MR. CHRISLOCK, who is associate professor of history in Augsburg College at , was the winner of the Historical Society's Solon J. Buck Award in 19-57, given for the best article published in this magazine. Like that below, his prize-winning contribution dealt with the politics of protest in Minnesota during the 1890s.

SIDNEY M. OWEN An Editor in Politics

CARL H. CHRISLOCK

IN 1910, when Sidney Mark Owen died, he have not completely ignored him, but most seemed to have a secure place in Minnesota of their attention has been reserved for history. Ex-governor , who was Ignatius Donnelly. In the long run, Don­ not by habit an effusive man, said he re­ nelly's pre-eminence can no doubt be de­ garded "Mr. Owen ... as the one man fended. But this much can be claimed for who has contributed more to the uplifting Owen: within Minnesota he successfully of the people's ideals than any other man" challenged Donnelly's leadership of Alliance- he had encountered in public life. The first Populism. In the 1890s many who adhered of the famous Wallaces of Iowa attributed to this movement regarded Owen rather the strength of progressivism in Minnesota than his more famous rival as their authen­ "largely" to the "seed sown by Mr. Owen" tic leader. in the 1890s. The Minneota Mascot praised Thus justice, if there is such a thing in Owen's capabflities as editor of Farm, Stock the historiographic sense, would seem to re­ and Home in exalted terms, describing that quire a re-evaluation of Owen's significance. periodical as "easfly the foremost agricul­ But this is not the only consideration. The tural journal of the Northwest, if not in Owen-Donnefly clash was more than a per­ America." '^ sonal struggle for power. While Donnelly's These generous panegyrics notwithstand­ record for consistency on public policy ing, Owen is virtuafly forgotten in 1958. His questions was not remarkable, he was by name is not among those receiving praise virtue of authorship inseparably identified in connection with the statehood centennial with the 1892 platform of the national Peo­ commemoration. Democratic-Farmer-Labor ple's party, better known as the Omaha orators who sometimes refer to the past platform. Among the things this manifesto fafl to mention him. Historians of Populism endorsed, though in qualified, equivocal lan­ guage, was the Alliance subtreasury plan which called upon the federal government ^Minneapolis Tribune, February 3, 1910; Wallace's to build warehouses for the storage of non- Farmer, February 11, 1910; Minneota Mascot, Febru­ ary 18, 1910. perishable farm crops and to lend legal-

December 1958 109 tender treasury notes on the crops stored — was born in Ohio in 1838, reared on a farm, the so-called ^lacune plan. The Omaha plat­ educated in the public schools and at Ober­ form also characterized tariff agitation as a lin Coflege, and served as a first lieutenant "sham" designed "to drown the outcries of in the 55th Ohio Volunteer Infantry dur­ a plundered people"; and it proclaimed that ing the Civil War. After the war he entered "the powers of government . . . should be the wholesale mercantile business, first in expanded ... as rapidly and as far as the Toledo and later in Chicago. Apparently good sense of an intelligent people and the commerce did not suit his inclinations, for teachings of experience shall justify." - in 1885 he abandoned its pursuit to accept On the record Owen accepted the Omaha the editorship of Farm, Stock and Home, platform; he even lauded it. But he vigor­ which had been founded at Minneapolis ously rejected the subtreasury plan, which by his brother, Horatio R. Owen, in 1884.^ Donnefly's partisans in 1892 were not only At this point the obscurity surrounding accepting, but attempting to make the Owen is to some extent lifted, but by no mark of Populist orthodoxy. While he did means dispelled. His Farm, Stock and not say so, Owen probably also was un­ Home editorials, as wefl as surviving texts willing to regard his own lifelong crusade of his public utterances, explicate in detail for tariff reform as a "sham." It is to be his political and socioeconomic views with­ suspected, too, that he would have pre­ out, however, getting into the realm of di­ ferred omission of the demand for more rect self-revelation. Perhaps on the basis of government, for this would have made the what is known, a few inferences are war­ platform's commitment to the "equal rights ranted. For example, it was not strange for to afl, special privfleges to none" principle a man reared in Ohio in the 1840s and 1850s stand out in bolder relief. to employ an idiom suggestive of locofoco- These issues are of more than incidental ism; and it was not incongruous for an importance. They go to the heart of a moot alumnus of Oberlin to be deeply concerned question: As a movement did Populism about the rights of man. Beyond this, it is have more in common with Jacksonian De­ impossible to go, for Owen was not in the mocracy than with the New Deal? Perhaps habit of writing or talking publicly about some light is thrown on this question by his childhood, his student days, or the frus­ Owen's firm commitment to traditional trations he may have encountered as a agrarian radicalism, which seemed to com­ soldier and businessman. mand more acceptance within Minnesota If it is impossible to be definite about than Donnelly's temporary espousal of a the influences which made Owen what he program which did, indeed, anticipate some was, it is not too difficult to recapture the features of the "managed economy" of the popular image of the middle-aged agricul­ future, but which appeared to many Popu­ tural editor who became a leader in the lists as a dangerous leap into a dark and turbulent reform movement of the 1890s. uncertain unknown. Among his traits was an austere reserve which did not preclude warm relationships OWEN'S EARLY LIFE is to a consider­ with close friends, but which did prevent exposure of his inner being to public view. able extent a closed book. This is due, at least in part, to a lack of basic sources — there are no personal papers available for " For the text of the Omaha platform, see John D. examination, and he did not pen his mem­ Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farm­ ers' Alliance and the People's Party, 439-444 (Minne­ oirs for posterity. He was forty-seven years apolis, 1931). The subtreasury plan is discussed on of age when he went to Minnesota, and the pages 186-204. established facts about his life up to that •'Farm, Stoctc and Home, 26:135 (February 15, 1910); Minneapolis Journal, February 2, 1910; St. time are known only in barest outline. He Paul Dispatch, February 2, 1910.

110 MINNESOTA IHstory The privflege he claimed for himself in this quate and perhaps effective. The revival respect was accorded to others. Although techniques of many third-party orators there was ample provocation to act other­ were not for him. Passion there was in the wise, he usually avoided the personal attack content of his speeches and, it can be as­ and confined his appeal to issues. Accepted sumed, in the delivery; but his was a con­ versions of his personal habits reinforced trolled passion which was subordinated to the impression of austerity. He was known the marshaling of facts and statistics to sup­ to abstain from both tobacco and liquor, port conclusions. His style was at times and intimate friends testified that he never heavy, almost ponderous, and not calcu­ resorted to profanity in private conversa­ lated to arouse audiences to the ecstatic tion. Needless to say, such a reputation heights to which Donnelly's efforts lifted endeared him to the many Populists and them. But if the immediate response fell quasi-Populists among the Scandinavians short of that produced by Donnefly, the who, generafly speaking, assigned high pri­ permanent impression was apparently more ority to "demon rum" as a source of evil.* rewarding. In some respects Owen did not conform to the "reformer" stereotype, for he es­ UNDER OWEN'S EDITORSHIP, Farm, chewed personal attacks in political debate, Stock and Home was soon established as a deplored reformist dogmatism, which he successful enterprise, and its influence ex­ distinguished from devotion to principle, panded with the passing years. By 1894, and opened the pages of Farm, Stock and when the paper was ten years old, a circu­ Home to more than one reform cause. But lation of forty thousand was claimed for it. this forbearance and flexibility had definite Like other "progressive' farm journals, it limits. To him the function of politics was laid heavy stress on scientific husbandry not so much the reconciliation of diverse and business management as aids to better interests as the promotion of righteousness. rural living. It advocated diversification of "When a thing appeared wrong to Mr. crops, the use of soil-building techniques, Owen," editorialized the Minneota Mascot, and the systematic breeding and improved "it was wrong afl through and he would feeding of livestock, and sought the assist­ have nothing of it."" Like most Midwest­ ance of a growing corps of experts employed ern radicals, he was inclined to attribute the in Midwestern agricultural colleges." nation's difficulties to a conscious conspir­ But Owen rejected the counsel of those acy on the part of big business "plutocrats." who asserted that agricultural journalism Without apparent difficulty, he accepted should confine itself to the gospel of better the "Crime of '73" thesis which held that farming and avoid entanglement in public the demonetization of silver in that year policy issues. From the beginning of his was a planned maneuver to enhance the editorial career he numbered himself with value of money and depress prices. those who refused to concede that diversi­ As a campaigner Owen was at least ade- fication and systematic adaptation to ex­ isting markets were ultimate solutions to * Interview with Mrs. H. N. Owen, August 13, the farm problem. As Owen said in one edi­ 1957; Ugeblad (Fergus Falls), November 23, 1892; torial, diversification "is all right, but those Progressive Age (Minneapolis), June 2. November 3, 1894; letter of Owen E. Ransom, in Minneapolis Jour­ who practice it should be the recipients of nal, February 21, 1910. its increased advantages."'' "Minneota Mascot, February 18, 1910. In taking this position, Owen aflied him­ " William W. Folwell, A History of Minne.sota, 3: 189 (St. Paul, 1926); Isaac Atwater, History of the self squarely with the Farmers' Afliance, City of Minneapolis, 379 (New York, 1893); Farm. which already was a potent force in state Steele and Home, 10:66 (January IS, 1894). politics when he arrived in Minnesota. But ''Farm, StocJc and Home, 10:316 (September 1, 1894). See also 10:101 (February 15, 1894). he did not become an uncritical advocate

December 1958 111 SIDNEY M. Owen, a portrait painted in 1908 by W R. Brewer

COURTESY or MRS. H. N. OWEN, MINNEAPOLIS of every measure that found favor with Al­ cent, when 10 per cent would be a munificent liance leaders. Included in the baggage he compensation." The level of "realty and took to Minneapolis were several definite rents in the paths wheat must travel . . ideas about what constituted sound public to market" was constantly rising. Agri­ policy. Intellectually, he was astute enough cultural implements, fabricated in highly to perceive the points at which contempo­ protected factories, were outrageously ex­ rary reform proposals clashed with these cessive in price. At the same time, combi­ ideas, and he had a penchant for consist­ nations for the suppression of "healthy ency which did not, however, resolve afl competition'' were tolerated, and agricul­ contradictions between program and the­ tural property was assessed for taxation at ory. sixty-five per cent of its value while "notes, His basic presuppositions were revealed bonds and stocks pay on but 7^2 per cent." " with clarity in Farm, Stock and Home edi­ The source of these "fictitious values," torials which dealt with the causes of agri­ according to Farm, Stock and Home, could culture's distress. The real difficulty, as be identified with legislative privilege. The Owen's paper saw it, stemmed from con­ protective tariff, land grants to railroads, ditions which compelled the farmer to pay toleration of stock watering and trust for­ tribute to "fictitious values." Wheat was mation, the surrender to banks of the power carried to market on steel rails costing to manipulate the currency were all parts twice as much as they should. Elevators were "making dividends of 40 to 50 per 'Farm, Stoctc and Home, 4:2 (November 15, 1887).

112 MINNESOTA History of a single, misguided government policy. In an interview given immediately after The results of this policy were not measur­ his nomination, the candidate of the new able alone in depression-breeding economic party pointed to three issues as the most imbalances. Human values were also sub­ important of the forthcoming campaign. verted: "God . . . the rights of man and They were the tariff, which he said was the obligations of brotherhood were for­ giving protection to those needing it least gotten." ° at the expense of everyone else; taxation, The language conveying these ideas was which he charged was excessively burden­ vigorous enough, but the writer did not sug­ some and inequitably assessed; and overcap­ gest that the government should undertake italization, which he asserted was imposing permanent, comprehensive management of an enormous "tribute" on the American the mighty forces created by America's people." Hostility to "special privilege," as post-1865 rapid industrialization. The im­ defined by selection of such issues, did, in­ plication rather was that a natural order deed, dominate the campaign of 1890. The based on competition and "equal rights to status quo was unpopular enough to dis­ all, special privileges to none" had been courage candidates seeking office from thrown out of gear. The first necessity was courting identification with it. Campaigners to restore this order to normal, and this of all three parties agreed that a wholesale could not be done until the "legislative priv­ redress of grievances on behalf of the "pro­ ilege" shackles were removed and destroyed. ducer" was urgently needed, and all based their claims on a superior capacity to make OWEN MADE his political debut in 1890. reform a reality.^- In that year the Minnesota Farmers' Afli­ The election results were a severe rebuke ance for a number of reasons decided to to the incumbent Republicans. True, Gov­ abandon nonpartisan pressure-group activ­ ernor William R. Merriam was re-elected, ity in favor of independent political action. although by a narrow margin. His plurality The decision was reached with virtual over his Democratic opponent was under unanimity, but the new Alliance party twenty-five hundred, and he polled less found itself in dire straits when its first than forty per cent of the total votes cast convention tried to nominate a candidate for governor. At the same time, a solidly for governor. Two factions pressed hard for Republican Congressional delegation of five their respective candidates — Ignatius Don­ was reduced to one. In the contest for con­ nelly and R. J. Hall, then president of the trol of the legislature. Democratic and Alli­ Minnesota Farmers' Alliance. The deadlock ance candidates captured enough seats to was resolved by tendering the nomination throw both houses into a three-way dead­ to Owen, who was not yet identified with lock. The vote polled by the Alliance was either faction." strikingly impressive when it is remem­ bered that the party had come into being "Farm, Stock and Home. 7:124 (March 1, 1891). only four months before the election. Owen ^"Minneapolis Journal. July 16. 17, 1890. For the history and background ot the Alliance party, see received 58,518 votes — nearly twenty-five Donald F. Warner, "Prelude to Populism," in Minne­ per cent of the total cast for governor. One sota History, 32:129-146 (September, 1951). Alliance Congressman was elected, Afliance ^^ Minneapolis Journal, July 18, 1890. ^^ The Republican campaign manifesto appears in votes contributed to the election of two of the Northfield News, September 20, 1890. The text of the three Democratic Congressmen, and the one of the most important campaign speeches of victor in the state auditor race rode into Judge Thomas Wilson, the Democratic candidate for governor, is in the St. Paul Globe, October 1, 1890. office on a "Democratic-Alliance" ticket. ^Minnesota Legislative Manual, 1891, 554-571, Approximately a third of the new state 574-576. See also the author's article on "The Alli­ legislators were Alliance party men.^' ance Party and the Minnesota Legislature of 1891," in Minnesota History, 35:300 (September, 1957). Farm, Stock and Home professed gratifi-

December 1958 113 cation at these results, which it claimed his own Farmers' Alliance delegation rather were "quite up to the expectations of those than one sent by the Alliance party. This, who had the best means of knowing the moreover, was not his only success at Cin­ exact situation." And the election results cinnati. When the new People's party of 1890 augured well for the future. Organi­ emerged, he was named to its national ex­ zation and education should continue; if ecutive committee and was designated a they were pushed, the magazine predicted national committeeman from Minnesota. that in the next election the state would The latter post authorized him to direct place power in "the hands of those classes organizational work in his own state. Upon that produce its wealth." ^* returning home, he lost little time getting After the election of 1890, Farm, Stock the Farmers' Alliance to sanction his efforts and Home continued as an "educational" to establish a People's party in the state force for the third-party movement, but its of Minnesota." editor was relegated to a secondary role in These maneuvers placed the Alliance organizational work. For the titular head party in a desperate position. Donnefly stifl of a defeated party, such a fate is not un­ did not control its organization, but with­ usual, but in this case other developments, out Farmers' Afliance backing and recogni­ involving Donnelly, also played a role. The tion from the national People's party, thc old reform leader had won election to the Alliance party faced almost certain col­ state senate in 1890 as an Allianceman, al­ lapse. From his driver's seat, Donnelly sug­ though his relationship with the dominant gested a way out of the impasse by inviting Alliance leaders had been anything but cor­ key members of the Alliance party state dial. Because his party held the balance of committee to serve on that of the People's power in the legislature of 1891, Donnelly party. This gesture was less generous than was able to play a dominant role in the it seemed, for the proposed arrangement session. Shortly before it convened, he won assured a pro-Donnelly majority on the another victory: at its annual convention new committee. As a result. Alliance leaders the Minnesota Farmers' Alliance reversed did not greet Donnelly's offer with raptur­ a policy of two years' standing by electing ous enthusiasm. A few accepted, but such him president. Although this did not give him prominent figures as J. H. Baker, former technical control of the Alliance party, its Minnesota railroad commissioner, W. W. dependence on the financial assistance of Irwin, a well-known criminal lawyer, and its "non-partisan" counterpart made Don­ Senator John Hompe of Otter Tail County nelly a force that party leaders could not persisted in a forlorn attempt to preserve ignore.^^ the Alliance party. Their efforts, which in­ Donnelly failed to use his legislative op­ cluded the calling of a state convention in portunity to advantage either for himself July, 1892, the provisional nomination of or his cause. The 1891 session produced Baker for governor, and the drafting of a considerable bombast and some headlines, lengthy platform were not finally aban­ but its lack of achievement was a cross for doned until the campaign of 1892 was un­ the third-party movement to bear. The derway." Farmers' Alliance presidency was, however, another matter. Its value became clearly "Farm, Stock and Home, 7:10 (November 15, apparent in May, 1891, when the Cincin­ 1890). nati reform conference met to consider the '" Warner, in Minnesota History, 32:140; Chrislock, in Minnesota History, 35:301, 302; St. Paul Pioneer feasibility of creating a new national third Press, January 2, 1891; Great West (St. Paul), Janu­ party. Because Donnelly had close rapport ary 9, 1891, with the conference managers, he easily '" Chrislock, in Minnesota History, 35:297-312; Warner, in Minnesota History, 32:143; Great West, persuaded the credentials committee to seat May 29, .June 19, 1891.

114 MINNESOTA History Although Owen was closer to Baker than to Donnelly on policy issues, he chose to accept the "peace" bid. He consented to serve on the People's party state commit­ tee; he attended the St. Louis conference of February, 1892, as a party representa­ tive; and he was explicitly critical of the effort to keep the Alliance party alive. Shortly before the Minnesota People's party convention of 1892 opened, he counseled those who feared boss domination to partici­ pate in its proceedings in order to avert machine control. And after the convention met and nominated Donnelly for the gov­ ernorship. Farm, Stock and Home accepted its decisions with a show of gracious warmth.^** Thus Owen cast his lot with the new People's party, but not without important reservations. His paper was restrained in its praise of the Cincinnati conference of 1891, which revealed the existence of "whole volcanoes of discontent" ready to explode into independent political action because the old parties were bankrupt. However, Farm, Stock and Home doubted that the Cincinnati gathering was "sufficiently rep­ iGXATius Donnelly resentative of all the people to be the legiti­ mate parent of a true 'people's party.' " Nor total inability to see how the Macune plan was it certain that the leaders "most promi­ could be harmonized with the "equal rights nent in the pioneer work" would be '"equally to all, special privileges to none" principle. so in erecting the building.'' Also, the peri­ It was, in fact, a demand for "as huge a odical expressed the belief that "the 'de­ 'special privilege' as was ever dreamed of." mands' made" in Cincinnati were "not And this was not the only objection: the necessarily those of the future new party." " plan would enable farmers to "avail them­ The subtreasury was one of the "de­ selves of the power the government gave mands" which Owen hoped would be aban­ to speculate"; it violated sound economic doned. Farm, Stock and Home professed principles by seeking "artificially ' to in­ crease the price of daily necessities; and, if "Donnelly to Thomas J. Meighen, September 1, adopted, it would strengthen the unsound 1891, April 27, 1892, Donnelly Letter Book, in the precedent of building one industry at the Donnelly Papers owned by the Minnesota Historical expense of all others. All this being true, Society; Minneapolis Journal, July 5, 6, 7, 1892: Ugeblad, August 10, 1892. the "scheme would be unsatisfactory to all, ^"Farm, Stock and Home, 7:294, 8:314 (July 15, oppressive to many, and ultimately bring 1891; August 1, 1892); interview with Owen, in Min­ disaster to our agricultural interests." -" neapolis Journal, July 5, 1892; Great West, January 29, 1892. "Farm, Stock and Home, vol. 7, June 15, 1891. IN VIEW of Owen's identification with the Supplement. '^Farm, Stock and Home, 7:63, 8:80, 116 (January leaders of the Alliance party, his stand on 1, 1891; January 15, February 15, 1892). the subtreasury issue, and his popularity

December 1958 115 had swept two years eariier. Admittedly, the old party .slates were stronger than they had been in 1890; this was particularly true of the Republican ticket, which was headed by . But if there was to be a third-party movement in the state, it was absolutely necessary to hold on to the gains made in 1890.^^ In the painful appraisals which followed. Fish very quickly fell from grace. The Pop­ ulists firmly believed that he had been guilty, not of bad judgment, but of actual treachery. They charged that the many ob­ jectionable tactics he had employed — the intemperate attacks on Owen, the insist­ ence on the subtrea.sury as the mark of Populist orthodoxy, the violation of all EVERETT W. Fish canons of decency in attacks on the old party opposition — were deliberately con­ ceived to alienate voters from the People's with those who disliked the dominant Pop­ party, and that his motive was Republican ulist leadership, it is not strange that he money. Even Donnelly, whose zealous de­ remained outside the Populist party's inner fender Fish had professed to be, became circle during the campaign of 1892. Out­ thoroughly convinced that his chief lieu­ wardly, Donnefly maintained a cool but tenant had "sold out" to the enemy. The correct attitude. It was otherwise with result was a polemical exchange which mu-^t Everett Fish, editor of the Great West and have delighted connoisseurs of vituperation. Donnelly's chief lieutenant in 1892. A fa­ Apparently no conclusive evidence was pro­ natical extremist who shouted "treason'' at duced to support the charge that Fish had anyone guflty of the slightest deviation received compen.sation for his efforts. But from "true" Populist doctrine. Fish fre­ there can be little doubt that he symbolized quently and bitingly attacked Owen along what was wrong with the Peoples party with all third-party men who opposed thc campaign of 1892.-- subtreasury. Repeated warnings came from the ranks that these attacks were not hurt­ Personally, Donnelly was overwhelmed ing Owen as much as they were imperfling and humiliated by the magnitude of his the cause; but Donnefly was unable or un­ defeat. To close friends he proclaimed a willing to restrain the volatile Fish.-^ determination to retire from active political life forever.-^ This was somewhat prema­ The victim of Fish's abuse enjoyed a ture; he stifl possessed too much resflience measure of revenge in November. Com­ and love of combat to keep such a promise. pared with pre-election expectations, the People's party vote was dismal. Donnelly polled only 39,862 votes, about nineteen ^Meighen to Donnelly. May 4. 31. 1892; Swan thousand fewer than Owen had received in Nel.son to Donnelly. May 21, 1892; .\. Van Hemert to 1890 when the total vote had been about Donnelly. June 29. 1892; L. \. Paddock to Donnelly. July 23. 1892. Donnelly Papers. fifteen thousand short of what it was in '^ heg.ilatne Manual. 1893. Ki-iOl. 1892. Third-f)arty representation in the leg­ ^ Representafiie 'St. Paul;, May 10, June 14, July islature was cut in half; only one Congress­ 12. 1893; .January 3. 17. 1894. man was elected, and his margin was under ^ Donnelly to Frank Day, December 1. 1892: to Andrew Steenerwn. December 23. 1892. Donnelly a hundred votes in an area which Owen I^etter Book, Donnelly Pajjers.

110 MINNESOTA History His term in the senate had two years to At the same time, Owen and his paper run, and he continued to keep in close per­ became involved in the Populist battle sonal touch with the leaders of Populism. against one of Nelson's most cherished He kept up the battle for the old causes measures — the so-cafled "Governor's grain in the pages of his weekly paper, the Repre­ bfll." It sought to eliminate marketing dis­ sentative, founded after Fish and his publi­ crimination by placing all country elevators cation, the Great West, were expelled from under the jurisdiction of the railroad and the kingdom. But apparently his aspira­ warehouse commission. As a prerequisite tions did not include another try for the for operation, these elevators were required governorship, least of all in 1894. to secure licenses from the commission. To Those who spoke for Minnesota Popu­ obtain and hold licenses, elevators were lism were satisfied with this renunciation. obliged to comply with the commission's After the Fish matter was disposed of and grading and weighing standards. Provision the future of the party became the question was made also for appeals from farmers not of the moment, it did not take long to satisfied with the grade assigned at the develop overwhelming agreement on the elevator; in the event of appeal, the com­ course to be followed in 1894. Owen was mission had the power to make the final to head the ticket, and an appeal would be decision.-' made to the electorate from a new base Although the bill seemed to be consistent which did not include the subtreasury pro­ with Populist advocacy of strengthened posal.-^ state police power. Nelson encountered a solid phalanx of third-party opposition to LEGEND HAS IT that Owen accepted it. The vote on final passage in both houses, the 1894 Populist gubernatorial nomination in fact, divided almost exactly on party with extreme reluctance. Although this may lines, with Republicans solidly favoring, and be true, beginning in 1893, Farm, Stock and Populists and Democrats, with a very few Home took an editorial line as explicitly exceptions, opposing it.-** The case against critical of Governor Nelson's administra­ the governor's bill, as developed by Owen tion as that of avowedly partisan organs. with the help of R. J. Hafl and T. C. Hodg­ Charges that the governor and the 1893 son, two prominent Farmers' Alliance lead­ legislature were unduly subservient to the ers, rested on two major premises. First, the corporate interests were published as "A measure was intended to regulate someone Caustic but Deserved Criticism." The Chi­ who did not require regulating — the local cago antitrust convention of June, 1893, elevator man. Current marketing difficul­ called at Nelson's initiative to combat a ties, it was argued, were not the fault of monopoly in coal, was characterized as a the smafl grain buyer who, in fact, was futile gesture which left the trusts more presently competing in a limited way with arrogant than ever. The pine land investi­ the line elevators. To set up conditions gation of 1893 rated a kind word, but credit which imperiled his continued operation for it was given to Robert C. Dunn, one of was a poor reward for his contribution to the state legislators who had put the probe the battle against monopoly. Second, ac­ in motion.^" cording to its opponents, Nelson's proposed law violated tried and true economic prin­ '•' See comment of Freeborn County Standard (Al­ ciples. "How senseless is the whole matter bert Lea). January 17, 1894. of regulating the wheat traffic by law," edi­ '"Farm, Stoctc and Home. 9:189, 310, 10:35 (April 1, July 1, December 15, 1893). toriahzed Farm, Stock and Home. "When "Minnesota, General Laws, 1893, p. 140-143. the law . . . has made it impossible for "' Minnesota, Senate Journal, 1893, p. 568; House transportation companies to rob the public, Journal, 1893, p. 735; St. Paul Pioneer Press, March 21, April 8, 1893. it had then better 'let nature take its

December 1958 117 course' than to smother the traffic under a abstractions and theory. Populism clearly multitude of enactments." -" represented the interests not only of farm­ The Populist alternative to Nelson's pro­ ers, but of small grain traders, who were gram did not, however, rest solely on letting apprehensive about their own ability to (or helping) "nature take its course." True, meet the standards they anticipated would third-party spokesmen urged a vigorous be established under the governor's bfll. antitrust policy designed to preserve, or re­ Fear that the grain trade would use its in­ store, the so-called free market. But their fluence with the Republican party to its program went beyond this. For several own advantage was another factor. If this years before 1893 Afliance and Populist did not happen, it was possible that purely platforms had included a proposal that the political appointees would administer the state build and maintain one or two ter­ complex inspection system provided by the minal elevators. There the producer would measure."- have the right to store his grain without As the campaign of 1894 approached. having it graded or mixed with grain be­ Populist preoccupation with the governor's longing to others. Those who purchased bfll and the state elevator abated. The lat­ grain for ultimate consumption — millers, ter provided no basis for attack on Nelson, brewers, and the like — could then go to who had, after all, signed the measure into the terminal and buy what they needed law; it was the supreme court which was without dealing with the large grain ex­ responsible for its demise. Perhaps assault changes. Thus, it was argued, a measure on the grain bill was abandoned because of competition would be restored to the the Populists discovered that it was not as grain trade.^" unpopular as they had at first imagined. At Hodgson, Hall, Owen, and Populists in any rate, it was part of a total program the legislature pushed the state elevator which went far toward meeting the de­ scheme vigorously in 1893, and with Re­ mands which the Farmers' Alliance had publican help it was enacted into law, been pushing for nearly a decade.'^ though it was shortly declared unconsti­ Building up a case against Nelson's re­ tutional by the Minnesota supreme court. It form program was not the only difficulty goes without saying that the party's sup­ confronting the Populists. The reputation port of this measure created theoretical dif­ for irresponsibility and radicalism created ficulties for Populist spokesmen. How could by the legislature of 1891 and the antics of the governor's bifl and the subtreasury be Fish were real handicaps. Reformist dog- opposed as "paternalistic" by those who advocated that the state go into the grain •" Farm, Stock and Home, 9:230, 326 (May 1, July business.? The dilemma was handled in sev­ 15, 1893); T. C. Hodgson, "The Wheat Question," in Farm, Stock and Home, 9:187, 213, 231 (April 1, 15, eral ways. Owen, who was keenly aware of May 1, 1893); Hodgson to Representative, June 7, the contradiction, deplored the need for 1893; R. J. Hall to Farm, Stock and Home, 10:180 state-owned elevators, but argued that the (April 15, 1894); Freeborn County Standard, March 15, 1893. marketing problem was no less critical than ''"Farm, Stock and Home, 8:382 (October 1, 1892). a wartime situation which called for the "' Henry Rippe v George L. Becker et al., Minne­ adoption of extraordinary measures. Hodg­ sota Reports, 1893, p. 100-118; Farm, Stock and Home, 9:128, 311 (February 15, July 1, 1893). son pointed to the "paternalism" practiced '" Two years later, Governor David M. Clough on behalf of big business, implying that the vetoed a bill which placed the grain department under elevator was "paternalistic" only to a smafl the merit system. An investigation of grain inspection during Lind's administration proved that these fears degree. He also likened it to community were not entirely groundless. Minneapolis Journal, maintenance of a public market, a practice April 26, 1895; George M. Stephenson, John Lind of hallowed by long tradition.^"^ Minnesota, 170 (Minneapolis, 1935). ^See Folwell, Minnesota, 3:205-212, for a sum­ Obviously the issue involved more than mary of the achievements of Nelson's administration.

118 MINNESOTA History matism within Populism's house was an­ other. Some party members wanted to com­ mit it to the single tax; others branded Henry George a heretic; some supported, others opposed, the strategy of capturing votes by adopting the prohibition move­ ment's central program; there were even a few who wanted to press the subtreasury. Donnelly's sensitivity to real or imagined shghts posed another danger. By eariy 1894 he had grudgingly assented to Owen's nom­ ination for the governorship, but there was always the danger that Donnelly might try to march his foflowing in another direc tion.2* As heir-presumptive to Populist leader­ ship, Owen had to deal with these difficult problems. At the outset, he made an effort to establish internal unity by proclaiming a KNUTE Nelson (top row at the left) touring "great moral principle" which reformers of the state in the 1890s every stripe could accept: "The political power of corporate monopoly must be de­ stroyed.'' Other Populist spokesmen ac­ the people to rule should receive particular cepted this "principle" and undertook to stress; the initiative and referendum, as well fit specific programs into its context. Ex- as the ballot for women, were specific planks Congressman J. L. McDonald, a former he hoped would be included in the state Democrat and the People's party candidate platform.^" for attorney-general in 1892, suggested as an At the Populist state convention of 1894, acceptable program the free coinage of sil­ held the second week in July, the party ver, "effective control or ownership of rail­ leaders encountered little difficulty in car­ roads," postal savings banks, a graduated rying through their plans. Owen was nomi­ income tax, and a national currency main­ nated for governor with a ticket made up tained without assistance from banks.^^ predominantly of men experienced in pub­ William R. Dobbyn, a Universalist clergy­ lic life. The platform was tailored to fit the man bred in New England who edited the McDonald-Dobbyn specifications: the free sophisticated Minneapolis reform weekly, coinage of silver was warmly endorsed; the Progressive Age, and who was recruited woman suffrage was advocated along with into the People's party at the close of the the initiative and referendum; government Donnelly-Fish period, felt that the right of savings banks, a graduated income and in­ heritance tax, and government ownership "* Owen's opposition to Donnelly's re-election as of railroads were commended to Congress president of the Farmers' Alliance caused some diffi­ as worthy measures; and a proposal for culty in early 1894. See Hodgson to Donnelly, Febru­ ary 2, 1894; Owen to Donnelly, February 5, 1894; "nationalization" of the liquor industry and H. G. Day to Donnelly, February 23, 28, 1894, Don­ its "management by the state without nelly Papers. Donnelly sets forth his complaints profit" was included. The governor's grain against Owen in a letter to Day, February 24, 1894 in Donnelly Letter Book. bill was not mentioned. In fact, planks on '^ Representative, January 24, 1894; McDonald to grain legislation did not go beyond the old Farm, Stock and Home, 10:110 (February 15, 1894). Alliance demand that monopolistic combi­ ""Virtually every issue of the Progressive Age of early 1894 advocated these reforms. nations should be broken up and "an abso-

December 1958 119 Debs did participate in the arbitration pro­ ceedings which resolved the issues between labor and management."" Whfle news of the Great Northern strike was unfolding, "General" Jacob S. Coxey, a Populist and Greenback reformer of Mas- silon, Ohio, was leading his "army" of un­ employed to Washington, D.C, in order to demand that Congress enact a gigan­ tic public works program to be financed by a huge legal-tender issue. Although the "army's" march to the Capital was made ridiculous when Washington police arrested the leaders for disobeying an ordinance to keep off the grass, the accessions of strength to Coxey's ranks as he moved across the

The Jaige, so runs the poet's 1a^, country aroused deep public apprehension.*" Found Fraulein MuUer iflking hay. But did not woo her for his wife The Pullman boycott originated in a dis­ And made the error of his life. Squire Owen, w'th his suffrage plank, pute between employees and management la wooing Maud to join the rank. But Maud remarka, "Well, aren't you gay, of the Pullman Corporation of Chicago, a I think I'll keep on making hay, A vote, 1 think, perhaps might suit company which manufactured sleeping cars. But, had 1 it, I'd marry Knute." The scope of the dispute broadened on June 26, when a convention of the American lutely free market for . . . cattle, wheat Railway Union voted, against the personal and other products" restored.'" counsel of Debs, to support the employees by boycotting the Pullman Corporation. ALTHOUGH SECTIONS of the Repub­ Shortly thereafter, the General Managers' lican press complimented Populism on its Association, an organization of railroad em­ ticket and platform, both of which were in­ ployers, resolved to oppose the boycott. The terpreted as giving the party a new look, result was a raflroad strike which virtuafly neither the candidates nor the program — paralyzed traffic between Chicago and the not even the free silver proposal — became West and seriously crippled transportation the crucial issue in 1894.^^ Instead the cam­ from Cincinnati to San Francisco. paign was dominated by public revulsion Accompanying the spread of the strike, to the turbulence which branded 1894 as a was a succession of events which made the memorable year. Pullman affair an extremely important mile­ Although the Pullman boycott was the stone in American labor history. On July 2 most famous of the year's disorders, it did a federal court injunction issued in Chicago not occupy the field alone. In April a strike was called against the Great Northern Rafl­ ^'Freeborn County Standard, July 18, 1894; Sf- road. The issue was a double one: the de­ Paul Globe, July 12, 1894. ™ See editorials in the Globe and the Journal, July mand of Great Northern employees that a 12, 1894. Robert C. Dunn, Republican candidate for wage cut of the previous year be repealed, state auditor, was quoted by the Freeborn County and recognition by management of the right Standard of July 25 as saying: "Owen is neither a demogogue or a crank and nothing is to be gained by of the American Railway Union, which had underestimating his vote-getting qualities." been founded by Eugene V. Debs in 1893, •''•' Ray Ginger, The Bending Cross: A Biography of to participate in the negotiations. The strike Eugene Victor Debs, 103-107 (New Brunswick, New- Jersey, 1949); Harry Barnard, Eagle Forgotten: The was successful, since the workers were Life of John Peter Altgeld, 282 (New York, 1938). granted a substantial wage increase, and '"Barnard, Life of Altgeld, 275.

120 MINNESOTA History ordered the men on strike not to take any action which would prolong the stoppage. On the grounds that the movement of mail trains was being impeded, and without bene­ fit of a request for intervention from Gov­ ernor John P. Altgeld of Illinois, President Grover Cleveland ordered federal troops into the Chicago area on July 3. Two days later Altgeld dispatched a protest to Cleveland challenging the constitutionality of the presidential order. On July 10 Debs and his chief lieutenants were arrested on the charge of conspiracy to obstruct the mails. In the meantime, serious disorders had broken out, and public excitement had mounted to a high pitch.''^ The Minnesota Populist convention, which began its deliberations on July 10, met in the shadow of these events. Under­ standably, the proceedings could not be immunized from the excitement which con­ OWEN 7vas compared by a cartoonist of 1894 ditions in Chicago were arousing through­ to Mrs. Partington, an imaginary figure ivho out the land. Nor is it surprising that the tried vainly to mop back the ocean Populists were disposed to sj^mpathize with Debs and Governor Altgeld. After brief vious Populist conventions had failed to debate, several resolutions relating to the manifest much enthusiasm for the People's boycott were passed. One declared that party, was one consideration. Then, too, it support of the American Railway Union may have been calculated that Debs' cause was compatible with devotion to law and was arousing public sympathy instead of order. Another condemned resort to vio­ terrified hostility. Because the convention lence as a means of securing justice, but was so close to the Pullman affair in point exonerated organized labor of responsibility of time, the delegates probably were influ­ "for the acts of the mob element with which enced more by the pattern of public reac­ a hireling press has falsely sought to con­ tion to the Great Northern strike than by nect it." The arrest of Debs was called "an the terror currently developing. In short, unwise and unjust step, and a dangerous it may have been considered politically wise encroachment of the federal judiciary upon to be identified with the American Railway the rights and liberties of the people." *- Union. In espousing the cause of the American There had been evidences of public Raflway Union, the convention was not, it support of the strikers during the Great may be assumed, influenced solely by a de­ Northern affair. A strike benefit ball at sire to be on the side of the angels for the Breckenridge raised three hundred dollars sake of righteousness alone. The labor vote for the union — a fairly substantial sum for which despite union representation at pre- a smafl community to contribute in 1894.*'* The Martin County Sentinel of Fairmont, " Barnard, Life of Altgeld. 280-317; Ginger, Biog­ then edited by state Senator Frank Day, as­ raphy of Debs, 121-151; Dictionary of American His­ serted in its issue for April 27, 1894, that tory, 4:381 (New York, 1940). public sympathy was "with the strikers, '- Globe, July 12. 1894. "Globe. April 25. 1894. and justly so." Railroad wages, said the

December 1958 121 Sentinel, were at the level of bare subsist­ cause. The Minneapolis Journal sounded an ence, and "so long as they [the workers] unofficial keynote on July 20, when it pro­ tamely submit ... so long wfll the heart­ claimed that "Populism is disloyal to the less corporations continue to grind them government of the ." The down." Populist legacy, editorialized the Minne­ Reaction to the boycott against George apolis Tribune on October 25, was "ruined Pullman and his company was totally dif­ credit, paralyzed commerce, internal war ferent. This was not because the sleeping and hopeless poverty." In its issue for Au­ car magnate had a more secure place in gust 31, the Martin County Sentinel re­ public affection than James J. Hill and the marked that "Populism and anarchy are Great Northern; quite the opposite was getting to be very nearly synonymous true. But the magnitude of the Puflman terms." affair, as depicted by a hysterical dafly Owen's reputation for moderation did not press, seemed so impressive that fear of shield him from attacks which in vehe­ economic paralysis — and perhaps of social mence equaled those directed at his party. revolution — overshadowed all other con­ The Journal, which hitherto had treated siderations. Again the testimony of Day's him kindly, charged on September 15 that paper is revealing. In July it observed that he was "practically as far advanced toward "The popular verdict among disinterested anarchy as Altgeld." The Tribune of Sep­ people is that the strikers are wrong in tember 21 contrasted his "dignified canvass" paralyzing the business of the whole coun­ of 1890 with the "inexcusable falsehoods" try when they have no grievance of their he was now allegedly uttering. Many own." A mass meeting at Madelia "heart­ believed that "Owen was better than his ily'' approved of President Cleveland's dis­ party,'' according to the St. Paul Globe of patch of troops to Chicago and called upon August 1, but his assertions "were as wild Governor Nelson to use "all lawful means and unsafe as the long-haired [William A.] ... to prevent the enactment of such Peffer's," Popuhst senator from Kansas. scenes as now disgrace Illinois." ** Perhaps not too much importance should The development of this reaction against be attached to the campaign polemics of a the American Railway Union did not move decade not noted for refined political expres­ Owen to modify or soften the position taken sion, but in 1894 comparison with Altgeld taken by his party at its convention. The and association with "anarchism" carried April strike had found him in complete an opprobrium not easily comprehended sympathy with the strikers. He acknowl­ two generations later. The contrast between edged that the Pullman boycott involved Owen's two campaigns is also instructive. additional issues, but they merely strength­ In 1890 there was little disposition to charge ened his previous stand. Farm, Stock and the Afliance party with disloyalty; in 1894 Home called Debs a "big-hearted, level­ every effort was made to associate Populism headed, manly man" and pointed out that with anarchy and subversion. he had opposed a boycott against Pullman up to the time his union ordered it. As if FURIOUS as this onslaught was, it did not this was not enough, Owen invited the con­ paralyze Owen's personal campaign. In fact, tempt which association with Coxey was so active was his speaking schedule that bound to bring. The latter's detention by some of his friends feared his health was federal authorities, charged Farm, Stock permanently impaired. Much of what he and Home, was the "foulest perversion of justice this country ever saw."*-'' " Martin County Sentinel (Fairmont), July 6, 20, 1894. The Republicans quickly took advantage '••Farm, Stock and Home, 10:188, 268, 284 (May 1, of Populism's self-identification with Debs' .Inly 15, August 1, 1894).

122 MINNESOTA History said is, of course, not on record, but it can be assumed that the most important ad­ dress of his campaign, delivered at Mankato in early August, sounded the basic theme of his other speeches. It was made in reply to one delivered a week earlier at the Mar­ shafl County Fair in Argyle in the heart of the Populist country by Governor Nelson, who insisted that the farm problem would take care of itself if agriculture intelligently adjusted its role to the needs of an indus­ trialized economy. Although the farmer had to take the initiative in making this adjust­ ment, said Nelson, government had two im­ portant roles to play. It should encourage better farming through experiment stations, agricultural cofleges, and the like, and it should preserve equal access to marketing and transportation facilities. Nelson also emphasized the necessity of avoiding poli­ cies like the free coinage of silver, which, he charged, impeded capital formation by threatening to rob one section of the popu­ "DOES Minnesota Want to Try This Experi­ lation for the sake of another.'*' ment?" asked a cartoon of 1894 Because his support of agricultural edu­ of all . . the demonetization of silver." cation had been consistent, Owen was bet­ These factors had changed the measure of ter able than many Populists to accept the value to such an extent that it took twice governor's argument for improved hus­ as many farm products to "buy a dollar" bandry. But there still was a clash between as had been needed twenty years before. the two candidates. The fundamental nec­ Immediate amelioration could come by re­ essity, said Owen, was to guarantee that vising the measure of value through an the fruits of better farming "accrue to and increase in the volume of money, and the remain with the farmer." Under existing most practical way to do that was to re- conditions, this was not happening; agri­ monetize silver.*' culture's cash income was declining and the In his Mankato speech, Owen did not burden of rural debt was increasing despite depart fundamentally from previous analy­ rising levels of farm production. Owen gave ses, but he did perceptibly change his em­ the usual reasons for this: "financial ma­ phasis. In 1890 "paying tribute to fictitious nipulation . . . trust and combine . . . trib­ values'' had held first priority as a cause ute paying to fictitious values, but most of economic difficulty; now the demonetiza­ tion of sflver was "most of afl responsible." '" The full text ot Nelson's speech appears in the Four years earlier. Farm, Stock and Home Journal for July 30, 1894. had expressed serious doubts about the *' For the full text of Owen's talk, see the Freeborn efficacy of free silver unaccompanied by County Standard, August 15, 1894. " For the evolution of Owen's stand on the silver other reform measures; now such reserva­ issue, see Farm, Stock and Home. 6:254, 7:84, 370, tions seemed weaker, although Owen did 10:2 (June 15, 1890; February 1, October 1, 1891; No­ not advocate converting Populism into a vember 15, 1893); and letters to the Representative. September 27, 1893; the Standard, April 3, 1895; and one-issue movement.*^ His change in atti­ the Progressive Age, May 18, 1895. tude on free silver was, of course, typical.

December 1958 123 In the mid-nineties most Midwest Populist has been the subject of much interesting leaders became increasingly preoccupied conjecture. Some observers have asserted with the currency issue. They have been that Owen would have won the election, taken to task for this; it has been asserted but the facts hardly support this conclu­ that they gullibly, or cynically, "sold out" sion, since the combined Becker-Owen total a genuine reform movement to the silver fell a few thousand short of Nelson's vote. mine owners. However, the truth is not so Adding the Prohibition vote to that of simple. Not to be ignored were the power­ Becker and Owen produces a total exceed­ ful pressures generated by the silver cause. ing Nelson's by a thin margin, but it is The free coinage proposition, which silver extremely doubtful that such a combina­ advocates were able to explain so simply tion could have held together in support of and unambiguously, appealed powerfully to a single candidate. those upon whom Populism had to depend It is, of course, clear that Owen was sup­ for support. In 1894 it was not yet clear ported by many Democrats. Before the what the ultimate attitude of the old par­ campaign got underway, some influential ties would be on the issue; in Minnesota, members of that party wanted to tender for example, both the old party platforms, him the Democratic gubernatorial nomina­ though equivocal, gave comfort to free sfl­ tion. His position on many issues was ver supporters. And if both the old parties scarcely distinguishable from that of most should give free sflver short shrift, there western Democrats. Moreover, in 1894 was the possibility that a Sflver party Democratic prospects were extremely bleak. would be created. In either event. Populist Nowhere was this more pronounced than in leaders feared, the People's party following Minnesota, where an initial minority posi­ would not stay within the fold unless they, tion, the "Cleveland depression," and in­ the leaders, remained more staunchly pro- ternal disunity combined to make the Dem­ free silver than anyone else. ocratic situation especially dismal. Some One fact stands out about Owen's show­ party spokesmen were quoted as suggesting ing in the election of 1894: in both absolute that no state ticket be placed in the race. and relative terms, he did better than any Owen, however, was not only unacceptable third-party gubernatorial candidate had to the conservative leaders who dominated done up to that time or was to do until the Minnesota Democratic party, but prob­ 1918. His total vote of 87,890 — approxi­ ably considerably more unacceptable than mately a third of the baflots cast — ex­ Nelson. This being so, Becker was nomi­ ceeded Donnelly's 1892 vote by nearly fifty nated, not as a candidate who had any thousand and surpassed his own 1890 total prospect of winning, but as insurance against an Owen victory."" by nearly thirty thousand. George L. Becker, the Democratic candidate, polled 53,584 votes — about forty thousand fewer than THE ROLE of de facto leader of the oppo­ Daniel Lawler, Becker's 1892 predecessor. sition held by Owen during Nelson's term Thus Owen was in second place, but he was far short of Knute Nelson's 147,943 votes.*" The gap between Owen's vote and that '"Legislative Manual, 1895, p. 462, 463. ""On Democratic politics, particularly the "fusion'' of his People's party running mates was question, see the Journal, August 1, 2, 6, September wide, averaging about twenty-five thousand 5, 6; the Globe. April 9, August 3, 4, 5, 9, 10; and votes in his favor. This reflected both Owen's editorials in both papers for September 4 and the Tribune of October 26, 1894. The plight of the Demo­ personal strength and Becker's weakness; crats is well reflected in P. J. Smalley's manuscript the latter ran behind his ticket by ten to "Memoirs," 247, which the author consulted through the kindness of Miss Flora Smalley of St. Paul, who fifteen thousand votes. What would have owns the original. Smalley was a Democratic leader resulted had the Democrats endorsed Owen who served as clerk of the House in 1891.

124 MINNESOTA History as governor was assumed by John Lind after Wifliam Jennings Bryan's victory in the 1896 Democratic national convention cleared the way for "top-to-bottom" fusion of Populists, Democrats, and Sflver Repub­ licans. Backed by this combination, Lind nearly won the governorship in 1896, was successful in his bid for the office in 1898, and was defeated for re-election in 1900 by an extremely narrow margin.''^ Owen's career as a politician did not end immediately, however. In 1896 he was the most influential member of Minnesota's delegation to the national People's party convention at St. Louis, where he staunch­ ly supported fusion with the Democrats. In the same year he ran for Congress from the fifth district on the Democratic-Populist ticket. Had it not been for the bitter op­ position of Donnelly, who felt that he had AVHEN Owen was defeated, he was lam­ been mistreated by his Minnesota col­ pooned as "A Disappointed Frog-Catcher" leagues at St. Louis, Owen might have of devoted followers, he became the chief been elected. As it was, he polled 21,521 sponsor of a so-called "Midroad" Populist votes to Republican 's 24,508. ticket. The miserable showing of this slate, In this race, Owen ran ahead of Bryan but which managed to poll a scant eighteen behind Lind, who carried Hennepin County hundred votes for its gubernatorial candi­ by about three thousand votes. Donnelly, date, proved beyond all doubt that Popu­ incidentally, supported both Bryan and lism as an independent movement was Lind." dead.^^ The principal issue before the Populist The last decade of Owen's life was in a state convention of 1898 was whether to sense anticlimactic. Although his paper con­ renew the 1896 fusion arrangement and tinued its customary preoccupation with support another Lind candidacy. In leading public policy issues, he virtually retired the fight for fusion, Owen clashed with from partisan politics. The old causes, now Donnefly for the last time. The latter re­ eminently respectable, found new sponsors, fused to accept the convention's verdict in and it is probably true that increases in favor of renewal. Backed by a smafl band daily press circulation limited the influence of periodicals like Farm, Stock and Home. ''Stephenson, John Lind. 105-129, 140-158, 177- But there stifl remained sufficient activity 190. °- Legislative Manual, 1897, p. 491; Journal, June for an aging man to achieve self-fulfillment. 30, July 1, 20, 22, 25, 28, August 1, 3, 12, 14, 21, 26, From the day of his arrival in Minnesota, 27, 28, 1896; Representative, July 15, 29, August 12, Owen was intensely interested in its state 1896. The latter paper was published in Minneapolis after April, 1894. university, particularly in the school and ''Legislative Manual, 1899, p. 500; Stephenson, the college of agriculture.''* As a university John Lind, 141; Representative, June 15, 1898; Trib­ regent from 1893 to 1901 and again from une, June 16, 1898; Pioneer Press, June 16, 1898. "'When he died, Owen was widely credited with 1907 to 1910, he was able to promote this having frustrated an Alliance attempt to separate the interest. He also served as president of the school and the college ot agriculture from the univer­ Minnesota state forestry board from 1901 sity. See especially the comments of T. L. Haecker, in the Tribune, February 3, 1910. to his death.

December 1958 125 While Owen is an obscure figure today, time, as he saw them, were not rooted in an his work had considerable long-range sig­ industrial revolution with new forces that nificance. It should be emphasized that dur­ had to be permanently directed by organ­ ing the years of his editorship. Farm, Stock ized society, but in the wicked machinations and Home was an exceedingly influential of "privilege hunters" who had subverted a journal. In the 1890s, as the Willmar Trib­ natural order with its own automatic con­ une of February 9, 1910, put it, "a weekly trols. His sincere commitment to the "equal home paper, a bi-monthly farm journal and rights to all, special privileges to none" possibly a religious paper with an occa­ principle suggests an antistate bias, a dis­ sional magazine was about all the current trust of big government more characteris­ literature avaflable ... in the more pro­ tic of today's so-called "conservatives" than gressive homes." An editor like Owen had of those in Owen's tradition. a "monopoly" of the minds of his readers. Yet, his vigorous opposition to the sub- Unhke him, editors of farm papers of the treasury plan and the governor's grain bifl 1950s are obliged to compete with many notwithstanding, he supported the broad other media in their efforts to reach the extension of government control. Perhaps rural reader. many of the measures he advocated were Farm, Stock and Home was successful considered temporary expedients designed chiefly because it presented a message to restore a competitive system to orderly which evoked a response from its readers. operation. But it is difficult to see in this In the 1880s and 1890s, financial depression light such programs as government-operated was breeding a sense of frustration that was transportation and communication systems, intensified by the gap between existing re­ government savings banks, or state-owned ality and the lofty expectations which had terminal elevators. It can be said of him, accompanied the settlement of the Mid­ as of most Midwest radicals of his genera­ west. Under such circumstances it was easy tion, that he failed to come to terms with to persuade many people that equality of the necessity of "adapting Hamiltonian opportunity was being destroyed and that means to Jeffersonian ends." big business was essentially villainous. Owen That such incongruities are clearer in sincerely believed in the soundness of a retrospect than they were in the 1890s goes small entrepreneur economy, in the "agrar­ without saying. Moreover, they should not ian myth," and in the values with which obscure Owen's contribution as a critic of it was identified. He also was sufficiently American development in the post-1865 gen­ skilled in the arts of communication to con­ eration. In that period, economic imbalances vince others that his point of view was were threatening equality of opportunity, correct. At the same time, he was unencum­ and a feverish preoccupation with material bered by those apocalyptic tendencies which development was endangering other values, so often destroyed or reduced the effective­ including the dignity of the individual. By ness of many reform leaders. awakening public consciousness to these Judgment on how constructively he used truths, Owen performed a service of in­ his influence depends, of course, on the van­ estimable and permanent worth. tage point from which he is viewed. Today it is easy to charge him with over simplifi­ ILLUSTRATIONS for this article were drawn from cation and to point up serious contradic­ the collections of the Minnesota Historical Society tions between the programs he advocated and from the following newspapers: page 116, Great West, August 19, 1892; pages 120, 121, 123, and 125, and the phflosophy he professed. Despite Minneapolis Journal, July 23, October 19, 26, and an innate kindliness and a love of hu­ November 8, 1894. The cartoons reproduced herewith are the work of Charles L. Bartholomew, better known manity, he was inclined to embrace a devil as "Bart," who was a nationally known local cartoon­ theory of history. The basic problems of his ist of the period.

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