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AN iNTRODUCTION TO MUSIC TO DELIGHT ALL THE SAGES, THE MEDICAL HISTORY OF DRAKKAR TASO TRULKU CHOKYI WANGCRUK (1775-1837)’

STACEY VAN VLEET, Columbia University

On the auspicious occasion of theft 50th anniversary celebration, the Dharamsala Men-tsee-khang published a previously unavailable manuscript entitled A Briefly Stated framework ofInstructions for the Glorious field of Medicine: Music to Delight All the Sages.2 Part of the genre associated with polemics on the origin

and development of medicine (khog ‘bubs or khog ‘bugs), this text — hereafter

referred to as Music to Delight All the Sages — was written between 1816-17 in Kyirong by Drakkar Taso Truilcu Chokyi Wangchuk (1775-1837). Since available medical history texts are rare, this one represents a new source of great interest documenting the dynamism of Tibetan medicine between the 1 $th and early 19th centuries, a lesser-known period in the history of medicine in . Music to Delight All the Sages presents a historical argument concerned with reconciling the author’s various received medical lineages and traditions. Some 1 This article is drawn from a more extensive treatment of this and related W” and 1 9th century medical histories in my forthcoming Ph.D. dissertation. I would like to express my deep gratitude to Tashi Tsering of the Amnye Machen Institute for sharing a copy of the handwritten manuscript of Music to Delight All the Sages with me and for his encouragement and assistance of this work over its duration. This publication was made possible by support from the Social Science Research Council’s International Dissertation Research Fellowship, with funds provided by the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. 2 Dpal idan gso ba ‘i man ngag gi khog ‘bubs [phub] bsdus don nyung ngu ‘I ngag gi gtam du bya ba drang srong kun tu dgyes pa ‘i rol (Brag dkar ba 2012). The extant manuscript, written in short-form “headless-letter” (tshugs thung dbu med), appears to be complete in 67 double-sided folios. N.B. Although the original manuscript reads khogphub, the Men-Tsee-Khang book edition has rendered this with the more common spelling khog ‘bubs. Yangga (2010) has translated khog ‘bubs as “pitching (building) a framework,” while Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho 1970 and Desi Sangye and Kilty 2010) analyses his variant spelling khog ‘bugs as “piercing the interior,” leading Schaeffer (2003) to render the term as “interior analysis.” Brag dkar rta so sprul sku does not elaborate on his choice of spelling; he does, however, perpetuate the difference in spelling between his own and Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho’s work within this manuscript. 3 This article follows the Tibetan and Himalayan Library (THL) system of for Tibetan terms. For their equivalencies in , see Glossary. 56 STACEY VAN VLEET AN INTRODUCTION TO MUSIC TO DELIGHTALL THE SAGES 57

of these had been at odds in the past, both hermeneutically and politically. In difficult to determine which famous medical practitioners and new texts became particular, Drakkar Taso Trulku (or DraMcarwa) foregrounds the Great Vase and familiar amongst all the far-flung Tibetan and neighboring areas at this time.7 Small Vase ofNectar (Bdud rtsi bum pa che ch;tng), a set of revelatory medical Music to DelightAll the Sages details a variety ofmedical teachings, practices, “treasure” texts (gter) associated with both his home region of Kyirong and the and new compositions in the Tibetan language that circulated widely during Jang treasure tradition (Byang gter). Drakkarwa’s account draws attention to the 1 &th 1 9th centuries, within a network that connected Drakkar Taso Truilcu’s

the prominence of these cycles — the medical treasures and their supplementary Himalayan border region in southwestern Tibet with , , Central Tibet 6h texts — between the 9 centuries. Through his own medical activities and (Dbus gtsang), and regions further north and east. In the wake of the Fifth Dalai writings, Drakkar Taso Trufim seeks to propagate the Great Vase and Small Vase and Desi Sanggyé Gyatso’s project of cultural and political centralization, ofNectar as a regional system. — however — a project notable for its “controlled inclusiveness” new articulations Thanks to the sponsorship of new translations, publications and institutions of productive dissent also emerged.8 While Drakkar Taso Trulku expresses by the Fifth Ngakwang Lobzang Gyatso (1617-1682) and his regent admiration for these predecessors’ achievements in the field ofmedicine and more and political successor Sanggye Gyatso (1653-1705) in , the 17th century broadly, he also questions Desi Sanggyé Gyatso’s influential narrative of Tibetan has become recognized as a “golden,” “classical” or even “early modem” period medical history. Desi Sanggyé Gyatso had designed a Tibetan Buddhist medical for Tibetan medicine.4 The impact of these medical projects beyond their time has synthesis based on the integration ofthe (or Early Translation) tradition often been taken for granted, however, with a straight line being drawn between and its Great Perfection vehicle into his own Gelukpa tradition. Drakkar Taso the medical monastery at Chakpori (founded by Desi Sanggyé Gyatso in 1696 and Truilcu proposes a synthesis based instead on the hermeneutics of the “Other- known by its location, the “Iron Mountain” in Lhasa) and its successor institution ” (gzhan stong) , which will be discussed further below. the Mentsikhang or Institute ofMedicine and Astrology founded in Lhasa under the Thirteenth Dalai Lama in 191 6. In fact, the more than two hundred intervening years were characterized by significant developments and dissent in the field ofmedicine, DRAKKAR TASO TRULKU’S MEDICAL ACTIVITIES AND deriving not least from the increasing flow of knowledge and trade along routes THE HERITAGE OF THE GREAT VASE OF NECTAR paved by the pax Manjurica. These developments, including a significant number Drakkar Taso Trulku Chokyi Wangchuk wrote substantially on medicine and its of new Gelukpa medical colleges (sman pa grwa tshang) in , , sister discipline of astrology (rtsis), but he is more widely known for mastering and Beijing, and the influential medical of Chokyi Jungne an eclectic range of Nyingma and tradition teachings, as well as for his (1700-1774) from , have received comparatively little attention, at least efforts to revitalize the religious and social life of southwestern Tibet. Draldcar within European-language scholarship.6 As Tashi Tsering notes in his introduction Taso Truilcu was born into the influential family lineage of a famous treasure- to the printed edition of Music to Delight All the Sages, it has also previously been revealer from Kyfrong, a associated with the great saint in the 4 See Meyer 1992, Meyer 2003, Gyatso 2004, and Gyatso 2011. lower Mangyftl area ofNgari bordering Nepal.9 He was recognized as the seventh 5 As in Rechung 1973, one of the earliest and most influential European-language -holder of the small monastery of Drakkar Taso by his great-uncle and historical overviews of Tibetan medicine. Taube (1981, p.77) further argues, based on primary teacher Rindzin {Karma] Trinlé Düjom (1726-1789), and his candidacy available sources, that the creative period of Tibetan medicine ended at the latest with was confirmed by the Thirteenth DüdUl Doijé (l7331797).b0 Drakkar the 17th century. 6 As Blezer, et. al. (2007) discuss, scholarly treatments ofthe history ofTibetan medicine 7 Tashi Tsering, Introduction in Brag dkar ba 2012, pp.xi-xii. remain few and far between. However, these authors do not include the period between 8 Dalton 2002, p.208. $th the early 1 and early 20th centuries in their important compilation of desiderata in 9 Tashi Tsering, Introduction in Brag dkar ba 2012, pp.vi-vii. this field. Contemporary Tibetan and Mongolian authors, on the other hand, have 10 Brag dkar rta so sprul sku’s collected works will soon be published from a 10 volume paid significant attention to the 18-1 9th century spread and development of Tibetan manuscript in the collection of Slob dpon ‘Gyur med at Nub ri Sa ma ga ‘on monastery medicine outside Central Tibet. These sources will be reviewed in my forthcoming in Nepal. For a list of related biographical works within this gsung ‘bum see Tashi dissertation. For brief but important discussions, see Meyer 1992, Gyatso 2004, and Tsering, Introduction in Brag dkar ha 2012, pp.vii-viii. In this article I have relied Chen Hua 200$. On the medical activities of Si tu paN chen, see Ehrhard 2000 and upon the biographical summary of Brag dkar rta so spml sku found in Ehrhard 2004 Garrett forthcoming. and related information in Ehrhard 2007 and 2008. 58 STACEY VAN VLEET AN INTRODUCTION TO MUSIC TO DELIGHTALL THE SAGES 59

Taso Truilcu’s early experiences were shaped by the Sino-Nepalese War of 1788- One of the most significant legacies from the Kyirong region that Drakkar 1792, and he spent much of the rest of his life renovating temples and monasteries Taso Trulku inherited was the medical treasure cycle Great Vase ofNectar (‘Chi damaged in the war, managing publishing projects, writing and teaching. med bdud rtsi bum pa or Gso byed bdud rtsi bum pa). This cycle was discovered Drakkarwa’s work to revitalize Kyirong and surrounding areas benefitted from by the 11th century treasure-revealer Dorbum Chödrak, beneath a stone statue his close ties to local rulers and families across southwestern Tibet, but also from at thetemple Of Jamtrin in Kyirong)5 In the Draldcarwa’s ancestor farther afield, as indicated by a substantial donation he received from a Central Rindzin Tennyi Lingpa discovered a treasure of his own at Jamtrin temple, and a Tibetan minister (bka’ bton) and Qing conducting a regional inspection century later Katok Rindzin Tsewang Norbu (1698-1755), the foremost teacher of tour afier the war’s end.11 Draldcar Taso Truilcu’s teachers, received a vision there as well, making it a site of Drakkar Taso Trulku cultivated an impressive network of relationships ongoing importance in the region.’6 It seems that Accomplishing Medicine (sman spanning the Tibetan cultural world, and in doing so received and redistributed sgrub) ceremonies connected to the Great Vase ofNectar flourished especially in a broad range of medical teachings and influences. Kyirong lay along a the Kyirong region between the 1 6th and 1 7th centuries, when they were performed great route connecting Kathmandu and Lhasa, which served as a conduit for by Chowang Gyeltsen (1484-1549) at Kyirong Jamtrin temple, by the Third teachers and students, pilgrims and dignitaries, and not least of all smallpox Yolmowa Trulku Tendzin Norbu (1598-1644) at Kyirong Pakpa temple, and by epidemics. Drakkarwa himself travelled widely in southwestern and central the treasure-finder Garwang Dorjé Nyingpo (1640-1685) in the nearby Kharbang Tibet as well as Nepal, seeking out rare texts and teachings along the way valley ofLadep. Drakkar Taso Trnlku and his teacher Mengom Chöjé (see below) (such as the famous pharmacological work Ciystal Beads and Ciystal Rosary carried on this legacy when they performed a large Accomplishing Medicine [She! gong she! ‘phreng] by Deumar Geshd Tendzin Puntsok (b. 1672) from ceremony in 1804, resulting in the production and consecration of medicinal Kham, who Drakkarwa considered one of the most influential medical scholars substances.’7 According to Drakkarwa’s autobiography, the significance of this of the era). Drakkar Taso Tru&u conducted correspondence with other medical event was comparable to the rituals of his three predecessors. practitioners, and medical students from as far as Mustang and Bhutan in turn The Great Vase of Nectar and its supplementary works constitute both an came to visit in his home region.12 According ‘to the colophon, Drakkarwa important tantric cycle and a major medical corpus, covering topics related to wrote Music to Delight the Sages at the request of two of his close students diagnosis and practical therapies including intestinal disorders, children’s illnesses and two other medical practitioners from Kyirong and the surrounding and smallpox. Drakkar Taso Trulku wrote his own “daily practice” (rgyun khyer) areas.13 Although there is no evidence of a xylographic edition, the author’s text to accompany the Great Vase of Nectar, presumably in connection with a autobiography indicates that his medical history also circulated well outside teaching on this body of work that he gave at Drotang in 1827 to a large group of his home region. Around two years after its completion, Drakkar Taso Trulku students.’8 Drakkar Taso Truilcu also passed down a number of original medical met Zhapkar Tsokdruk Rangdrol (1781-1851), the lama of “great reputation” compositions, on topics including eye surgery and treatments (mig ‘byed and from northeastern Amdo (bordering and Mongolia), who was traveling mig bcos), mercury purification and “extracting the essence” (dngul ‘gyogs ‘dii! in Kyirong with his large entourage. Zhapkar received a reading authorization gyi lag len and bcud len), astrology (rtsis), and supplements for various tantric of Music to Delight A!! the Sages and is described as leaving Drakkarwa’s medical practices (sman b!a ‘1 sgrub thabs, G.yu thog gso! ‘debs, etc.). He began company loaded with books.14 writing Music to DetightAll the Sages in 1816 and completed the medical history

11 Ehrhard 2004, pp.93-94. 12 He addresses them variously as ‘tsho byed, smati pa grub chen, and gso rig ‘dzin pa 15 For a history, outline and summary of the Great Vase and Small Vase ofNectar (i.e., rnams. The letters are included in his collected works and provide fascinating sources the Great Vase ofNectar and its supplementary works), see and for future study. See Tashi Tsering’s Introduction to Brag dkar ba 2012, pp.ix-xi. Kilty 2010, p.177-189. 13 The requestors included Zhang p0 ‘tsho mdzad rdo rje from Byams sprin in Skyid 16 On Brag dkar ba’s family connection to Byams sprin, see Ehrhard 2004, pp.103. On grong and La idebs ‘tsho byed tshe dbang dam chos, aLong with Brag dkar rta so sprul the vision received by KaH thog rig ‘dzin here, see Ehrhard 200$, p.21 fri. 11. sb’s students Tshe rig ‘thin pa blo gsal kar+ma phun tshogs and Shal smad rtsa phu 17 Ehrhard 2004, p.96. On sman sgnub literature and practice, see Garrett 2009 and 2010. bargyalpo darrgyas (Brag dkarba 2012, p.106). 18 Ehrhard 2004, p.1 04. Brag dkar ba’s works related to sman and rtsis are listed in Tashi 14 Ehrhard 2004, pp.101-102. Tsering’s Introduction to Brag dkar ha 2012, pp.ix-xi. 60 STACEY VAN VLEET AN INTRODUCTION TO MUSIC To DELIGHT ALL THE SAGES 61

on the eighth day of the new Fire-Ox year (1817).19 Together, Drakkar Taso medical traditions. He presented himself as a successor of these, particularly Truilcu’s medical activities, writings, and correspondence reveal his commitment the well-known Zur (Zur lugs) and Jang (Byang lugs) traditions that branched to propagating the Great Vase of Nectar system as well as his openness to out during the 1 5th and 1 6th centuries, as well as the tradition of the Great Vase incorporating new practices and techniques. Within his medical history, Drakkar and Small Vase ofNectar and other medical treasure texts. Although subsequent Taso Truilcu addresses the tension inherent in reconciling these two goals. medical histories have largely considered the reconciliation of Jang and Zur schools as the basis for his synthesis of medicine, the regent uniquely devotes many pages to an outline and summary of the Great Vase and Small Vase of DRAKKAR TASO TRULKU AND THE LEGACY OF CHAKPORI Nectar, creating a prominent section within his medical history devoted to Despite the importance of the Great Vase of Nectar in Kyirong, it seems that this Kyfrong and Jang treasure tradition. Through his great medical monastery this medical treasure cycle only attained wider repute after its 6 century at Chakpori, Desi Sanggye Gyatso planned to propagate a new authoritative systematization by Jangdak Tashi Topgyel (1550-1603), lineage-bearer of the medical tradition based on his own commentaries of the Four (Rgyud Jang treasure tradition. Jangdak Tashi Topgyel’s supplementary teachings on the bzhi, by this time widely considered the “root text” ofTibetan medicine): the Blue Great Vase ofNectar are collectively known as the Small Vase ofNectar of the Beryl (bayDUiya sngon po) and Additional Instructions (Man ngag lhan thabs). Jang Treasure Practice (Byang gter thugs sgnth kyi bdud rtsi bum chung) According to Drakkar Taso Trullcu, a century later Chakpori had indeed become or the White, Blue and Yellow Scrolls ofthe Jang Treasure Heart Practice (Byang famous and its tradition had “not diminished”; he refers to Desi Sanggyé Gyatso gter as a “great tradition helmsman” (shing rta chenpo) of all the fields thugs sgrub lcyi shog dril dkar sngo ser gsum) — in short form, the Small Vase of knowledge of Nectar. Jangdak Tashi Topgyel lived through a turbulent period, fleeing his and medicine in particular.23 home in Jang (western Tibet) to propagate the Jang treasure tradition teachings Drakkar Taso Trulku also offers deep respect to the Fifth Dalai Lama, hierarch in Chonggyé (southeast of Lhasa). Under his successors, however, this tradition of the Gelukpa tradition, praising in particular the “Great Fifth’s” close ties to regained strength and built a new home at Dorjé Drak monastery with assistance the Nyingma or Early Transmission tradition: his Nyingma teachers, personal from the Fifth Dalai Lama.2° Jangdak Tashi Topgyel’s Great Vase and Small Vase Nyingma practice, sponsorship of Nyingma monasteries and sponsorship of ofNectar redaction received considerable attention in both the record of the Fifth medical works. With evident admiration, Drakkarwa describes how the Fifth Dalai Lama’s teachings received (gsan yig) and the 1703 medical history written Dalai Lama’s journey to China and establishment of the patron-priest relationship by Desi $anggyd Gyatso.2’ This brought the system greater renown in Central with the Jamyang (Qing) emperor enabled the “white umbrella” of the Buddhist

— Tibet, but is also a source of ambivalence for Drakkar Taso Truilcu. doctrine and especially the Gelukpa teachings — to cover China, Tibet, and In its title, Music to Delight Alt the Sages clearly references A Feast to Delight Mongolia, spreading all the fields of knowledge including medicine.24 Medicine the Sages (Dpal ldan gso ha rigpa ‘i khog ‘bugs legs bshad bayDUiya ‘i me long in this narrative is part of a larger Tibetan Buddhist knowledge system that, drang srong dgyes pa ‘i dga’ ston, better known today by the short title Betyl because of the Fifth Dalai Lama-Qing relationship, flourished beyond its cultural Mirror), the medical history written by Desi Sanggye Gyatso as a sort of charter borders and connected disparate regions and peoples. Moreover, Drakkar Taso for his new medical institution at Chakpori, and regarded by scholars today as a Trulku generously characterizes this project as an inclusive one, although it had touchstone of the genre.22 Within A Feast to Delight the Sages, Sanggyé Gyatso proceeded on Gelukpa terms. explicitly sought to combine and codif,’ an exhaustive catalog of prior Tibetan In his direct criticism of the ensuing 1 $th century period, however, the stakes of Drakkar Taso Trulku’s writing become apparent. Problematic undercurrents to 19 Brag dkar ba 2012, p.106. the Fifth Dalai Lama’s Gelukpa-Nyingma 20 See Dalton 2002 (Chapter 4) for an important discussion of the Byang gter tradition reconciliation had surfaced soon after and its relationship with the Fifth Dalai Lama. The Byang gter tradition should not be confused with the Byang lugs medical tradition; more will be said about this below. 23 Brag dkar ba 2012, p.81, 78. 21 Ehrhard200$,pp.22,fn. 13. 24 Quoting A Feast to Delight the Sages on the regions covered by the Fifth Dalai 22 On Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho’s medical history see in particular Gyatso 2004 and 2011, Lama’s teachings (rgya bod hor), Brag dkar rta so sprul sku also adds the term sog. and Schaeffer 2003. Gavin Kilty has recently rendered a great service by translating He also further stresses the Fifth Dalai Lama’s ties to the Rnying ma and chastises this quite lengthy work into English (Desi Sangye Gyatso and Kilty 2010). other authors for not fully understanding this relationship (Brag dkar ba 2012, p.76).

to Tibet. Central

2010). Garrett 2004, (Gyatso ma literature Rnying

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and took 30

after 1817-18 between place this According completion to Ehrhard,

p.76. 2012, ba dkar Brag 26

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for today known best perhaps is Truilcu Taso in In and his the Central of part earliest Kyirong received Truilcu Taso Drakkar Tibet. death, Rindzin’s

Katok after years twenty until born not was he Although teachings of clearly all Drakkar medical range the within manifest eclectic Kyirong. in teachers

own of Drakkarwa’s many who taught traditions KagyD Gyatso, of Rindzin, Katok Sanggyé Desi legacies The and Terdak and Nyingma

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by founded Nyingma the teacher for Lama Dalai Fifth (1646- his Lingpa Terdak OF MEDICINE TEACHERS TRULKU’S TASO DRAKKAR

the visited of monastery Lhasa, near Mindrolling Nyingma had been which

Jonang of the teachings he monastery, tradition. where also received Drakkarwa

and ended training.30 his

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Seventh and Lama, Dalai the Topgyé

diplomacy conducted on behalf ruler temporal a as Lhasa in power to came who (1689-1747), Topgyé Sönam

Kham.28

As above, mentioned a he

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teacher who of most spent his his

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AN TO TO MUSIC DELIGHTALL THE INTRODUCTION SAGES VLEET 63 VAN STACEY 62

Reb mdo A appeared lineage in also pa’s rams mo sman Dar of branches more P.93. Two 2004, Ehrhard 38

1990).

dkar p0 (Gdugs btsan Gser dgon khog of college the at the medical teacher first 1977. shesrigspendzod, the of Smanrtsis 85 series volume

sman

pa ri Be student became rams mo’s Dar colleges. mdo medical of A many the as published been has ‘1 ba, ‘phreng bu nor ha gsal don gnad pa tu gcig sdebs phyogs

from and by

students Mongolian and Tibetan , in lineage his and paN chen tu rigs gces pa len lag ‘1 rig ha Gso works, medical rje’s chos sgom Sman of A 37 collection

by were pa’s Si consulted texts

sman rams mo

Dar ). ‘i p0 zhal (Mes Ancestors p.125-126. 2007, 36 Ehrhard

of p.88.

the Oral

Transmission the tradition, of Zur commentary a as medical well major ba dkar 2012, Brag ‘dzinpapo,” bzhin tshul bzhes ngagphyag “Man 35

po, yon G.yu

as mgon tan and

thog Younger the

of Elder the biographies complete p.90. ba 2012, dkar Brag 34

and edit him

to and commissioned palace, the

at Potala school a medical [mchog], figure. this of biography the of discussion a detailed for 2007 See Ehrhard 33

lcog at as pa

dbang teacher

Lha Sman

mo rams Dar appointed Lama Fifth Dalai The 42 p.90.

2012, ba dkar Brag 32

p.83.

2012, ba dkar Brag Meyer 2003, 41 p.90. 2004, Ehrhard 31

clan. Mes the into born was and

grong

stod, yul gi sgrags

kyi stod phrng was Pha gtan

from bstam

gtan.

mkha’ Nam

was Gonpo Chime Tsewang family lineage.38 Gur the of (1755-1807) Gönpo

bsam Nam of grub,

mkha’ teacher ngo Zhal ‘chang Ihun ba sman Sngags his grandson

Chime

Tsewang

teacher, third

major

met his Trulku Taso Drakkar 1793, In

to son through lineage a his passed family teachings became medical student, whose

bcos).37

duggi

as a phrug pha rgyas Lho dar Zhal from ngo in had ‘phel bzang] turn chos [Blo gros

(reg

disease venereal bcos) and (dug poison as treating such topics covered that ba Blo mo mo student rams Mer pa’s Sman writes (2012, Dar that p.89) ba 40 dkar Brag

texts practice three medical wrote Chöjé Mengom above, p.89, 84. 39 mentioned Ehrhard 2008, Truilcu Taso

Drakkar with ceremony Medicine Accomplishing large the performing Besides

Truilcu’s Taso Drakkar of context Within the Gyatso.42 Desi to attributed Sanggyé students. having many and status, middling low and of high, people many

texts the along with Tibet medical beyond within spread and widely had disciples treating with credited also is Chöjé Mengom Sages the All Delight to Music in

and their texts, Menrampa’s 1 disciples Darmo century, the taught).4’ Over

war.36 But Sino-Nepalese the of course the during hostage been taken had that 8th

self- as medical history, himself presenting in his relationships these downplayed monasteries its major and government the Lhasa of as representatives certain well

himself the (although tradition Jang regent medical the of Dorjé Namgyel as Zhamarpa, Tenth the treated famously teacher this 1807, in wrote Drakkarwa

with along teachers, medical primary Gyatso’s Lhundingpa Desi of two Sanggyé that Chöjé Mengom of biography a to According Chopel.35 Konchok Drangsong

describes one as Menrampa Darmo also Taso Trulku Drakkar medical tradition. teacher the with Tantras four the of last and second first, the memorized had

the teacher Lama’s Fifth the disciple Zur from Dalai of main the was Menrampa who instructions” practical authentic “bearer of as a Chöjé Mengom describes

Chödrak Lobzang to Darmo (163$-1710).° Menrampa traced Darmo directly Truilcu Taso Drakkar rgyal).34 dbang bzhin chogyid (Mdo Lama Dalai Fifih the

is

which medical Samten’s lineage, Drupwang emphasizes Drakkarwa to attributes Drakkarwa that practice Buddha Medicine a of transmission oral the

field medicine. the of in who specialized Great of teachings Perfection practitioner and bdun) bla mched (Sman Buddhas Medicine Seven the of practice a gnang) of

Chöjd and another Mengom was of disciple a Samten centuries)

(rjes as initiation the such medicine of field the from teachings received Trulku (1819th

study [Kunpang] Drupwang of his to significant Namkha medicine. particularly Taso Chöjé, Drakkar Mengom From Rindzin. of Katok works the of transmissions

teacher one Trulku other honors Drakkar Taso medical history, his Within many and included childhood, his began during also teacher this with studies

as be will Sages, the below. discussed All to Music Delight Drakkarwa’s traditions.33 Nyingma and Kagyu Barawa of the an exponent

within significantly Great figures doctrine Perfection Chime Gönpo. Tsewang as known was who (1735-1804), Shri Karma Ananda or Penden [Trinlé]

from

instructions Great chen) (Rdzogs Perfection and received Kunga Chöjé Mengom was teacher major second Trulku’s Taso Drakkar

Drakkarwa age Kagyu, the of teachings Besides at passing Dochen away

Gonpo. Yönten Yutok Tibetan medicine 47•39

before the of field fame and medicine in had his attained uncle that himself, of to founder the attributed practice tantric thig) snying thog (G.yu Essence

astrology and he learned that medicine had teacher this states although elsewhere Heart Yutok the received also he Trinlé Düjom Rindzin From practice.32 medical

history, medical Gonpo with his in mention Chime Tsewang medicine studying Tnilku’s Taso Drakkar of basis the formed which texts, supplementary Topgyel’s

not

does Drakkarwa Kyfrong. in who or had Madun MadUnpa Rechen meditated Tashi and Jangdak cycle treasure medical Nectar of Vase Great the included

figure

century to known the traced as Kagyti Dochen school Kagyü, the

These Rindzin.31 Katok of disciple a direct was who DUjom, Trinlé uncle Rindzin 13th

Drnkpa

of

the branch of tradition a on another Katok disciple carried Rindzin. He his from great- teachings Nyingma of cycles various received Drakkarwa life,

651

THE TO SAGES AN DELIGHTALL TO INTRODUCTION MUSIC VAN VLEET STACEY 64

medical for assert lineage tradition. their to legitimacy exceptional P676]. pa [TBRC bdag gling Gter of sons known the with identify

and srid 20 rgya rgyas Sde p.291). use Sangs lugs Both 10, mtsho this historians Byang to difficult are these names however that notes Smith Gene 2009). (Garrett traditions

(Desi lugs later down Gyatso figures Byang through and century) Kilty and Sangye and medical ma the Rnying both to central considered figure a , of sprut)

($ po Mu to Tibetan to from btsan ne prince the Indian masters two (rnam manifestation of sons the these one sku calls so sprul rta Brag p.93). 2009, dkar

and

unbroken direct pass through oral they text. a as Instead treasure transmission (Ronis pa gling bdag Gter of Sons with two studied also ‘dzin thog rig KaH biography,

are Four

Tantras 51

or never the In lineage Byang the hidden unique p.31 ‘ma bka rediscovered sku’s sprul so Brag dkar rta to 8. According 2010, and Kilty Gyatso 4$ Sangye Desi

p.91). dkar mthong ‘thad 2012, ba (Brag ma par 200$. Ehrhard 47

rgyus rnams lo ma par ml dang ‘gal zad go 50 rim Rgyztd mthun ka yang gnyis bas srot p.90. ba dkar 2012, Brag 46

tshe

tha pa skyabs. brtan p.123. 2007, Ehrhard 45

pa mtsho (another rgya Rindzin’s of phan and collaborators) mda’ Sde Katok gzhan p.92. on texts

paN pa Bod chos pham mkhas grags, mchog chen rgyal, legs dge Mi Dkon ShrI mam other and medical Four the Tantras of editions printed discusses (2012) ba dkar Brag 44

dar Nang ‘dzin ngos include so ngos rgyal Bstan Byang gling rgyas, Byang Rnam po, p.89. ba 2012, Brag dkar 43

and ba Brag that The dkar the to indirectly directly connects figures lugs also Zur 2009). khang

as ‘Tsho latter’s well bzang byed student the as po, chen dra/Rin rgyas. ‘phrin rab las rtsal sgyu mang tshogs khul bcu’u Iho dang Rma rtsal tshan khul Iho (Rma gong

‘phel, Chags bo he chos pa grub sman Ivilchas don A mentions bha grub and blo ratna

center a remained had monastery Nyingma the 1817, around Mindrolling visited as rgya well as himself, details mtsho Besides students. his regarding the well-known

p.78-88. Drakkarwa By time the Chakpori.48 of 2012, Brag founder with ha 49 the short a provides ha Brag dkar biography dkar rgyas of tradition Sangs Heart Essence

his Yutok shared Truilcu Taso that Drakkar Gyatso, meaning Sanggyd Desi to

treasure both as (portrayed traditions in separate entirely Gyatso’s Sanggyé and practice Heart Essence Yutok the transmitted also had Lingpa Terdak lifetime.47

the to both in tradition. Jonang fact, But the tradition lang Jang medical and own teacher’s the since in Kyirong had disseminated Lama, the Dalai of Fifth

less

the in is clear, of and close light surprising of relationship the lang medical tutor Nyingma and monastery this of master first Lingpa, Terdak of teachings

Jang Zur the medical and reconciling The traditions. this for reason rejection is

The century).46 (1 Wanggyel Pema monastery, of Mindrolling

throne-holder $th

as stark taken thus

rebuttal a be can of particularly Gyatso’s Sanggyé legacy the from empowerment and Essence transmission Heart Yutok the extended

his

Drakkar of Taso incarnations.5’ previous Trnllcu’s of rejection this lineage received Truilcu Taso Drakkar to Tibet, Central pilgrimage during his finally,

Tibetan king whom Tsenpo, the included the Muné that

regent as counted one years. hundred

had Gyatso the Sanggyë

Jang with identified particularly medical transmission over next the influences other towards had drifted it Chakpori, of institution

by Desi

presented

Gyatso, Sanggyé calling and them contradictory ahistorical.5° Gelukpa the to connections close with begun had lineage medical Samten’s

Jang

dismisses two the summarily

the of medical transmissions Four Tantras Namkha Dmpwang If teacher.45 Tãranãtha’s hierarch Jonang great the from one

or Jang

medical texts scholars tradition received within He lineages. his even rather to is compared treatments medical Samten’s of Namkha one biography, Chöjd’s

the At same

time, Drakkar Truilcu not Taso does any conspicuously include Mengom In Rindzin. of Katok efforts the through made available been likely

$anggyd Gyatso.

had print Jonang ma This [phyi rgyudj

section the final for edition Puntsokling .

1509), (b. LodrO Zurkhar had Gyelpo received who harsh from criticism Desi the but Jonang sections, three first the for edition Potala Gyatso’s Sanggyd Desi

the

defends repeatedly in tradition, particular and Zur scholar and the historian consulted they this with teacher, Tantras Four the studying in that also mentions

from

Kham.49 his of the During narrative Taso course Truilcu Drakkar also Drakkarwa Essence. the of YutokHeart a version brief and Instructions Additional

such Situ

Panchen as figures

Chokyi and Jungné Deumar Geshé Puntsok Tendzin the for Samten Namkha Drupwang from empowerments received Trulku Taso

Gyatso Sanggyé

Darmo (including his teachers to and Menrampa, others) later Drakkar len).43 man gi ngagphyag (lus thig measurements on body instructions

the

to significant field medicine, of links Drakkarwa contemporaries Zur of practical and certain Essence, Heart Yutok the 1439-75), the tradition, of Zur

In list a Gyatso..

several own of his besides figures whom teachers he considers (progenitor Dorjd Nyamnyi Zurkhar by bsre[) ring ba Relics (Bye Million Ten

this an

of us tradition,

idea giving the fortunes tradition’s time after of Sanggyé Gyatso, Desi Sanggyé by Instructions Additional Tantras, Four the of complete

Drakkar

Taso Truilcu gives special history his in emphasis the medical to Zur included study training medical six-year own Samten’s Namkha Drupwang

Sanggyd Gyatso.

contemporary. medical his to important but himself

Yutok

of

Heart Essence a more practice the than for after century time Desi of

Gyatso not Sanggyé to lineage medical this traces he that noteworthy is it writing,

AN

TO

THE MUSIC INTRODUCTION TODELIGHTALL SAGES 67 VLEET VAN STACEY 66

p.98. C.f. Czaja 2005-2006a. ha 2012, dkar Brag 54

position, fras. which Tan he and more stated the four less of obliquely edition po’s over the thang course Grwa his the of po works. printed rgyal

gros Blo mkhar 60 Zur where See is Gyatso and 2004 Yangga pa a monastery for 2010 fuller Yar discussion rgyab of Zur mkhar Blo p.93-94. 2012, gros ha rgyal dkar Brag 53

p.91.

59 Gyatso 2004, p.193).

2002, (Dalton 58 mchog Gyatso Grol 1993. btsun Rje teacher Jonang rgyal’s stobs shis Bkra bdag

Byang through Jonang Garrett p.289 the & 2006 to tied 2007, is 2007, and Martin 2010. tradition gter Byang Yangga the and passim); 20 10,

Kilty and 57 Gyatso Karmay Sangye 1998, Schaeffer (Desi Gyatso 2003, & traditions 2004 Czaja 2011, Jonang and 2005-06a & medical Byang 2005-06b, the between

connections 56 other many Schaeffer are 2003, 2004. Gyatso there Täranätha, hierarch Jonang the to physician court

was

who med shis ‘gyur rtsi ‘lthyil Bdud (Gdugs monasteries sdings dkar 1990). Lhun physician lugs Byang the to addition In 52

55 Including, not but to, limited the medical colleges of Sku ‘bum and Bla brang bkra

pa)

rams (sman degree medical its and , great and princes emperors, for

Gyatso both

criticized Zurkhar

and

incorporated

this

predecessor’s

historical

physicians court produced had Chakpori

century 1 early the By period.

the of

9th

acceptance of

many

arguments

regarding its

Tibetan character.6° Just as Desi

Sanggyd

colleges medical Gelukpa other and Chakpori of system degree-granting the to

Gyatso’s

in insistence arguing for the

essentially text

as

Buddha-word

despite his akin

suspiciously sounds description This corpses.”54 leper like them seeing types,

rationalization of

Four the

Tantras

a as

Tibetan-authored ãstra,

vis-à-vis

Sanggyé humble and poor protectorless the despise they that levels higher and higher of

of

and emphasis

devilish

detail.

Later scholars

noted have

Zurkhar

Lodrö sman) Gyelpo’s

(bla physicians court great becoming on “so intent are or instructions secret

word

the

of

The Buddha.59 difference

between

these authors, it

is seems, a about

matter brag who pride” up with puffed people “haughty those against criticism

authorship

attribute and

the Four the Tantras as

subsequently

revealed but levels

ultimate Drakkarwa institutions. monastic large of outside largely existed network

“elaborate

conceptions of

lineage” all that to seem

conceal

of evidence

medical Tibetan Truilcu’s Taso Drakkar that significant especially therefore is It

Gyatso

and Drakkar

Taso

Truilcu to appeal this logic

in various

ways,

constructing that time. at ecumenicalism for support Lama’s Dalai fifth the

of

of

the legitimation” treasure tradition.58

Zurkhar Lodro

Gyelpo,

Desi

continue Sanggyé not did that a government to tradition medical author’s the from deriving

have

almost always

appealed to instead

what Janet

Gyatso has

the called “logic the

prestige and wealth great of transfer a represent clearly pills the for collected

but

because

the Four are

Tantras not

in included

the canon,

medical history

authors ingredients precious other and silver gold, the admiration, some with event this

Buddha-word the () and

treatises

of

later

Indian and

Tibetan

authors of (ãsfra),

writes he Although tradition.53 Gelukpa the of head in Lhasa, Tripa Ganden the

to Feast

Delight the Sages.57

Tibetan

literature canonical

distinguishes by between

1783 in be practiced to came monasteries, Tsechen and Drigung Yargyappa,

the

earliest available

works

(I

century)

through

Desi Sanggyé

A Gyatso’s with

particularly and

tradition Kagyu the of lineages incarnation 213th Zhamarpa

studies have

examined

of the

this debate

and

it how developed,

mainly

and from Karmapa the with associated once pills, precious of production expensive

(bka’),

the shapes

structure

of all Tibetan

of works medical

history. and Several

recent arcane laborious, notoriously the how recounts Trulku Taso Drakkar

particular

whether and

the how

Four

derived Tantras from

the word

of the

Buddha medicine).

specific a of description extended only (the Sages the All Delight to

The

question of

origin the

and

of authority Tibetan

medical

teachings, Music in and

bu) within ru chen (rin pills’ ‘precious of description the in illustrated

as

1 century, DRAKKAR the late TASO during TRULKU AND THE

WORD especially Of widened THE have to BUDDHA seems DEBATE distance This 8th

roots.

(or appropriating) inclusive own its and institution this between distance

increasing the also but Chakpori, of legacy the to relationship some illustrates

Trulku Taso Drakkar Drakkarwa’s lineages, argument and regarding the of origin the teachers Four medical of his Tantras. account his Through

tension is research. within negotiated Music to further begs Delight All the Sages histories during their and the course of traditions these of

of

comparison A Sages. the medical learning by to the Delight highly A feast institutionalized within Gelukpa traditions these tradition.56 of This reworking)

possible (and training alludes a to appropriation further later tension ensuing regent’s from the the with attempted — connection systematization further some

be

may

the there

of tradition, instruction medical teachers, Jang Drakkar the Taso of Trulku waning who sought the with both of types coincide — roughly

of

Nectar

Vase textual Small and scholars of Vase medicine Great and those who Topgyel’s prioritized Tashi experiential Jangdak learning of from repute in rise

the

surrounding medical history authors circumstances the from earlier since periods had Moreover, a articulated tension tradition.52 Jonang between the to ties

have and area system had been Ngamring

Jang the in within replicated originate subsequent Gelukpa medical accounts) colleges.55 Trulku’s Taso While Drakkar

AN

VLEET INTRODUCTION TO MUSIC TO VAN STACEY THE DELIGHTALL SAGES 69 68 STACEY VAN VLEET AN INTRODUCTION TO MUSIC TO DELIGHTALL THE SAGES 71

evidence into his own argument, Drakkar Taso Tru&u quotes long passages from deemphasizes Indian influence on the Four Tantras. Furthermore, Drakkar Taso Sanggyd Gyatso’s text and compares it to “the sun and the moon,” before eventually Truficu claims that Padmasambhava actually taught various medical methods faulting it for confusion and omissions in need of correction.6’ Music to Delight according to the necessities of taming each place in Tibet where he travelled All the Sages ultimately defends the contentious position that medicine is “only to spread Buddhism. These methods eventually appeared in the Four Tantras Nyingma,” presenting a new and unique “extraordinary lineage” (thun mong ma and other medical treasure texts, and later Yutok Yönten Gönpo gathered these yin pa ‘i rgyudpa) as the basis of the case.62 Not only does Drakkarwa cite Katok methods as additions (kha skong) within his redaction of the Four Tantras. In Rindzin Tsewang Norbu on the history of this transmission, he also admits “daring doing so, Drakkarwa writes, Yutok is “undifferentiated from the Medicine Buddha to add” some of his own remarks.63 and from Padmasambhava.”66 Drakkar Taso Trulku contends that at the time of In fact Drakkar Taso Trulku presents two transmissions of the four Tantras treasure-revealer Drapa Ngonshe it was not suitable to say the four Tantras was as authoritative. $th Although they differ, both classifr the text as an century a treasure of Padmasambhava, so it falsely became known as the composition revealed treasure ultimately attributable to the Medicine Buddha. The first of Yutok Yönten Gönpo.67 Distancing himself from Zurkhar Lodrö Gyelpo’s is Drakkarwa’s Canonical Transmission (bka’ ma) lineage, which is based in attribution ofTibetan authorship, Drakkar Taso Trulku thus finds his own solution the Zur tradition and emphasizes early Indian roots. This lineage is based on to the problem of the Four Tantras’ Tibetan characteristics. Terdak Lingpa’s record of received teachings (gsan yig), which Desi Sanggyd The figure of Padmasambhava serves within Music to Delight All the Sages to Gyatso also used as his source for listing the Zur lineage.64 It is the second legitimize not just the Four Treasures as both Buddha-word and treasure text, but “extraordinary lineage” that Drakkar Taso Trulku uses to build his case for the also the author’s own medical treasure text tradition, the Great Vase and Small Nyingma character of medicine, however. This lineage hinges on none other Vase of Nectar Drakkar Taso Trulku points to specific content from the Four than Padmasambhava ($th century), the tanfric adept credited with the Early Tantras, including healing (sngags) to protect from poison and infectious Transmission conversion of Tibet to Buddhism during the imperial period. Citing diseases (nad rims), mantras for the practice of ‘essence extraction’ (bcud ten), Katok Rindzin’s biography of Padmasambhava, Drakkar Taso Trulku argues that and the Nectar of Immortality “ medicine” (Bdud rtsi a mn ta chos sman) the four Tantras ($th were requested by the Tibetan king Tn Songdeutsen century) as examples of the kinds of medical practices that count as “only Nyingma.”68 at monastery, which was like an emanation of the medical city Tanaduk, He declares that these “antidotes for all the illnesses that quickly rob the life of and that Padmasambhava taught the text in the form of the Medicine Buddha.65 beings in these degenerate times” originate within medical treasure texts such as Since this lineage does not include any Indian adepts prior to Padmasambhava, it the Great Vase ofNectar and its Jang treasure tradition supplements, as well as many instructional texts (man ngag) such as the Ten 61 Bragdkarba2ol2,p.1056. Million Relics “text from 62 See fn. 27. experience” (nyams yig) of the Zur tradition.69 Not only the Great Vase and Small 63 Brag dkar ba 2012, p.105-6. Vase of Nectar corpus, but also a range of old and new medical practices are 64 Desi Sangye Gyatso and Kilty 2010, p.316-312. Brag dkar ba makes clear that bka’ therefore legitimized within the rubric of treasure literature and its “instructions.” ma here alludes to the Nyingma tantric classification of canonical teachings rather than to a continuous “oral” transmission. Brag dkar rta so sprul sku’s full bka’ ma 66 Brag dkar ba 2012, p.43-5. Attributing the Four Tantras ‘authorship to Padmasambhava lineage is given as: Sangs rgyas sman bla/ rig pa ‘i ye shes lnga/yid las skyes/ ‘tsho is not a new development among Tibetan medical histories. Zur mkhar Blo gros rgyal byed gzhon nu/ mgon pa klu sgrub/ dpal idan dpa ‘bo/ kha che zta dga ‘/ lo chen bai po also mentions scholars taking this approach (Yangga 2010, 0). rn/ chos rgyal khri srong/ p.1 grwa pa mngon shes/ dbus pa dar grags/ rog ston dkon 67 On the issue of the Elder and Younger G.yu thog yon tan mgon po (see Yangga mchog skyabs/ g.yu thogpa chen p0 nas rim par brgyud cing/ (2012, p.90). He does 2010), Brag dkar rta so sprul sku closely follows Sde snd Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho’s not follow the lineage past G.yu thog. presentation, which is in turn based on the biographies edited by Dar mo sman rams 65 Brag dkar rta so sprul sku actually repeats this KaH thog rig ‘dzin quotation from a pa. Neither Brag dkar rta so sprul sku nor Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho includes the Elder work by Sman sgom chos rje (2012, p.29-3 1). Brag dkar ba lists his “extraordinary G.yu thog as a main figure within the Four Tanfras ‘transmission. lineage” as follows: Sangs rgyas sman bla/ slob dpon sangs rgyas gnyis pa/to chen 68 According to Brag dkar ba (2012, p.95), these mantras and medicines are found within bai ro/ mnga ‘bdag khri srong/ grwa pa mngon shes nas g.yu thog pa rje btsun gu the Man ngag rgyud chapter 87 and Phyi ma rgyud chapter 26. for a discussion of Na nA tha/ des sum ston ye shes gzungs nas rim par brgyudpa ‘o/ (Brag dkar ba bcud len, see Barbara Gerke’s forthcoming work. 2012, F.91). 69 Brag dkar ba 2012, p.95-96. 72 STACEY VAN VLEET AN INTRODUCTION TO MUSIC TO DELIGHTALL THE SAGES 73

Despite his polemic that the field of medicine is “oniy Nyingma,” Drakkar TIBETAN MEDICiNE, INSTITUTIONALIZATION, Taso Truilcu does seek to reconcile the medical with other traditions. He begins AND INNOVATION ON THE MARGINS with a claim attributed to Desi Sanggye Gyatso that if classified according to Music to Delight All the Sages is a work of significance for understanding the the treasure system, the Four Tantras are the type of ancillary practice (cha lag legacy ofperhaps the most pivotal point in the history of Tibetan medicine, under nyams len) known as Heart Essence (snying thig), and therefore “nothing other the Filth Dalai Lama and Desi Sanggyé Gyatso. The connection Drakkar Taso than Great Perfection,” the most complete of all teachings.7° Great Perfection Trullcu draws between the field of medicine and the Great Perfection tradition teachings, while most strongly associated with the Nyingma and Bön traditions, sheds light on the significance of medical activity for these Gelukpa leaders had also been practiced in the Kagyft tradition since the 12th century and beyond the obvious potential of medicine as a resource for moral legitimacy. championed along with medicine by the Fifth Dalai Lama. Drakkar Taso Trulku’s We are obliquely reminded that medicine is one of two noted specialties of appeal to Great Perfection doctrine not only bridges his Nyingma and Kagyu the Nyingma Great Perfection tradition — along with the highly controversial lineages, he also takes it further, equating Great Perfection teachings with the practice of tantric war magic, which the Fifth Dalai Lama had ambivalently Jonang “Other-Emptiness” view re-popularized by Katok Rindzin.71 assented to during the Mongol campaign to depose the rulers of Tsang and their According to Drakkar Taso Trulku, the “calamity of bickering” between Kagyupa, Bonpo and Jonangpa allies.75 Indeed this latter association could be the views of “Self-Emptiness” (rang stUng, associated with the Gelukpa) and considered the key context for Desi Sanggyé Gyatso’s urgent praise of Great “Other-Emptiness” (associated, at times, with all non-Gelukpa traditions) has Perfection practices within A Feast to Delight the Sages, which imposes on obstructed the ultimate essence (don gyi ngo bo) of the teachings in the text a convoluted organization and a long exegesis reconciling Pratimoka, the Snowland.72 In order to harmonize with temporary circumstances, he contends, , and Vidyadhara tantric vows that otherwise makes little sense to the Middle Way teachings of the “Other-Emptiness” view may be considered in include within a medical history. Discussing his own life during the course of the accordance with Early Transmission Great Perfection practice. He then cites an text, the regent takes pains to describe his personal practice of the tanthc vows, unimpeachable Gelukpa authority — Kedrup Jé, disciple ofthe tradition’s progenitor explaining that although “I had a great liking for the pratimok.a vows, ... they Tsonglthapa — to further argue that the views of Great Perfection and Middle Way did not come my way,” and making the extraordinary statement that although “I practice are “almost without difference.”73 To his own mind, any contradictions have maintained the dedication, keeping my vow of not taking the life between the “Other-Emptiness” view and Great Perfection teachings (and perhaps of a human except when powerless to do otherwise, ... in order to maintain the by extension the “Other-Emptiness” and “Self-Emptiness” views, and the Gelukpa rule of law when governing the country, I have come close to harming the mind of and non-Gelukpa traditions) are thus effectively resolved. In turn, resolving compassion, but it is difficult to be of help in every case.”76 Later, however, after these hermeneutical contradictions allows Drakkar Taso Truilcu to integrate all describing his medical activities to benefit his subjects, Desi Sanggyé Gyatso is the medical teachings from his various sources and lineages without incongruity, able to conclude the main body of his text with the words, “In this way I think including the Potala and Jonang Puntsokling prints of the Four Tantras, many I have followed the great waves of bodhisattva conduct.”77 The placement of practical instructions passed on from individual teachers or associated with the Sanggyé Gyatso’s new medical monastery at Chakpori, which on its hilltop perch Zur tradition, the Crystal Beads and Crystal Rosary, the Yutok Heart Essence, and opposite the Dalai Lama’s palace became a focal point ofthe city ofLhasa, serves the Great Vase and Small Vase ofNectar, as well as a long list of other medical as a strong indication of the importance to the regent of legitimizing both his treasure texts cited by both Drakkarwa and Desi Sanggyé Gyatso.74 government and his reliance on the Great Perfection tradition. 70 Brag dkar ba 2012, p.94. Throughout Music to Delight All the Sages, Drakicar Taso Truficu wrestles 71 Dge rtse paN chen ‘Gyur med tshe dbang mchog grub (1761-1829), an influential with the particular legacy of the Fifth Dalai Lama and Desi Sanggyé Gyatso’s figure at KaH thog monastery in his own time, takes a similar position in his defense political, doctrinal, and medical syncretism. Despite the regent’s incorporation of gzhan stong (Ronis p.236, n. 432). of the Great Vase and Small Vase of Nectar cycle and other Great Perfection 72 Brag dkar ba 2012, p.95. Ibid. 73 75 See Dalton 2011, pp.136-143. 74 Medical ma gter are discussed in Brag dkar ha 2012, p.34-36. See Garrett 2009 and 76 Desi Sangye Gyatso and Kilty 2010, p.332. 2010 on related Rnying ma tantric and medical literature. 77 Desi Sangye Gyatso and Kilty 2010, p.489. 74 STACEY VAN VLEET AN INTRODUCTION TO MUSIC TODELIGHTALL THE SAGES 75

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN TERMS traditions into his charter for Chakpori, Drakkarwa and his teachers had remained TilL phonetics Wylie transliteration outside the orbit of this Gelukpa institution. Drawing on Katok Rindzin Tsewang Amdo A mdo Norbu’s critique of 18th century Gelukpa sectarianism based on the Jonang Bön Boo “Other-Emptiness” view, and foreshadowing similar arguments among the well- Chakpori Lcagspori known latter-i 9th century “nonsectarian” (ris med) movement, Drakkar Taso Chonggyé ‘Phyong rgyas Tru&u ‘s medical history reconciles his various medical lineages and provides a Gyeltsen historical and hermeneutical rationale for reclaiming the Great Vase and Small Chowang Chos dbang rgyal mtshan Darmo Vase ofNectar as a regional medical system. His argument links the origin of Menrampa Lobzang ChUdrak Dan mo sman rams pa Blo bzang chos grags Sanggye the Four Tantras with the Early Transmission of Buddhism in Tibet, therefore Desi Gyatso Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho more closely associating the field of medicine in general with his teachers’ Deumar Geshé Tendzin Puntsok De’u dmar dge bshes bstan ‘dzin phun tshogs Nyingma and KagyU traditions. Draklcarwa’s medical activities, along with those Dorbum Chödrak Rdor ‘bum chos grags of his teachers and students, also provide a notable example of innovation on the Rdo ie brag margins of the Tibetan world, outside (but not entirely disconnected from) the Drakkar Taso Truilcu [or DrakkarwaJ Chokyi Brag dkar rta so sprul sku [Brag dkar ba] Chos kyi Wangchuk dbang phyug powerful Gelukpa institutional network that benefitted considerably during this Drangsong Konchok Chopel Drang srong Dkon mchog chos ‘phd time from its ties to the and to the Qing empire. Drapa Ngonshé Grwa pa mngon shes In fact, the pattern of Tibetan knowledge circulation that emerges in Drigung ‘Bri khung [gung] Drakkarwa’s historical account is one of innovation repeatedly spreading Drotang Gro thang from the margins to centers, as larger institutions coaxed eremitic teachers to Dnipwang [Kunpang] Namkha Samten Grub dbang [Kun spangs] Nam mkha’ bsam gtan teach monastic students, or acquired rare manuscripts and republished them as Ganden Puntsokling Dga’ Idan phun tshogs gling xylographic prints. As an institution-builder himself, Drakkar Taso Truilcu carried Dga’ Idan khri pa medical knowledge and practice forward with the specific goal to heal, influence, Garwang Done Nyingpo Gar dbang ndo ije snying pa and bind together the western Tibetan regions injured in the Sino-Nepalese war. Gelukpa Dge lugs pa The productive tension evident in his writing points toward the vitality of Tibetan Gur Gun medicine at this moment preceding the global “rise of science,” its flexibility Jamtrmn Byams sprin to negotiate new theories and practices, and the confidence of its practitioners Jamyang ‘Jam dbyangs regarding their influence within regional networks of knowledge circulation. Jangdak Tashi Topgyel Byang bdag Bkra shis stabs rgyal Jonang Jo nang Kagyu [Karma, Barawa, Drukpa, Dochen] Bka’ brgyud [Kar+ma, ‘Ba’ ra ba, ‘Brug pa, Mdo chenJ

Karmapa Düdul Done Kar+ma pa Bdud ‘dul rdo ije Katok Rindzin Tsewang Norbu KaH thog rig ‘dzin Tshe dbang nor bu Kedrup Jé Mkhas grub rje Kham Khams Kharbang Mkhar bang Kyfrong Skyid grong Ladep La Idebs Lhundingpa Namgyel DorjC Lhun sdings pa Rnam rgyal ndo ne MadUn Rechen I Madunpa Ma bdun ras chen / Ma bdun pa 76 STACEY VLEET AN INTRODUCTION TO MUSIC TO DELIGHTAlL THE SAGES 77

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