and purges began all over the country. -
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia Geographically, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are situated in the fastest growing region in the world, positioned alongside the dynamic economies of neighboring China and Thailand. Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia compares the postwar political economies of these three countries in the context of their individual and collective impact on recent efforts at regional integration. Based on research carried out over three decades, Ronald Bruce St John highlights the different paths to reform taken by these countries and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cam- bodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last 30 years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. St John discusses how these countries have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the strengths of their individual cultures. The book contributes to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic devel- opment and provides academics with a unique insight into the political economies of three countries at the heart of Southeast Asia. Ronald Bruce St John earned a Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Denver before serving as a military intelligence officer in Vietnam. He is now an independent scholar and has published more than 300 books, articles and reviews with a focus on Southeast Asia, -
U.S.-Japan Approaches to Democracy Promotion
U.S. JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY PROMOTION U.S. JAPAN Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA 1819 L St NW #300 Washington, DC 20036 [email protected] U.S.-JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY SASAKAWA USA SASAKAWA PROMOTION Edited by Michael R. Auslin and Daniel E. Bob ISBN 9780996656764 51000 > 9 780996 656764 U.S.-JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY PROMOTION Edited by Michael R. Auslin Daniel E. Bob Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA is an independent, American non-profit and non- partisan institution devoted to research, analysis and better understanding of the U.S.-Japan relationship. Sasakawa USA accomplishes its mission through programs that benefit both nations and the broader Asia Pacific region. Our research programs focus on security, diplomacy, economics, trade and technology, and our education programs facilitate people-to-people exchange and discussion among American and Japanese policymakers, influential citizens and the broader public in both countries. ISBN: 978-0-9966567-6-4 Printed in the United States of America. © 2017 by Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA LCCN Number applied for Sasakawa USA does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views expressed herein are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect the views of Sasakawa USA, its staff or its board. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by and means without permission in writing from Sasakawa USA. Please direct inquiries to: Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Research Department 1819 L Street, N.W. Washington, DC 20036 P: +1 202-296-6694 This publication can be downloaded at no cost at http://spfusa.org/ Cover photo: © EPA/Barbara Walton Contents Preface .............................................................................................................................v Dennis Blair and Yasushi Akashi INTRODUCTION U.S.-Japan Approaches to Democracy Promotion ............................................ -
Letters from a Fish to His Admiral (Pdf)
LETTERS FROM A FISH TO HIS ADMIRAL BEING BRITANNIA NEWSLETTERS 1-20 17th November 1953 – 9th April 1954 from Acting Captain J S Dalglish, Royal Navy to Rear Admiral Connoly Abel Smith, Royal Navy (temporarily absent with Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II on board the S.S. GOTHIC for the Commonwealth tour of 1953/4) COMMISSIONING BRITANNIA The following notes and letters were written by Acting Captain J S Dalglish, the Officer in charge of Commissioning BRITANNIA, and getting her ready for Royal service, between November 1953 and April 1954. They were written to Rear Admiral Conolly Abel Smith who was on SS Gothic, in temporary use as a Royal Yacht, for The Queen’s Commonwealth Tour 53/54. Upon his return to the UK, Admiral Abel Smith would then become in charge of BRITANNIA, as the first Flag Officer Royal Yachts (FORY). Throughout his career Captain Dalglish was known as FISH. We have a copy of his autobiography – Life Story of a Fish. Prologue SOME RANDOM THOUGHTS ON “BRITANNIA” AT THE BEGINNING. Selection Officers were nominated by Flag Officer Royal Yachts after personal interviews, after which approval was formally given from the Palace. Royal Yachtsmen (who were ranked as ‘Riggers’ in V&A, but with us they became just ‘Yachtsmen’), were all volunteers in response to an AFO in 1953. About 1,000 names came up and we began, of course, with examination of Service Certificates from which any who were not VG Superior were eliminated (although I seem to remember some of our Stokers were VG Satisfactory because of numbers). -
The Constitutive Discourse of the Khmer Rouge
Henri Locard. Pol Pot's Little Red Book: The Sayings of Angkar. Chang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2005. xvi +336 pp. $18.95, paper, ISBN 978-974-9575-56-7. Reviewed by Jason Edwards Published on H-Genocide (August, 2005) The Khmer Rouge governed Cambodia from life. Constitutive rhetoric, therefore, is the discur‐ April 1975 to January 1979 and can be truly called sive background of social life for a particular peo‐ one of the most brutal regimes of the twentieth ple. The slogans used by the Khmer Rouge provide century. However, understanding Khmer Rouge a form of constitutive discourse. These slogans ideology and its impact on Cambodian society is were rooted in Maoist ideology and Cambodian often difficult to discern because the regime's cultural mythology. However, until now they were leaders did not create any major manifestos.[1] never compiled into a specific text for the people That is why Henri Locard's book, Pol Pot's Little to study en masse. Rather, since Cambodia is an Red Book: The Sayings of Angkar, is such an im‐ oral culture, the Khmer leadership and their sur‐ portant text for understanding the political rogates spoke them on a daily basis. The Khmer thought of the Khmer Rouge. Rouge interpellated ordinary Cambodians Locard provides the reader with a group of through continuous rote instruction. sayings and slogans that he collected over four Locard's book is composed of an introduction, years, 1991-1995, from survivors of the Khmer six chapters, and an epilogue. The introduction Rouge's regime, as well as snippets from speeches provides an understanding and a justification for by Khmer leadership. -
Cambodia: Human Rights Before and After the Elections
May 1993 Vol.5 No.10 CAMBODIA: HUMAN RIGHTS BEFORE AND AFTER THE ELECTIONS I. INTRODUCTION Cambodians will go to the polls on May 23 in an atmosphere of political and ethnic violence and renewed civil war. The elections are the culmination of a 17-month United Nations presence, the largest, most ambitious and most expensive peace-keeping effort ever, which was supposed to bring about an end to the conflict. Instead, Cambodia is faced with as much fighting as when the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) entered the country in March 1992, and a spiralling level of serious human rights abuses. The "neutral political environment" that was supposed to be the precondition for elections is entirely absent. The five permanent members of the Security Council and other drafters of the 1991 Paris peace accords, formally known as the Agreements on a Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict, are determined to go ahead with the elections regardless. But what happens on May 23 is almost less important than what happens in the days after the results are announced. Asia Watch believes that an analysis of the missteps that led to the current human rights situation is critically important to determining how, or perhaps whether, human rights of Cambodians can be protected under whatever government comes to power then. The reasons for the deterioration in the human rights situation in late 1992 and early 1993 are complex. None of the parties to the conflict has a history of respect for human rights and one, Democratic Kampuchea, better known as the Khmer Rouge, has one of the worst human rights records in modern history. -
First Quarterly Report: January-March, 2012
mCÄmNÐlÉkßrkm<úCa Documentation Center of Cambodia Quarterly Report: January‐March, 2012 DC‐Cam Team Leaders and the Management Team Prepared and Compiled by Farina So Office Manager Edited by Norman (Sambath) Pentelovitch April, 2012 Sirik Savina, Outreach Coordinator, discusses with the villagers about the hearing process at Khmer Rouge Tribunal. Abbreviations CHRAC Cambodian Human Rights Action Committee CP Civil Party CTM Cambodia Tribunal Monitor DC‐Cam Documentation Center of Cambodia DK Democratic Kampuchea ECCC Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia ICC International Criminal Court ITP Sida Advanced International Training Programme KID Khmer Institute for Democracy KR Khmer Rouge MMMF Margaret McNamara Memorial Fund MRDC Mondul Kiri Resource and Documentation Centre OCP Office of Co‐Prosecutors OCIJ Office of Co‐Investigating Judges PTSD Post‐Traumatic Stress Disorder Sida Swedish International Development Agency TSL Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum UN United Nations UNDP United Nation for Development Program USAID United States Agency for International Development VOT Victims of Torture VPA Victims Participation Project VSS Victim Support Section YFP Youth for Peace YRDP Youth Resource Development Program 2 Table of Contents Executive Summary.............................................................................................................. 1 Results/Outcome................................................................................................................. 7 Raised Public Awareness on the Value of Documents............................................. -
Yale-UN Oral History Project Yasushi Akashi James Sutterlin, Interviewer November 28, 1997 New York, New York Session 2
Yale-UN Oral History Project Yasushi Akashi James Sutterlin, Interviewer November 28, 1997 New York, New York Session 2 James Sutterlin : So, Mr. Akashi at our last session we ended by talking about intelligence and the extent to which you had an intelligence capacity in Cambodia. You said a good bit about it but you might have something you want to add at this point. Yasushi Akashi : There was a very good amount of military intelligence and General Sanderson and I were only the receiving end of intelligence reports, particularly from the United States. Sanderson was somewhat skeptical of some of the quality of intelligence, but we took such intelligence seriously and we evaluated each one of them. I must also add that, in a broad sense, I had a constant exchange of political intelligence with ambassadors. The Japanese ambassador was very adept about dealing with Sihanouk’s psychology. The French Ambassador Phillipe Coste was very good at the goings-on in Prince Sihanouk’s royal family. He was pretty close to his wife, Princess Monique, sometimes to the extent to annoy Sihanouk himself. The American ambassador, Twining, was very methodical, very thorough, and I had a good overall judgment [of him]. Since we lived in the same hotel during the first part of my eighteenth month, we either got together or we had an exchange of “love” notes about the Cambodian situation almost every day. And, the Australian ambassador was interested in developmental issues; he visited projects in the field and reported to me about his impressions. The Chinese 1 ambassador was particularly strong, obviously, about Khmer Rouge psychology and motivations, which he was not very free to share with us, but nevertheless as a conduit to the Khmer Rouge he was very handy. -
SPIONS a Lehallgatandók Nem Tudták Tovább Folytatni a Konverzációt, Nem Volt Mit Lehallgatni
Najmányi László megalapítása bejelentésének, és az aktualitását vesztett punkról az elektronikus tánczenére való áttérésnek. A frontember Knut Hamsun Éhségét olvassa, tudtam meg, aztán megszakadt a vonal. Gyakran előfordult, amikor a lehallgatók beleuntak a lehallgatásba. Ha szétkapcsolták a vonalat, SPIONS a lehallgatandók nem tudták tovább folytatni a konverzációt, nem volt mit lehallgatni. A lehall- gatók egymással dumálhattak, család, főnö- kök, csajok, bármi. Szilveszter napján biztosan Ötvenharmadik rész már délután elkezdtek piálni. Ki akar szilvesz- terkor lehallgatni? Senki. Biszku elvtárs talán. Ha éppen nem vadászik. Vagy a tévében Ernyey Béla. Amikor nyomozót játszik. � Jean-François Bizot6 (1944–2007) francia arisz- Végzetes szerelem, Khmer Rouge, Run by R.U.N. tokrata, antropológus, író és újságíró, az Actuel magazin alapító főszerkesztője7 volt az egyet- „Másképpen írok, mint ahogy beszélek. Másképpen beszélek, mint ahogy gon- len nyugati, aki túlélte a Kambodzsát 1975–79 dolkodom. Másképpen gondolkodom, mint ahogy kellene, és így mind a legmé- között terrorizáló vörös khmerek börtönét. lyebb sötétségbe hull.” A SPIONS 1978 nyarán, Robert Filliou (1926–1987) Franz Kafka francia fluxusművész közvetítésével, Párizsban ismerkedett meg vele. Többször meghívott bennünket vacsorára, és a vidéki kastélyában Az 1979-es évem végzetes szerelemmel indult. Meg ugyan nem vakított, de meg- rendezett, napokig tartó bulikra, ahol megismer- bolondított, az biztos. Művészileg pedig – bár addigra már annyira eltávolodtam kedhettünk a francia punk és new wave szcéna a művészettől, amennyire ez lehetséges – feltétlenül inspirált. Tragikus szerelem prominens művészeivel, producerekkel, mene- volt, a műfaj minden mélységével, szépségével, banalitásával és morbiditásával. dzserekkel, koncertszervezőkkel, független Kívülről nézve persze roppant mulatságos, különösen azért, mert én, a gép, a kém, lemezkiadókkal és a vezető rock-újságírókkal. -
The Role of Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia in Trying Khmer Rouge Human Rights Offender in Cambodia
The Role of Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia in trying Khmer Rouge Human Rights Offender in Cambodia Ahza Arzanul Haq, Dea Putri Krisanti, Zein Ibnu Wiguna Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences Universitas Sebelas Maret Surakarta, Indonesia [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Article Abstract Information Submitted : February 3, 2020 Conflict often occurs when two or more interests are in contradiction and no Revised : May 18, 2020 Accepted : June 30, 2020 one wants to concede. We know a variety of conflicts today, from the conflict preexisting since a long time ago such as intertribal conflict to more modern conflict Keywords : such as a state’s tapping over another. The way of resolving conflict is also varying Khmer Rouge; Cambodia; according to the types of conflict, big conflict such as interstate conflict or the one ECCC; Humanity Crime; attracting the world’s attention, using more complex resolution and usually using the Human Right Violation third party. Therefore, a special organization will be founded to solve a conflict. One of organizations created to solve a conflict is the Extraordinary Chambers in The Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) aiming to try the war criminals during Khmer Rouge humanity crime incidence in 1975-1979. Humanity crime occurring in Cambodia is one of largest humanity tragedies in modern era post 2nd World War. This ECCC was founded because at that time Cambodia’s National Justice Institution could not try the perpetrator of humanity crime. Cambodian government along with UN then agreed to found a justice institution specifically aiming to deal with and to resolve Khmer Rouge case. -
International Decision-Making in the Age of Genocide: Srebrenica 1993-1995
International Decision-Making in the Age of Genocide: Srebrenica 1993-1995 Rapporteur Report The Hague June 29-July 1, 2015 International Decision-Making in the Age of Genocide: Srebrenica 1993-1995 Conference in The Hague, June 29 – July 1, 2015 Executive Summary Leading decision-makers from more than a dozen countries gathered in The Hague from June 29 to July 1, 2015, to consider the failure of the international community to protect the United Nations “safe area” of Srebrenica, resulting in the largest massacre in Europe since World War II. Participants included three former members of the UN Security Council, senior government and UN officials, peacekeepers, and eyewitnesses to the Srebrenica tragedy. Over the course of four working sessions, a public event, and numerous informal meetings, conference participants focused on a disastrous two-year chain of events that culminated in the fall of Srebrenica in July 1995. They examined the origins of the “safe area” policy, beginning with the March 1993 visit to Srebrenica by French General Philippe Morillon, and disagreements on how to implement frequently impractical Security Council resolutions. The discussion revealed sharp disconnects between the policy-makers in New York, the peacekeepers on the ground, and the people the “safe areas” were ostensibly designed to keep safe. “I saw this conference as a kind of truth commission,” said Srebrenica survivor Muhamed Duraković. “Twenty years on, we cannot bring back the dead, but we can learn from what went wrong in Srebrenica. If we are not able to go through the process of fact-finding, truth, and reconciliation, we may be creating problems for future generations.” At the heart of the international failure in Srebrenica in July 1995 was the inability of the major powers to devise and implement an agreed strategy for ending the defining conflict of the immediate post-Cold War era. -
Summary of AG-011 United Nations Executive Office of the Secretary-General (EOSG) (1946-Present)
Summary of AG-011 United Nations Executive Office of the Secretary-General (EOSG) (1946-present) Title United Nations Executive Office of the Secretary-General (EOSG) (1946-present) Active Dates 1919-2014 Administrative History The Executive Office of the Secretary-General (EOSG) was established initially in 1946 to assist the Secretary-General with relations with members and organs of the United Nations, and with specialized agencies and non-governmental organizations, as well as to assist with policy and coordination of the Secretariat. It was established shortly after the first Secretary-General of the United Nations took office following appointment by the General Assembly on 1 February 1946. The Executive Office of the Secretary-General "assists the Secretary-General in the performance of those functions which he does not delegate to the departments and for which he retains personal responsibility. These functions include consultation with governments and the heads of the specialized agencies and the supervision of special projects" (YUN, 1947-1948) It also aids in policy creation and implementation, coordinates the activities of the departments, publications and correspondence, and advises on UN protocol. The following Secretariat bodies reported to the Secretary-General from the beginning: the Department of Security Council Affairs, the Department of Economic Affairs, the Department of Social Affairs, the Department of Trusteeship and Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories, the Department of Public Information, the Department of Legal Affairs, the Department of Conference and General Services, and the Department of Administrative and Financial Services. From 1946 through the 1950s the EOSG was responsible for protocol and liaison with diplomatic representatives, as well as for relationships with non-governmental organizations, communications with member state representatives and related, and for the coordination and support of General Assembly activities.