The Traditon of Protest and the Roots of the Farmer-Labor Party

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The Traditon of Protest and the Roots of the Farmer-Labor Party MR. NAFTALIN, who is Minnesota's .state commissioner of administration, is on leave from, the University of Minnesota department of political science. The present article is drawn from his unpublished "History of the Farmer-Labor Party of Minnesota," which he prepared as u doctoral dissertation in 194-8. The Tradition of Protest and the ROOTS of the FARMER-LABOR PARTY ARTHUR NAFTALIN THE DOUBLE-HYPHENATED charac­ will insist that the Minnesota party is dis­ ter of Minnesota's Democratic-Farmer- tinctive in more than its name. The latter Labor party name makes it unique among believe that its program and spirit reflect contemporary state pohtical organizations. today, in a somewhat attenuated form, the It alone, among the ninety-six major state militance and progressivism that have char­ political bodies, proclaims itself as some­ acterized the successive movements of thing different from simple Republican or agrarian and industrial protest — a protest Democratic. The presumed difference, as that has, in various forms, existed during signified in the letters DFL, reflects the much of the period of almost a century legacy of the once-predominant Farmer- since Minnesota became a state in 1858. Labor party — a legacy that was formafly In tracing the Farmer-Labor roots of embraced in 1944, when the then separate the Minnesota party, one finds them buried Democratic and Farmer-Labor parties were deep in the recurring pattern of protest, merged into the Democratic-Farmer-Labor each cycle of which seems to have had a party .^ specific expression in the state's politics. Whfle some may claim that the passage It is possible to trace the genesis of the of twelve years since the fusion has made Farmer-Labor movement in a virtually the Democratic-Farmer-Labor party indis­ unbroken line back to the earliest days of tinguishable from other state Democratic political activity in the state, from the parties as a political organization, others national Grange of the late 1860s, through the Anti-Monopoly and Greenback parties 'Among the sources used in preparing the present of the 1870s, the Farmers' Alliance of the study are such general works on the state as volume 1880s, the People's party and Populism of 3 ot William W, Folwell's History of Minnesota (St. Paul, 1926), and volume 4 of Minnesota in Three the 1890s, and, finally, in the present cen­ Centuries (Mankato, 1908), contributed to the series tury, to the Nonpartisan League, out of by Frank R. Holmes; and numerous special studies which emerged the Farmer-Labor party. and monographs. The latter include John B, Andrews. "Nationalisation (1860-1877)," in John R. Commons, Minnesota's tradition of protest was nur­ History of Labour in the United States, vol, 2 (New tured first by the economic oppression and York, 1918); Solon J, Buck, The Granger Movement (Cambridge, 1913); Nelson A, Dunning, Farmers' Al- social privation that fell upon the farmers 53 June 1956 of the Midwest. The settlers of the 1860s the other, when he bought his tools or came to Minnesota's frontier land with groceries, "he was at the mercy of a non­ buoyant spirits. They were sustained at competitive market, protected by patent- first by the dream of fashioning a glamor­ rights and tariffs, to which were added ous new hfe out of the wilderness country, extortionate transportation and middleman but the harsh realities of frontier life charges." ^ changed their mood. Vernon L. Parrington In short, the farmer in Minnesota, as describes the change in outlook: "Disap­ elsewhere in the new West, was the victim pointment and disfllusion settled upon a of an expanding and violent economy on land that before had smfled in the spring which powerful industrial interests to the sunshine. The harvest was not fulfilling the East could and were exerting a predomi­ expectations of the seedtime." The ferment nant influence. Given the tradition of Jack­ bubbled up from a deep social and eco­ sonian democracy that the farmer trans­ nomic frustration. "It is no holiday job," ported with him, it was inevitable that he Parrington continues, "to subdue an un­ would seek to redress his grievances by tamed land and wrest abundance and com­ organizing politically. It was inevitable fort from a virgin soil. Only for the young that he would come to identify his lot with who can project their hopes into the future that of his neighbors and that a definite is it endurable; for the middle-aged and the class consciousness would emerge. old it is a heart-breaking task. The history As the turn of the century approached, of the western frontier is a long drab story the rise of the organized labor movement of hardship and privation and thwarted in Minnesota added a new dimension to hopes, of men and women broken by the the protest. The industrial revolution and endless tofl, the windows of their dreams the nationalization of industry had fas- shuttered by poverty and the doors to an abundant life closed and barred by narrow liance History and Agricultural Digest (Washington, opportunity." - 1891); Nathan Fine, Labor and Parmer Parties in the United States, 1828 to 19S9 (New York, 1928); The social unrest coflided with economic Frederick E, Haynes, Third Party Movements since depression and the flames of political pro­ the CivU War (Iowa City, 1916); John D, Hicks, test were ignited. The market value of The Populist Revolt (Minneapolis, 1931); and George M, Stephenson, John Lind of Minnesota (Minneapo­ produce dropped and the debtor farmers lis, 1935). Among briefer studies are Hicks' article on of the West were further strained. They "The Political Career of Ignatius Donnelly," in the mortgaged their farms and watched their Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 8:80-132 (June- September, 1921); articles by George B. Engberg on earnings slip away in interest on their "The Rise of Organized Labor in Minnesota" and mortgages. In the growing gloom of eco­ "The Knights of Labor in Minnesota," in Minnesota nomic depression, the farmer became pre­ History, 21:372-394 (December, 1940), and 22:367- 380 (December, 1941); and an item on the first Farm occupied with the immediate symptoms and Labor party in Appletons' Annual Cyclopedia of the economic order that he was finding and Register of Important Events, 1888, p, 559. Un­ increasingly oppressive. He was enraged, published studies include Engberg's "Rise of Organ­ ized Labor in Minnesota, 1850 to 1890," and Maude according to Parrington, at "a complex A. Gernes' "The Influence of the Labor Element in middleman organization that gouged him the Populist Party," both owned by the Minnesota Historical Society. The society's manuscript resources at every turn." The farmers fulminated include vast collections of the papers of Ignatius against the elevator companies which fixed Donnelly and Knute Nelson and the records of the "monopoly tolls, swindled the farmer in North Star Grange, The society also has a file of the Anti-Monopolist, the weekly newspaper founded by their grain-gradings, and combined to DonneUy in 1874, and Donnelly's pamphlet collection, force down the market price at harvest with many pertinent items like Facts for the Granges time and raise it after the crop came under (1873). their control." On the one hand his profits ''Quoted from Parrington's Main Currents in were controlled by the monopolies, and on American Thought, 3:260 (New York, 1930). ''Parrington, American Thought, 3:261, 262. 54 MINNESOTA History tened the factory system on the American accepted his class role in society, that he, economy and the worker became an urban too, should seek to redress his grievances counterpart of the oppressed farmer. The by political action. And it was inevitable, factory system had developed at a time too, that the farmer and the laborer, both when free land stfll existed in ample quan­ in quest of fundamental changes in the tities. Free land had speeded the develop­ social and economic order, should periodi­ ment of the factory system by constantly cally attempt a fusion of their forces. draining off surplus labor, thus forcing the introduction of time-saving machinery. IN THE DECADE following its admission High wages for skflled workmen and an to the Union in 1858, Minnesota feverishly ever-growing market for manufactured developed its virgin resources, quite ob­ goods accelerated the introduction of ma­ livious to political and economic trends. In chinery and increased specialization of the older parts of the nation, the first por­ labor, and thus came the factory system tents of protest were becoming visible. The and inevitably the rise of a group-conscious workingmen of the East sought to develop laboring class. But, while the westward a national political movement in the form movement was speeding the rise of the of the National Labor Union, but the con­ factory system, it temporarily, at least, ventions of this organization in 1864, 1866, slowed the rise of organized labor, because and 1867 involved no direct participation as the frontier moved westward it drained from the state, although they were con­ off from the older sections the discontented cerned with matters of land reform, cur­ farmer and laborer, who, instead of fight­ rency, taxation, and antimonopoly which ing for a better life at home, moved west were shortly to occupy the minds of Min­ to begin life anew. nesota farmers. By 1900 the end of free land and the It was in 1868 that the first definite ex­ closing down of the frontier had brought pression of the protest occurred in Minne­ to the laboring man a realization of his sota with the formation at St. Paul of the permanent dependence upon the industrial North Star Grange, the first local of the system and an awareness of the need to Patrons of Husbandry.
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