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Anarcho-Syndicalist Review Summer 2009, #52, $5.00 Darwinism at 150: Evolution & Mutual Aid ★ ★ ★ ★ Social Biology and Solidarity We Won’t Pay for Their Crisis ASRASRAnarcho-Syndicalist Review Summer 2009, #52, $5.00 Also: Employee Free Choice Act, Unions in Crisis, Book Reviews Principles of Revolutionary Syndicalism (EXTRACTS ) I. Revolutionary Syndicalism, basing itself on the class of federalism, free agreement and grass roots organization struggle, seeks to establish the unity and solidarity of all from the base upwards into local, district, regional and manual and intellectual workers into economic organiza- international federations united by shared aspirations and tions fighting for the abolition of both the wage system and common interests. Under federalism, each unit enjoys the State. Neither the State nor political parties can achieve full autonomy and independence in its own sphere, while the economic organization and emancipation of labor. enjoying all the advantages of association. II. Revolutionary Syndicalism maintains that economic V. Revolutionary Syndicalism rejects nationalism, the and social monopolies must be replaced by free, self-managed religion of the State, and all arbitrary frontiers, recognizing federations of agricultural and industrial workers united in only the self-rule of natural communities freely enjoying a system of councils. their own way of life, constantly enriched by the benefits III. The two-fold task of Revolutionary Syndicalism is of free association with other federated communities. to carry on the daily struggle for economic, social and intel- VI. Revolutionary Syndicalism, basing itself on econom- lectual improvement in the existing society, and to achieve ic direct action, supports all struggles not in contradiction independent self-managed production and distribution by with its principles – the abolition of economic monopoly taking possession of the earth and the means of produc- and the domination of the State. The means of direct ac- tion. Instead of the State and political parties, the economic tion are the strike, the boycott, the sit-in, and other forms organization of labor. Instead of government over people, of direct action developed by the workers in the course of the administration of things. their struggles leading to labor’s most effective weapon, the IV. Revolutionary Syndicalism is based on the principles General Strike, prelude to social revolution. Treading Water in the Struggle Against the Deficit This is our second issue of 2009, putting us somewhat behind schedule, although we expect to send a third to the printer in September. We will begin editing that issue in August. As always, your articles and letters are welcome. As this issue went to press we had received $1,265.93 in subscriptions and bundle payments since our last issue, and spent $2,368.67 on printing and postage. Generous donations to our Publication Fund brought in $1,065, bringing total income to $2,313.93 – or $38.74 less than expenses. As a result, our cumulative deficit increased to $5,572.28. Your continued assistance in reducing this long-standing debt is needed and appreciated. While the debt does not immediately imperil publication, it does stand in the way of our efforts to build circulation and improve the Review. Our thanks to the following for their generous contributions to the ASR Publication Fund: Michael Corlew, Honolulu $15; Michael J. Docherty $60; Patrick Murtagh, Winnipeg $10; Michael Bailey $20; George Q. Johnson Jr. $30; Nick Matthews, Warwickshire UK $30; Sune Sandbeck, Missaugua $20; Mike Long, $300; Jimi Cordeiro, Redwood City $25; Robert Steffler, Toronto $5; Karl Howeth $10; John Smout $30; Jon Bekken, Philadelphia $300; Harry Siitonen, Berkeley $20; James Ryan Boyd $20; Patrick McGuire, Winnipeg $20; Frank Andresen, Vancouver $10; Sato Eiji, Japan $20; Jacob Melish, Somerville $10; Mark Nevin, Lancaster $10; Phil Grandstaff, Okemos MI $100; Steve Kellerman, Jamaica Plain $5. We publish this journal to reach out to our fellow workers, and join in a conversation about how we can build a new society free of exploitation and oppression. Why not ask your local bookstore to carry ASR? Anarcho-Syndicalist Review (ISSN 1069-1995) is published three times a year. Editorial Collective: Jon Bekken, Mike Hargis, Mike Long and Jeff Stein. Contributing Editors: Iain McKay, Maria Rodriguez-Gil, Sid Parissi. Founding Co-Editor: Sam Dolgoff (1902-1990) Letters, articles, reviews and responses to articles published in the Review are always welcome. Please type these double-spaced; the copy deadline for #53 is August 10, 2009. (If articles can be submitted electronically in .rtf or similar format, this would be appreciated.) Subscriptions: US$15 for three issues, $5.00 for prisoners (Please note that we can not guarantee that prison authorities will admit the magazine; in our recent experience they often will not). Please add $2 per year for international subscriptions. Checks should be made pay- able to Anarcho-Syndicalist Review and sent to the Philadelphia address below. Please specify the issue number with which your subscription should begin. Bundle orders are $3.25 per copy for three or more copies, $3.00 per copy for ten or more. ASR is indexed in the Alternative Press Index, available on microfilm through University Microfilm International’s Underground Press Collection, and available as part of the full-text databases offered by ProQuest and EBSCO. Donations to our Publication Fund are always needed and appreciated. ★ ASR #52 P.O. Box 42531, Philadelphia PA 19101 email: [email protected] web: www.syndicalist.org Summer 2009 Page 2 Please send exchanges to: ASR, c/o Mike Hargis, 937 Sherman Ave., Evanston IL 60202 USA EFCA is not the solution passage of the Act. They are hoping that their efforts to help elect As we go to press, the Democrats seem to be abandoning the Barack Obama president of the U.S. and Democratic senators and Employee Free Choice Act, despite receiving hundreds of millions of representatives will finally pay off. dollars in campaign assistance (and countless hours of campaign The main element of the Act that has bosses fuming and work) from the business unions. This continues a long string of broken labor bureaucrats swooning is the provision for NLRB certifica- promises dating back to the origins of the labor movement’s dealings tion as exclusive collective bargaining agent of any union that can with the politricksters. But even if one could place one’s faith in politi- convince 50 plus 1 percent of a defined bargaining unit to sign cians. the law would do little to build workers’ actual power: cards authorizing the union to bargain with management over For bosses everywhere it is the end of the world as we know wages and working conditions, so-called card check recognition. it. For progressives and trade unionists it is nothing less than the Card check is already possible within the current law, if the union salvation of the labor movement. The Employee Free Choice Act, can convince the boss to recognize it as the collective bargaining recently re-introduced to the U.S. Congress, is being touted as agency of his/her workforce. Bosses very rarely agree to card check, the most significant piece of labor legislation since the Wagner preferring an NLRB supervised election, which gives them time to Act of 1935 made the promotion of collective bargaining the mount an anti-union campaign of harassment and intimidation centerpiece of U.S. labor policy. to convince workers to vote no union. Bosses’ organizations like the Chamber of Commerce, Center The bosses’ main argument against card check is that it will for Union Facts and Freedom’s Watch have poured millions of dol- take away the employees’ sacred “secret ballot” and that workers lars into a campaign to sway their bought-and-paid-for politicians will be subjected to intimidation from union goons to sign autho- to do right by them and defeat the unions. The main mouthpiece rization cards. The fact is that a secret ballot election remains an of big capital, The Wall Street Journal, has been particularly vo- option where workers petition for one. In addition, provisions for cal in opposition to the Act. And Starbucks and Whole Foods union decertification remain the same, if bosses can convince 30% – both experienced union-busting operations – have put forward of their wage slaves to petition for same. So the ballot argument a “compromise” that would continue the current system (with is just a cover for the fact that employers’ fear that given a chance slightly higher penalties when companies such as themselves are their workers would opt for union representation (recent polls caught violating the law), but allow the bosses to go after union show that 53% of workers would join a union if given a chance), treasuries if workers “abuse” the bosses. which would mean that they would have to give up total control For its part, the mainstream labor movement is also pour- of their businesses and perhaps some of their profits. ing millions of dollars and members’ time into campaigning for The EFCA also increases penalties for bosses who fire workers during organizing campaigns, granting up to three times back pay to the fired worker and levying a possible $20,000 civil fine on the employer. While this might give smaller employers an incentive ★ ★ ★ ★ to play nice, larger employers will simply include these as costs ASR In This Issue: of doing business, if the law is even enforced. Given the vehement opposition to the EFCA by the employ- 3 EDITORIAL: EFCA is not the solution ing class one is tempted to embrace the law and champion its 4 WOBBLES: Obama: Hope dies hard, “Change to Win” passage; but there are provisions in the new law that should give labor fed collapses, Infestation of cops, Crime does pay... rank-and-file workers pause.
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