Differences in the Spatial Distribution and Characteristics of Urban Beggars: the Case of the Sanglah District in Denpasar (Indonesia)

Aprilia Riszi Indah Dewi Shara, Umi Listyaningsih, Sri Rum Giyarsih

QUAESTIONES GEOGRAPHICAE 39(4) • 2020

DIFFERENCES IN THE SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION AND CHARACTERISTICS OF URBAN BEGGARS: THE CASE OF THE SANGLAH DISTRICT IN DENPASAR (INDONESIA)

Aprilia Riszi Indah Dewi Shara , Umi Listyaningsih , Sri Rum Giyarsih

Faculty of Geography, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Jalan Kaliurang, Sekip Utara, Bulaksumur Sinduadi Sleman, Senolowo, Sinduadi, Kec, Mlati, Kabupaten Sleman, Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta 5528

Manuscript received: September 12, 2020 Revised version: November 9, 2020

Shara A.R.I.D., Umi L., Giyarsih S.R., 2020. Differences in the spatial distribution and characteristics of urban beggars: The case of the Sanglah district in Denpasar (Indonesia). Quaestiones Geographicae 34(9), Bogucki Wydawnictwo Nau- kowe, Poznań, pp. 109–119. 3 tables, 4 figs.

Abstract: The study set out to analyse the differences in the characteristics and spatial distribution of urban beggars in Sanglah, Denpasar City. It employed survey research for data collection by observation, structured interviews with a questionnaire, and documentation. These data were later processed and analysed in a quantitative descriptive manner. The results show that, based on religion, there were two groups of beggars, namely Muslim and Hindu. Spatially, the Hindu beggars disregarded the religion of the people they implored, whereas the Muslim beggars would only target the houses and shops owned by Muslims. Those two class of beggars differ in languages, bagging duration, daily-earning, clothing, and sympathy-drawing strategy during the panhandling.

Keywords: characteristics of beggars, spatial distribution, urban beggars, urban poverty, Indonesia Corresponding author: Sri Rum Giyarsih, Universitas Gadjah Mada Jl. Kaliurang, Sekip Utara, Bulaksumur Sinduadi Sleman, Senolowo, Sinduadi, Kec. Mlati, Kabupaten Sleman, Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta 55281, e-mail: [email protected]

Introduction in almost every country, especially in developing one. Nigeria is one of many developing countries Begging or panhandling is not a new issue in with a similar beggar-related issue to Indonesia. urban development, but this does not mean that Bukoye (2015) confirms that the mushrooming of the existence of beggars is negligible. The situ- beggars has long been a social issue in Nigeria ation implies that the policies implemented to and has turned into the major drawback of global deal with beggars contribute to whether or not development. The same case is detected in Ghana they appear and their number grows in a region. and, according to Fuseini and Daniel (2018), the According to Thamrin and Ritonga (2018), the poverty of parents affects the number of child issue of urban beggars has never been entirely beggars in the country. solved by either the government or civil society. Begging is a phenomenon that widely dif- Broun (2010) states that begging or panhandling is fers from one context to another. It is commonly one of the antisocial patterns of behaviour found practiced to survive (Muñoz 2018). Beggars in

https://doi.org/10.2478/quageo-2020-0036 ISSN 0137-477X, eISSN 2081-6383 110 Aprilia Riszi Indah Dewi Shara, Umi Listyaningsih, Sri Rum Giyarsih urban areas in Indonesia can generally be found In general, beggars in Denpasar City come in large cities like Denpasar. The scene that the from the rural areas which are not geographi- city offers is filled with beggars panhandling for cally advantageous. Those beggars come from money in heavily congested areas like super- Muntigunung (a sub-village of Tianyar Barat) markets, markets, shops, mosques, and traffic and Pedahan (a sub-village in Tianyar Tengah, light corners (Shara 2019). Kamruzzaman and Karangasem Regency, Bali Province) (Iqbali Hakim (2015) concur that beggars may be found 2005). They lack resources to make a living, in public places, such as along transport routes, whether it is tangible resources such as arable city parks and markets. Graham and Grisard land or intangible resources such as public servic- (2019) give an example that to show generosity es. Those conditions force the villager to migrate or wealth, people drop or give coins to beggars to the nearby city to make a living (Hartomo and they meet, and this action encourages the exist- Aziz 1997). The beggars of Muntigunung, called ence of beggars today. pengemis munti, are not only found in the city but Mansour (2017) states that several factors are also other regencies in a small number. However, known to influence a person to resort to or pre- the distribution of beggars in the city continuous- fer begging. These are poverty, homelessness, ly changes with the entry of beggars from outside low education, illiteracy, unemployment, family Bali. problems, psychological causes, and economic Based on the data of the Social Service of difficulties. Khan (2018) also explains that beg- Denpasar City, East Java Province has been the ging is the last choice a person makes to deal largest contributor to the number of beggars in with poverty. In response to these underlying the city since 2012. In this year, many beggars causes, beggars exist in large cities with rapid de- were arrested on-site during the raids, and as velopment, including Denpasar City, Indonesia. seen in Table 1, this assertion is confirmed by the Several previous researches show that education data of the Social Service in 2018. is the main factor influencing poverty in Bali Table 1 shows that a large number of beggars (Endrayani, Dewi 2016; Paramita, Suresmiathi in Denpasar City, as characterised by their reli- 2012; Putri, Yuliarmi 2011; Saputra, Dewi 2010). gion, are Muslims and Hindus. The two dom- They are usually found on streets nearby traffic inant religions among the beggars in the city, lights or in centres of activity, places of worship, particularly in the Sanglah District, may create settlements, and other categorically strategic lo- a uniquely interesting phenomenon to study be- cations. Similarly, Bernstein (2019) reveals that cause they can lead to differences in the charac- beggars are commonly found in dense urban cen- teristics and spatial distribution of beggars in this tres where they can take advantage of the struc- region. From the perspective of beggars, Sanglah tural inequality of wealth and mobility between is the most ‘promising’ district in the city. Per them and tourists. Local Regulation No. 27 of 2011 on the Spatial

Table 1. General overview of beggars in Denpasar City, 2018. Variables Descriptions Religion Islam: 49, Hinduism: 22, Christianity: 2, Catholicism: 1 Sex Male: 37, Female: 35 Age 0–4: 2 35–39: 3 5–9: 1 40–44: 9 10–14: 5 45–49: 1 15–19: 1 50–54: 10 20–24: 2 55–59: 8 25–29: 1 60–64: 9 30–34: 7 65+ : 13 Locations where beggars can be Mahendradatta, Seroja, Gatsu, Sesetan, Ubung, Peguyangan, Gunung Ta- found lang, Pulau Kawe, Penatih, Pulau Moyo, Pulau Batanta, Teuku Umar, Imam Bonjol, Diponegoro, Gajah Mada, Sulawesi, Subur, A.Yani, Waturenggong, Masjid Agung Sudirman, Gunung Agung, Hayam Wuruk, Malboro, Sopu- tan, Pemogan Source: Social Service of Denpasar City, 2018. Differences in the spatial distribution and characteristics of urban beggars 111

Planning of Denpasar City in 2011–2031 Article appearance on streets as Friday is the worship 15 (service centre system in the city), Sanglah is day for Muslims and Saturday and Sunday are the designated centre for economic activity, high- public holidays. The data used in this study are er education, and regional healthcare service. In listed in Table 2. other terms, it is the downtown of Denpasar. The data will be processed and analysed fur- This study aims to analyse the difference in ther with cross-tab analysis to describe the dif- characteristics and spatial distribution among ference between beggar characteristics (Muslim beggars in Sanglah comprehensively from the beggars and Hindu beggars) and daily earned perspective of urban geography. In the longer money. term, this research is expected to provide many The choice of the Sanglah District as a study benefits, such as an input to the political- deci area was based on several reasons: sion-making process in addressing the issue of 1. Following the Local Regulation of Denpasar beggars in Denpasar City in general and Sanglah City, No. 27 of 2011 (Article 15(2)), Sanglah is in particular. a centre of economic activity, tertiary education, and regional-scale healthcare service. 2. Sanglah is a strategic area of high importance Research method in social and public services (Article 61(5) of Regulation No. 27 of 2011). The study was designed with survey research. 3. The data acquired from the Social Service of According to Goodall (1987) in Yunus (2010), sur- Denpasar City show that beggars in the city vey research is an investigation or research aimed are concentrated in Sanglah. The location of at collecting the facts of existing symptoms and the study area is presented in Figure 1. looking for factual information from a group or an area by census or sampling. Finterbusch (1983) in Yunus (2010) also explains that “a sur- Results and discussion vey is an investigation that uses questionnaires to collect data”. Based on these definitions, the re- The beggars in Sanglah, Denpasar, have dif- search used a census and a questionnaire as tools ferent characteristics, including religion. Most to collect or record data on two variables, name- of them are Muslims and Hindus. Based on the ly the characteristics and spatial distributions of results of the interviews with 41 respondents, 28 beggars in Sanglah. The characteristics were ob- of them were Muslims (68.3%), while the remain- tained through structured interviews, while the ing 13 (31.7%) were Hindus. In other terms, the spatial distributions were determined by field Muslim beggars had a larger proportion than the observation using GPS. Beggars in Sanglah were Hindu beggars. Because of their religious differ- the object or target of this quantitative research. ences, they tend to show variations in their char- This study was conducted in the Sanglah acteristics, spatial distribution, and even strate- District for two months. What was used was gies in panhandling practices. accidental sampling to select interviewees. The Based on their religion, beggars in Sanglah have population of this study is the whole beggar pop- different areas of origin. Muslim beggars come ulation found in Sanglah from 07:00 a.m. to 4:00 from several regions in East Java Province, namely p.m. (UTC+8) on the weekend (Friday–Sunday). Surabaya, Situbondo, Bondowoso, Jember, Blitar, This population was chosen because the au- Probolinggo, and Banyuwangi. Meanwhile, thor assumes a weekend is the peak of beggar all Hindu beggars are from Muntigunung and

Table 2. Data acquisition method. Variable Data Type Acquisition technique Tools Sources Characteristics of beggars Primary Interview Questionnaires Informant Spatial distribution of beggars Primary Coordinate plotting GPS Field survey Panhandling route Place visited Source: own study. 112 Aprilia Riszi Indah Dewi Shara, Umi Listyaningsih, Sri Rum Giyarsih

Fig. 1. The research location. Source: own study. Differences in the spatial distribution and characteristics of urban beggars 113

Fig. 2. The map of the panhandling routes of Muslim beggars in Sanglah. Source: primary data analysis, 2019. 114 Aprilia Riszi Indah Dewi Shara, Umi Listyaningsih, Sri Rum Giyarsih

Pedahan Hamlets, Karangasem Regency. Aside second route passes through the Diponegoro from the area of origin, beggars from these two shopping area (Jalan Diponegoro). groups of religions have different spatial distri- The difference between the two routes lies bution. Spatially, beggars choose centres of activ- in the visited healthcare facility, i.e., the second ities or crowds to panhandle for money. Khan et route has one, whereas the first route does not. al. (2016) suggest that the number of beggars in The rest of the public places, such as settlements, an area can vary by region. Generally, the target- shops, trade centres, and places of worship, are ed locations are determined by population den- found in each route. Thomassen (2015) states that sity, the frequency of wealthy communities, big beggars in Rome are seen in many churches, su- markets, and other crowded places. The sections permarkets, minimarkets, schools, ATMs, and below describe the variations in the spatial dis- magazine shops. Similarly, Mirjat et al. (2017) tribution of the panhandling locations of Muslim mention restaurants, supermarkets, recreation- and Hindu beggars. al parks, places of worship, educational institu- tions, stations, and banks as the most frequently The spatial distribution of Muslim and visited places for panhandling. Accordingly, the Hindu beggars in Sanglah practice of begging takes place in crowded areas. Based on Figure 2, Muslim beggars (red lines) During the field observation, two routes used appear to form two patterns on their begging by Muslim beggars to start their panhandling routes, while Hindu beggars (light red lines) form practices, i.e., from 07:00 a.m. WITA (Central only one pattern. The targeted areas of Hindu Indonesian Time; UTC+08.00), were identified. beggars are more scattered than their Muslim Figure 2 shows the travel routes of beggars in the counterparts, which form a clustered pattern. study area. However, their routes of panhandling were ob- Two panhandling routes of Muslim beggars served as a pattern because Hindu beggars in can be identified. The first one goes through Sanglah were larger in number and more easily the roads: Jalan Nusa Kambangan – Jalan Pulau found along these routes than Muslim beggars. Banda – Jalan Pulau Maluku – Jalan Pulau Biak In general, Muslim beggars start their activ- – Jalan Imam Bonjol – Jalan Gajah Mada – Jalan ities at 07:00 a.m.–2:00 p.m. WITA. They vis- Sulawesi – Jalan Hasanudin – Jalan Kalimantan. it settlements and shops whose owners must The second route is Jalan Pulau Kawe – Jalan be Muslims. In other words, they do not visit Pulau Timor – Jalan Pulau Bali – Jalan Pulau Nias non-Muslim traders or shop- and homeowners – Jalan Serma Made Pil – Jalan Waturenggong – due to self-restriction based on their belief. This Jalan Diponegoro – Jalan PB. Sudirman. Although rule applies to all Muslim beggars on the first and these routes do not overlap, they have similar second routes. Furthermore, Muslim beggars on characteristics. For instance, the first route - in route one ride on a pickup truck for IDR 2,000/ cludes Jalan Gadjah Mada, which is a heritage person to move from the trade centre to the shop- area functioning as a trade zone with typical old ping area on Jalan Gajah Mada. The distance be- shopping buildings in Denpasar City, while the tween the two sites is about 1.5 km, and riding

Fig. 3. Areas targeted by Muslim beggars in Sanglah. Source: personal documentation, 2019. Differences in the spatial distribution and characteristics of urban beggars 115 on a pickup truck can save time and energy. The Based on the results of the two-month survey, targeted sites in the shopping area are gold and Hindu beggars did not limit the targeted areas clothes shops. Furthermore, beggars on routes for their panhandling. This finding is contrary one and two finish their daily panhandling at to Muslim beggars who choose areas or objects some of the closest places of worship at the end owned by Muslims. In conclusion, Hindu beg- of their route. gars are more flexible than Muslim beggars in The field observation identified three mosques the places they visit. Hindu beggars do not pay used by beggars at the end of their daily panhan- attention as to whether the owners of these ob- dling activity. They were Masjid Raya Ukhuwah jects are Hindus, Muslims, Christians, or others. on route one and Masjid An-Nur dan Masjid For instance, Hindu beggars were seen asking Raya Sudirman on route two. Beggars would for money in Muslim food stalls, as well as mo- wait for the pilgrims to finish their midday bile phone stores, residential sites, and shops prayer at these mosques before returning home. owned by non-Hindus. Their unlimited selection Some of them were picked up by their families, of targeted areas is attributable to their status as while the others used public transport for USD 35 Balinese natives that come with an advantage of cents/person. Figure 3 shows some of the areas familiarity and feeling of being free to visit any targeted by Muslim beggars for panhandling for places they want. money in Sanglah. Spatially, Hindu beggars do not form a defi- On the basis of the discussion above, the nite pattern in their practice. Unlike Muslim beg- spatial distribution of beggars depends on the gars, they target areas flexibly and, therefore, characteristics of the targeted areas. These areas their practice of begging does not form a clus- have to be strategic locations where economic tered pattern. Hindu beggars also differ from and human activities take place and are situat- their Muslim counterparts in the duration of pan- ed close to one another. In connection to this, the handling. Muslim beggars start in the morning spatial distribution forms a clustered pattern, i.e., and end at noon, where they sit in silence on the where several objects form a group and are lo- terrace of the mosque while waiting for the pil- cated close to each other. The proximity of one grims to finish their worship. Meanwhile, Hindu object to another increases the panhandling effi- beggars were seen in several areas in Sanglah ciency in terms of time and energy. In line with from 8:00 a.m. until 4:00 p.m. WITA. Some of this, Sirojuzilam (2006) explains that the location them were still found in front of convenience theory is a theoretical explanation that is associ- stores, such as Indomaret or Alfamart on Jalan ated with the spatial plan of economic activity. It Nusa Kambangan, at 7:00 p.m. WITA. has always been linked to the geographical loca- Figure 4 shows the locations visited by Hindu tion of limited resources, which in turn will af- beggars in Sanglah. The irregular pattern is con- fect and impact the location of various economic cluded as the effect of no time regulation that and social activities. This theory is perceived as binds them, unlike Muslim beggars. For this rea- a representation of the phenomena occurring in son, the spatial distribution of Muslim and Hindu Denpasar City, especially in Sanglah. beggars differ in their targeted or visited objects,

Fig. 4. Areas targeted by Hindu beggars in Sanglah. Source: personal documentation, 2019. 116 Aprilia Riszi Indah Dewi Shara, Umi Listyaningsih, Sri Rum Giyarsih routes, and the duration of panhandling in one long- and short-sleeve shirts modified from day. These variations are apparent when depict- Chinese tui-khim clothes for Muslim men. ed in a map and correlated with the route of pan- Meanwhile, Hindu beggars wear tattered clothes. handling between the two groups of beggars. The field observation proved that Muslim beggars were indeed distinct from Hindu beggars, Beggar characteristics in the Sanglah District and the most noticeable difference was their clothing style. Hindu beggars carry out their panhandling Because Muslim beggars wear regular daily activities from morning until afternoon (08:00 clothing, they are not easily recognised. Without a.m.–4:00 p.m. WITA) or from afternoon until prior knowledge, people will not immediately evening (later than 10:00 a.m.–7:00 p.m. WITA). perceive them as beggars. Unlike them, Hindu The most significant difference between Muslim beggars tend to wear dirty and tattered clothes and Hindu beggars is that the latter does not visit that make them quickly recognised. Despite the the places of worship for Muslims. Also, they do distinctive clothing styles, there is a similarity be- not ask for money at Pura or Balinese Hindu tem- tween the two groups of beggars, namely a bag ple on a routine basis because this facility is used hanging on the left shoulder. The researchers during certain ceremonies only. found that almost all beggars, especially female, The interviews with Hindu beggars revealed carried a reusable shopping bag. that they did not spend much time around Sanglah. Instead, they walked along Jalan Language Teuku Umar, which is a shopping area, through In the practice of panhandling, Muslim beg- Jalan Batanta Island to reach Pemogan, South gars speak Indonesian, while Hindu beggars use Denpasar. At the time of field observation, Hindu Balinese. Religion affects how beggars commu- beggars were seen around Pemogan at 3:00 p.m. nicate with potential benefactors. In this case, WITA. Afterward, they walked to Simpang Siur Hindu beggars tend to use Balinese because it is (Dewa Ruci Intersection) in Kuta, Badung, until the local language used daily in their interaction evening. Simpang Siur is indeed very crowded with the community. As for Muslim beggars, because it is the main route to a world-renowned they use Indonesian as a communication tool be- tourist destination (Kuta Beach), some souvenir cause they do not speak Balinese regularly. shops, and the airport. On the contrary, Hindu beggars did not spend much time in Sanglah Strategy to draw sympathy because of increasingly frequent raids by the In reality, panhandling is a two-way inter- government and the mushrooming of Muslim action in which a person asks for money using beggars in the area. Aside from reduced income, various strategies to potential benefactors who panhandling for money in Sanglah means a high- decide to ignore or grant him/her money (Qiao er risk of being arrested because the Public Order et al. 2017). Therefore, a strategy to draw the Enforcers have categorised Sanglah as the cen- sympathy of potential benefactors is essential in tre of mendicancy in Denpasar City. Therefore, this practice. In the study area, Hindu beggars Hindu beggars prefer to look for crowds in other uniformly apply one strategy, that is, putting regions. on pitiful facial expression. Meanwhile, Muslim Muslim and Hindu beggars also have differ- beggars adopt various strategies, including pray- ent panhandling strategies. These strategies are ing for prospective benefactors, putting on their clothing style, language, strategy to draw sympa- pleading facial expressions, and playing musical thy, duration of panhandling, and daily earned instruments to attract attention. money. These differences are explained below. These findings are in line with Erlandsson et al. (2019). Their study has found that beggars Clothing style in Sweden sell magazines, play musical instru- Beggars wear two styles of clothing, name- ments, or ask for money from passersby while ly normal daily and tattered clothing. Muslim sitting with a mug near grocery stores. Kongoley beggars wear normal clothing, i.e., long clothes, (2017) adds that street beggars in Freetown, Sierra skirts, and headscarves for Muslim women and Leone, pretend to be sick and disguise themselves Differences in the spatial distribution and characteristics of urban beggars 117 as blind, deaf, or paralysed persons to draw sym- Muslim counterparts. Unlike Muslim beggars, pathy. Also, in Heraklion, Greece, the strategy no Hindu beggar makes less than USD 3.52 (IDR of panhandling includes sitting in shabby or tat- 50,000.00) per day. Also, 10 out of the 13 Hindu tered clothing, approaching the tourists one by beggars in Sanglah earn more than USD 7.03 (IDR one, playing music and singing world-famous 100,000.00), while the other three beggars make songs, and performing some attractions, such as USD 3.52–7.03 per day. Meanwhile, 12 out of the dressing up like Charlie Chaplin (Andriotis 2016). 28 Muslim beggars earn more than USD 7.03, 12 These entire strategies are intended to draw the of them earn USD 3.52–7.03, and the other three sympathy of prospective benefactors or to make beggars make less then USD 3.52 per day. them feel sorry and, then, give money to beggars. A previous study in Riau, Indonesia, shows a similar result which states that a beggar’s earn- Duration of panhandling ing from panhandling ranged approximately Generally, Muslim beggars work less than IDR 50,000 to 200,000 (Lestari 2014). While in eight hours a day, from morning until the mid- Surakarta, Central Java, Indonesia, panhandling day prayer. Meanwhile, Hindu beggars usual- only earn less than IDR 50,000 (Setyaningrum ly work longer. However, this research found 2014). These studies show different economic that out of the 41 respondents, only six of them conditions among places in Indonesia. However, (14.6%) worked more than eight hours, while the those earning means nothing if not linked to the remaining 35 beggars (85.4%) worked less than cost of living to know if someone falls below the eight hours. The dominance of working for less poverty line. than eight hours corresponds to the practice of According to Statistics Indonesia (BPS), the begging identified in Kumasi, Ghana. Sekyere et term of poverty describes a condition where a al. (2018) divide the beggars in Kumasi, Ghana, person’s income falls below the poverty line, into two groups, namely those panhandling be- which is the minimum amount of funds to ful- tween 5:00 and 10:00 in the morning and between fil daily needs such as food, shelter, health and 3:00 p.m. and 7:00 p.m.. In other words, the du- clothing. According to the Cost of Living Survey ration of begging in Kumasi is merely 4–5 hours. (Survey Biaya Hidup) by Statistics Indonesia, the Likewise, the beggars in Sanglah usually work minimum cost of living in Denpasar is as much for 6–7 hours. This duration has its advantage, as USD 375.37 (IDR 5,336,109.00). Hence, the i.e., the practice of begging can be conducted flex- monthly income of the beggar, which is mostly ibly, freely, and quickly. no more than USD 21.10 (IDR 3,000,000.00), is ar- guably not enough to fulfil their needs for decent Daily earned money living. Beggars cope to survive by suppressing the expenses, such as living in a slum. The results of the cross-tabulation analysis be- This condition also occurs in India. According tween the religion of the beggars and their daily to Frederick et al. (2016), the average money earned money are presented in Table 3. earned by beggars in India is Rs. 200 or IDR Based on the results of the cross-tabulation 40,000 a day. This figure is considered high, analysis in Table 3, the average money earned by therefore beggars refuse to leave panhandling Hindu beggars per day is higher than that of their as their main economic activity. This way, beggars can make easy money without much effort. Table 3. Relationship between daily earned money Malarvizhi and Geetha (2016) explain that pan- and the religion of beggars. handling has become a profession that is diffi- Religion cult to leave because it does not require a large Total Daily earned money Islam Hinduism amount of energy to earn much money. N % N % N % < IDR 50,000 3 7.3 0 0 3 7.3 IDR 50,000–100,000 13 31.7 3 7.3 16 39.0 Conclusion > IDR 100,000 12 29.3 10 24.4 22 53.7 Total 28 68.3 13 31.6 41 100 This study has identified the variations in the Source: primary data analysis, 2019. characteristics and spatial distribution of beggars 118 Aprilia Riszi Indah Dewi Shara, Umi Listyaningsih, Sri Rum Giyarsih in Sanglah, Denpasar City. 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