Kingdom of Lesotho Conflict Insight
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
THE ELECTORAL PROCESS and DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE in LESOTHO Lessons for the Democratic Republic of the Congo
VOLUME 2 NO 1 77 THE ELECTORAL PROCESS AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN LESOTHO Lessons for the Democratic Republic of the Congo By Khabele Matlosa Dr Khabele Matlosa is Director of the Research and Policy Studies Programme of the Southern African Political Economy Series (SAPES) Trust, 4 Deary Avenue, Belgravia, Harare, Zimbabwe Tel: +263 4252962; Fax: +263 4252964; e-mail: [email protected] INTRODUCTION After long years of authoritarian rule, marked, in the main, by either civilian or military dictatorship, all the member states of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have embraced multi-party democratic governance. Although much progress has been made in a majority of the regional states towards nurturing and consolidating democratic governance, fairly slow progress is still manifest in the case of three SADC member-states, namely Angola, The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Swaziland. It is not difficult to understand and explain the rather disappointing record of democratisation in these three states. The main problem in both Angola and the DRC is largely the protracted violent conflict that has characterised them, although it appears now that the prospect of successfully settling these intra-state disputes is fairly bright. Swaziland is steeped in a traditionalism that has entrenched a dynastic form of governance in which the King, as an executive monarch, is central to the running of national affairs. This constitutes a critical democratic deficit for the country. One important ingredient of democratic consolidation in the SADC region is the holding of regular multi-party elections. It should, however, be noted right from the start that an election does not amount to democracy. -
Press Statement by the Family of Lt General Maaparankoe Mahao on Sadc Report: 16 February 2016, Maseru, Lesotho
PRESS STATEMENT BY THE FAMILY OF LT GENERAL MAAPARANKOE MAHAO ON SADC REPORT: 16 FEBRUARY 2016, MASERU, LESOTHO Lt General Maaparankoe Mahao’s family has had the opportunity to study Justice Mphaphi Phumaphi Commission of Inquiry Report. As all of us will remember, the Commission was established by SADC to investigate the circumstances surrounding the death of General Mahao and the alleged mutiny against the current leadership of the Lesotho Defence Force (LDF). The Report was endorsed by the SADC Double Troika at its Summit held in Gaborone, Botswana on 18th January, 2016 with an injunction on the Lesotho Government to publish it and implement it. Lt General Mahao’s family once again wishes to express its gratitude to SADC for its efforts in the search for lasting peace and stability in the Kingdom of Lesotho and, in particular, to SADC’s unwavering commitment to get to the bottom of how and why Lt General Mahao was killed on 25th June, 2015. We further express our sincere appreciation of the thorough and professional work carried out by Justice Phumaphi’s Commission of Inquiry in the discharge of its mandate. We are fully aware of the very difficult conditions under which the Commission operated; especially the obstructions it encountered from some with vested interest to have the truth forever buried. Two principal objectives were at the heart of SADC’s decision to establish the Commission of Inquiry. These were the death of Lt General Mahao and the alleged mutiny within the ranks of the LDF. Around the death of Lt General Mahao, some significant progress was made in so far as the Commission ascertained certain facts which dispel and lay to rest the false claims made by the LDF with regards to why he was killed. -
Likoti, Injodemar 3
International Journal of Development and Management Review (INJODEMAR) Vol. 3 No. 1 May, 2008 215 THE CHALLENGES OF PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY IN LESOTHO: 1993-2007 LIKOTI, FAKO JOHNSON Department of Politics and Administrative Studies National University of Lesotho [email protected] Abstract Lesotho got its independence from Britain in 1960. The country experienced a coup in January 1970 while it was still fresh from colonial rule. During this period, the country's political parties were fragile and parliamentarians (MPs) were yet to acclimatise themselves with their parliamentary responsibilities. From 1970-1992, the country did not have a democratically elected parliament. It was not until early 1993 that the dawn of democracy came to Lesotho. This meant that MPs were still inexperienced and the National parliament appeared to have been confronted with myriads of challenges. This paper argues that these challenges have not only undermined the parliament but have also impacted negatively on the legitimacy and accountability of parliament. It further opines that parliamentarians in any democracy are held in high regard by the electorate and have to conduct themselves with due diligence. As MPs, they are expected to conduct themselves in parliament in a manner befitting their public status. Key Words: Democratisation, Unparliamentary practices, Opposition parties, Legislative power, Lesotho. Introduction Lesotho is a Constitutional democracy. This means that the country subscribes to constitutional rule. The concept of constitutionalism limits the arbitrariness of political power. While the concept recognises the necessity of government, it also insists upon limitations placed upon its powers. In essence, constitutionalism is an antithesis of arbitrary rule. -
The Impact of Political Parties and Party Politics On
EXPLORING THE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND PARTY SYSTEMS ON DEMOCRACY IN LESOTHO by MPHO RAKHARE Student number: 2009083300 Submitted in the fulfilment of the requirements for the Magister Degree in Governance and Political Transformation in the Programme of Governance and Political Transformation at the University of Free State Bloemfontein February 2019 Supervisor: Dr Tania Coetzee TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages DECLARATION .................................................................................................................................... 4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...................................................................................................................... 5 List of abbreviations and acronyms ................................................................................................... 6 LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................................. 8 Chapter 1 ............................................................................................................................................... 9 Introduction to research ....................................................................................................................... 9 1.1 Motivation ........................................................................................................................................ 9 1.2 Problem statement ..................................................................................................................... -
Multiparty Democracy and Elections in Namibia
MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA ––––––––––––– ❑ ––––––––––––– Published with the assistance of NORAD and OSISA ISBN 1-920095-02-0 Debie LeBeau 9781920 095024 Edith Dima Order from: [email protected] EISA RESEARCH REPORT No 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 i MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA ii EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 iii MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA BY DEBIE LEBEAU EDITH DIMA 2005 iv EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 Published by EISA 2nd Floor, The Atrium 41 Stanley Avenue, Auckland Park Johannesburg, South Africa 2006 P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 South Africa Tel: 27 11 482 5495 Fax: 27 11 482 6163 Email: [email protected] www.eisa.org.za ISBN: 1-920095-02-0 EISA All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of EISA. First published 2005 EISA is a non-partisan organisation which seeks to promote democratic principles, free and fair elections, a strong civil society and good governance at all levels of Southern African society. –––––––––––– ❑ –––––––––––– Cover photograph: Yoruba Beaded Sashes Reproduced with the kind permission of Hamill Gallery of African Art, Boston, MA USA EISA Research Report, No. 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 v CONTENTS List of acronyms viii Acknowledgements x Preface xi 1. Background to multiparty democracy in Namibia 1 Historical background 1 The electoral system and its impact on gender 2 The ‘characters’ of the multiparty system 5 2. -
Lesotho | Freedom House
Lesotho | Freedom House https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/lesotho A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 10 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 3 / 4 Lesotho is a constitutional monarchy. King Letsie III serves as the ceremonial head of state. The prime minister is head of government; the head of the majority party or coalition automatically becomes prime minister following elections, making the prime minister’s legitimacy largely dependent on the conduct of the polls. Thomas Thabane became prime minister after his All Basotho Convention (ABC) won snap elections in 2017. Thabane, a fixture in the country’s politics, had previously served as prime minister from 2012–14, but spent two years in exile in South Africa amid instability that followed a failed 2014 coup. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 The lower house of Parliament, the National Assembly, has 120 seats; 80 are filled through first-past-the-post constituency votes, and the remaining 40 through proportional representation. The Senate—the upper house of Parliament—consists of 22 principal chiefs who wield considerable authority in rural areas and whose membership is hereditary, along with 11 other members appointed by the king and acting on the advice of the Council of State. Members of both chambers serve five- year terms. In 2017, the coalition government of Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili—head of the Democratic Congress (DC)—lost a no-confidence vote. The development triggered the third round of legislative elections held since 2012. -
ASPJ-Africa & Francophonie 3Rd Quarter 2017
ASPJ–Afrique etFrancophonie3 3e trimestre 2017 Volume 8, No. 3 e Trimestre 2017 Trimestre La vision américaine du monde post-impérial Michael Lind Faith I. Okpotor, PhD Okpotor, I. Faith A Feminist Normative Analysis of the Libyan Intervention Libyan the of Analysis Normative Feminist A Politics, and US Foreign Policy Foreign US and Politics, Maîtriser la guerre dite « hybride » Human Rights, Humanitarian Intervention, International Intervention, Humanitarian Rights, Human LTC Jyri Raitasalo, Armée finlandaise, PhD Everisto Benyera, PhD Benyera, Everisto Le modèle des systèmes de corruption et réforme anticorruption in Lesotho in La pression internationale et nationale, et stratégies des gouvernements Towards an Explanation of the Recurrence of Military Coups Coups Military of Recurrence the of Explanation an Towards pour préserver le statu quo Joseph Pozsgai, PhD Joseph Pozsgai, PhD Pozsgai, Joseph Preserve the Status Quo Status the Preserve Tentative d’explication des coups d’état à répétition au Lesotho International, Domestic Pressure, and Government Strategies to to Strategies Government and Pressure, Domestic International, Everisto Benyera, PhD A Systems Model on Corruption and Anticorruption Reform Anticorruption and Corruption on Model Systems A Droits de l’homme, intervention humanitaire, politique Lt Col Jyri Raitasalo, Finnish Army, PhD Army, Finnish Raitasalo, Jyri Col Lt internationale et politique étrangère américaine Getting a Grip on the So-Called “Hybrid Warfare” “Hybrid So-Called the on Grip a Getting Une analyse normative féministe de l’intervention en Libye Faith I. Okpotor, PhD Michael Lind Michael American Visions of a Postimperial World Postimperial a of Visions American Volume 8, No. 3 No. 8, Volume 2017 Quarter 3rd ASPJ–Africa and Francophonie 3rd Quarter 2017 Chief of Staff, US Air Force Gen David L. -
Implications for Consolidation of Democracy in Lesotho by Libuseng Malephane
Contesting and turning over power: Implications for consolidation of democracy in Lesotho By Libuseng Malephane Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 17 | February 2015 Introduction Since its transition to electoral democracy in 1993, Lesotho has experienced a series of upheavals related to the electoral process. Election results were vehemently contested in 1998, when the ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) won all but one of the country’s constituencies under a first-past-the-post electoral system, and a military intervention by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) was required to restore order. A mixed member proportional (MMP) model introduced in the run-up to the 2002 general elections resulted in more parties being represented in Parliament. The MMP model also led to the formation of informal coalitions as political parties endeavoured to maintain or increase their seats in Parliament in the 2007 elections (Kapa, 2007). Using a two-ballot system, with one ballot for constituency and another for the proportional-representation (PR) component, the elections preserved the ruling LCD’s large majority in Parliament and precipitated another protracted dispute between the ruling and opposition parties over the allocation of PR seats. Mediation efforts by the SADC and the Christian Council of Lesotho led to a review of the Constitution and Electoral Law. The resulting National Assembly Electoral Act of 2011 provides for a single-ballot system that allows voters to indicate their preferences for both constituency and PR components of the MMP system (UNDP, 2013). Meanwhile, the new All Basotho Convention (ABC), which had broken away from the LCD in 2006, became the largest opposition party in Parliament after the 2007 elections. -
Basotho Speak on the Proposed Renaming of Major Roads
Sunday April 14, 2019 Public EyeOn Sunday 1 Woes buffet Lekokoaneng Best Sunday News sandstone miners News ublic ye Page 5 PApril 14 , 2019 www.publiceyenews.com E On EST .1997| vol 22 No 17 Sunday ‘Don’t name roads after politicians’ Concern over Govt denies Lesotho’s grabbing maternal Likoti’s mortality rate pension - Page 4 - Page 7 01042019 Met Funeral Strip.pdf 1 4/11/2019 6:18:29 PM C M Y CM MY How deep is your CY CMY K 2 Public EyeOn Sunday Sunday April 14, 2019 News ‘Don’t name roads after politicians’ . Basotho speak on the proposed renaming of major roads Former Prime Minister, Dr Ntsu Mokhehle last week adopted a motion “Our children will even have Former Prime Minister, Morena Leabua Jonathan proposed by ‘Mapulumo Hlao more interest if they see the names urging the government to assign of our former Prime Ministers on ASERU– Parliament’s Instead, chiefs and other new names to the Main North I a regular basis which would lead decision to rename apolitical figures who have and Main South I Roads, which to always remember the role these Mmajor national roads made genuine sacrifices for this should be named after former politicians have played for the after current and past premiers kingdom are the only ones that prime ministers, Morena Leabua country to be where it is today,” has attracted mixed reactions merit such an honour, some Jonathan and Dr Ntsu Mokhehle, he stressed. from Basotho, with some saying Basotho have said. respectively. He advised the government to no politician deserves such an One ’Mats’epo Tsiane, a Member of Parliament for put in place a proper engagement honour since they all tend to Maseru resident, told the media Mosalemane, Tsoinyane Rapapa process with the community to disappoint the electorate once this week she does not like the had moved that after the word educate them about political they get power. -
FOL Newsletter 3QTR
Metsoalle ea Lesotho Friends of Lesotho Third Quarter 2014 Newsletter Newsletter Features Clickable Links!! Download the newsletter from the FOL FOL President Appointed website www.friendsoflesotho.org and you will be able to click on all the Honorary Consul website addresses. Friends of Lesotho President Scott Rosenberg was appointed Honorary Consul by the Lesotho Embassy in Washington, DC. He will represent Lesotho in Ohio and the Midwest and help facilitate greater cooperation between the two countries to promote Lesotho’s trade, tourism, investment, and cultural activities to Ameri- cans, and he will also assume protocol responsibilities for visiting Basotho dignitaries. The current Ambassador to the US, serving in the Washington DC consulate, is Ambassador Molapi Sepetane. Scott Rosenberg (R) with Lesotho Minister of Protocol Moshuli Leteka, Summer 2014, Maseru. Photo Credit: Thabo Moseunyane Was There a Coup or Not? By Ella Kwisnek, RPCV 92-94, Lesotho Agricultural College, [email protected] A quarterly newsletter is not an ideal place for fast-breaking news, so thanks to RPCV Ella Kwis- nek for compiling this log of events that made front pages on world newspapers during August and Sept 2014. ~ Ed. What happened? On Saturday, August 30, 2014, there was a reported “coup d'état attempt by the military” in Lesotho. Soldiers reportedly disarmed police and one police officer was killed as the result of an ex- change of gunfire between soldiers and police. Prime Minister Motsoahae Thomas Thabane fled to South Africa and accused his deputy Mothetjoa Metsing Photo Credit: Linda Henry, RPCV of being behind the army's actions. Foreign Ministers of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) States met with the leaders of the three political parties that made up Lesotho’s Coalition govern- ment in an attempt to resolve the conflict. -
A Critique of Proceduralism in the Adjudication of Electoral Disputes in Lesotho
VOLUME 17 NO 2 DOI: 10.20940/JAE/2018/v17i2aDOI: 10.20940/JAE/2018/v17i2a1 1 1 A CRITIQUE OF PROCEDURALISM IN THE ADJUDICATION OF ELECTORAL DISPUTES IN LESOTHO Hoolo ‘Nyane Hoolo ‘Nyane is Associate Professor and Head of Public and Environmental Law, School of Law, University of Limpopo ABSTRACT One of the characteristic features of electoral democracy in Lesotho is dis- puted elections. Since 1993, when the country returned to constitutional democracy after a long haul of dictatorship and monarcho-military rule, every election has been subjected to one form of discontent or another. The aggrieved parties use various ways to vent their dissatisfactions, and more often than not, disputes end up in the courts of law. The courts are then called on to determine the validity or otherwise of the election results de- clared by the election management body. All seven elections since 1993 have been challenged in the courts of law. Despite this determination by political players in Lesotho to resolve electoral disputes through the courts of law, amongst other means, there is no court in Lesotho that has over- turned an election result or ordered the reallocation of seats since 1993. The petitions are almost invariably dismissed on procedural grounds or on the basis of misapplication of the substantial effect doctrine. This approach to the adjudication of disputes in Lesotho has not only jeopardised substan- tive electoral justice in the country but has also arguably perpetuated the electoral violence that has been one of the characteristic features of electoral politics in Lesotho. The purpose of this article, therefore, is to critique this approach. -
Alliances, Coalitions and the Political System in Lesotho 2007-2012
VOLUME 13 NO 1 93 ALLIANCES, COALITIONS AND THE POLITICAL SYSTEM IN LESOTHO 2007-2012 Motlamelle Anthony Kapa and Victor Shale Dr Motlamelle Anthony Kapa is lecturer and head of the Department of Political and Administrative Studies at the National University of Lesotho e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] Dr Victor Shale is EISA’s Zimbabwe Resident Director e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT This paper assesses political party alliances and coalitions in Lesotho, focusing on their causes and their consequences for party systems, democratic consolidation, national cohesion and state governability. We agree with Kapa (2008) that formation of the pre-2007 alliances can be explained in terms of office-seeking theory in that the political elite used alliances to access and retain power. These alliances altered the country’s party system, leading to conflict between parties inside and outside Parliament, as well as effectively changing the mixed member proportional (MMP) electoral system into a parallel one, thereby violating the spirit of the system. However, the phenomenon did not change state governability; it effectively perpetuated the one-party dominance of the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) and threatened national cohesion. The post-2012 coalition, on the other hand, was a product of a hung parliament produced by the elections. The impact of the coalition on the party system, state governability and democratic consolidation is yet to be determined as the coalition phenomenon is still new. However, state governability has been marked by a generally very slow pace of policy implementation and the party system has been both polarised and reconfigured while national cohesion has been strengthened.