Recent Cases of Article 96 Consultations
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New Records of the Togo Toad, Sclerophrys Togoensis, from South-Eastern Ivory Coast
Herpetology Notes, volume 12: 501-508 (2019) (published online on 19 May 2019) New records of the Togo Toad, Sclerophrys togoensis, from south-eastern Ivory Coast Basseu Aude-Inès Gongomin1, N’Goran Germain Kouamé1,*, and Mark-Oliver Rödel2 Abstract. Reported are new records of the forest toad, Sclerophrys togoensis, from south-eastern Ivory Coast. A small population was found in the rainforest of Mabi and Yaya Classified Forests. These forests and Taï National Park in the western part of the country are the only known and remaining Ivorian habitats of this species. Sclerophrys togoensis is confined to primary and slightly degraded rainforest. Known sites should be urgently and effectively protected from further forest loss. Keywords. Amphibia, Anura, Bufonidae, Conservation, Distribution, Mabi/Yaya Classified Forests, Upper Guinea forest Introduction In Ivory Coast the known records of S. togoensis are from the Cavally and Haute Dodo Classified Forests The toad Sclerophrys togoensis (Ahl, 1924) has been (Rödel and Branch, 2002), and the Taï National Park described from Bismarckburg in Togo (Ahl, 1924). Apart and its surroundings (e.g. Ernst and Rödel, 2006; Hillers from a parasitological study (Bourgat, 1978), no recent et al., 2008), all situated in the westernmost part of the records are known from that country (Ségniagbeto et al., country (Fig. 1). During a decade of conflict, both 2007; Hillers et al., 2009). Further records have been classified forests have been deforested (P.J. Adeba, pers. published from southern Ghana (Kouamé et al., 2007; comm.), thus restricting the species known Ivorian range Hillers et al., 2009), western Ivory Coast (e.g. -
United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT) / European Union Force (EUFOR)
United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT) / European Union Force (EUFOR) Short Mission Brief I. Activity Summary: MINURCAT and EUFOR Overview The United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT), active from 2007 through 2010, was challenged from the start by the Chadian government’s minimal consent for a UN presence, which precluded the political processes essential to successful peacekeeping and eventually forced the abrupt closure of the mission. Though MINURCAT and the associated European Union Force Chad/CAR (EUFOR Chad/CAR) represent an interesting example of peacekeeping partnerships, their work was limited largely to protection of civilians and security sector training activities, without the ability to address underlying causes of conflict and instability. Regional dynamics and the Chadian government’s adept maneuvering hindered the intervention’s success in protecting vulnerable populations. Background Chad and its political fortunes have been deeply affected by regional actors since its days as a French colony. Since Chad’s independence in 1960, France, Sudan, and Libya have provided patronage, arms, support to rebel groups, and peacekeepers. Chad has hosted around 1,000 French troops in N’Djamena since the end of the colonial regime, maintaining one of three permanent French African military bases in Chad’s capital city. French and Chadian leaders place a premium on their personal relationships with one another to this day. Chad was the first country to host a peacekeeping operation from the African Union’s precursor, the Organization of African Unity, in response to a civil war between the government of President Goukouni Oueddei and the Northern Armed Forces of former Vice President Hissène Habré. -
Support Project for Youth Employability And
AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK AFRICAN DEVELOPENT FUND Public Disclosure Authorized PROJECT: SUPPORT PROJECT FOR YOUTH EMPLOYABILITY AND INTEGRATION IN GROWTH SECTORS COUNTRY: TOGO PROJECT APPRAISAL REPORT Public Disclosure Authorized OSHD DEPARTMENT October 2015 Translated Document TABLE OF CONTENTS Project Summary ..................................................................................................................... vii I. Strategic Thrust and Rationale ........................................................................................... 1 1.1 Project Linkages with Country Strategy and Objectives............................................. 1 1.2 Rationale for Bank’s Involvement .............................................................................. 2 1.3 Aid Coordination ......................................................................................................... 4 II. Project Description ............................................................................................................ 5 2.1 Project Components .................................................................................................... 5 2.2 Technical Solutions Retained and Other Alternatives Explored ................................. 6 2.3 Project Type ................................................................................................................ 6 2.4 Project Cost and Financing Arrangements.................................................................. 6 2.5 Project Target Area and Beneficiaries........................................................................ -
African Dialects
African Dialects • Adangme (Ghana ) • Afrikaans (Southern Africa ) • Akan: Asante (Ashanti) dialect (Ghana ) • Akan: Fante dialect (Ghana ) • Akan: Twi (Akwapem) dialect (Ghana ) • Amharic (Amarigna; Amarinya) (Ethiopia ) • Awing (Cameroon ) • Bakuba (Busoong, Kuba, Bushong) (Congo ) • Bambara (Mali; Senegal; Burkina ) • Bamoun (Cameroons ) • Bargu (Bariba) (Benin; Nigeria; Togo ) • Bassa (Gbasa) (Liberia ) • ici-Bemba (Wemba) (Congo; Zambia ) • Berba (Benin ) • Bihari: Mauritian Bhojpuri dialect - Latin Script (Mauritius ) • Bobo (Bwamou) (Burkina ) • Bulu (Boulou) (Cameroons ) • Chirpon-Lete-Anum (Cherepong; Guan) (Ghana ) • Ciokwe (Chokwe) (Angola; Congo ) • Creole, Indian Ocean: Mauritian dialect (Mauritius ) • Creole, Indian Ocean: Seychelles dialect (Kreol) (Seychelles ) • Dagbani (Dagbane; Dagomba) (Ghana; Togo ) • Diola (Jola) (Upper West Africa ) • Diola (Jola): Fogny (Jóola Fóoñi) dialect (The Gambia; Guinea; Senegal ) • Duala (Douala) (Cameroons ) • Dyula (Jula) (Burkina ) • Efik (Nigeria ) • Ekoi: Ejagham dialect (Cameroons; Nigeria ) • Ewe (Benin; Ghana; Togo ) • Ewe: Ge (Mina) dialect (Benin; Togo ) • Ewe: Watyi (Ouatchi, Waci) dialect (Benin; Togo ) • Ewondo (Cameroons ) • Fang (Equitorial Guinea ) • Fõ (Fon; Dahoméen) (Benin ) • Frafra (Ghana ) • Ful (Fula; Fulani; Fulfulde; Peul; Toucouleur) (West Africa ) • Ful: Torado dialect (Senegal ) • Gã: Accra dialect (Ghana; Togo ) • Gambai (Ngambai; Ngambaye) (Chad ) • olu-Ganda (Luganda) (Uganda ) • Gbaya (Baya) (Central African Republic; Cameroons; Congo ) • Gben (Ben) (Togo -
Central African Republic (C.A.R.) Appears to Have Been Settled Territory of Chad
Grids & Datums CENTRAL AFRI C AN REPUBLI C by Clifford J. Mugnier, C.P., C.M.S. “The Central African Republic (C.A.R.) appears to have been settled territory of Chad. Two years later the territory of Ubangi-Shari and from at least the 7th century on by overlapping empires, including the the military territory of Chad were merged into a single territory. The Kanem-Bornou, Ouaddai, Baguirmi, and Dafour groups based in Lake colony of Ubangi-Shari - Chad was formed in 1906 with Chad under Chad and the Upper Nile. Later, various sultanates claimed present- a regional commander at Fort-Lamy subordinate to Ubangi-Shari. The day C.A.R., using the entire Oubangui region as a slave reservoir, from commissioner general of French Congo was raised to the status of a which slaves were traded north across the Sahara and to West Africa governor generalship in 1908; and by a decree of January 15, 1910, for export by European traders. Population migration in the 18th and the name of French Equatorial Africa was given to a federation of the 19th centuries brought new migrants into the area, including the Zande, three colonies (Gabon, Middle Congo, and Ubangi-Shari - Chad), each Banda, and M’Baka-Mandjia. In 1875 the Egyptian sultan Rabah of which had its own lieutenant governor. In 1914 Chad was detached governed Upper-Oubangui, which included present-day C.A.R.” (U.S. from the colony of Ubangi-Shari and made a separate territory; full Department of State Background Notes, 2012). colonial status was conferred on Chad in 1920. -
Toward Resolving Chad's Interlocking Conflicts
Toward Resolving Chad’s Interlocking Conflicts AUTHORS Sarah Bessell, Kelly Campbell December 2008 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 Washington, DC 20036-3011 www.usip.org SYNOPSIS This USIPeace Briefing, based on a recent event, explores the internal, regional, and international components of the crisis in Chad. OVERVIEW The fragility of the Chadian government, as well as the fragmentation among Chadian civil society, political parties, and rebel movements, poses significant challenges that Chadian civil society, regional governments, African institutions and the international community must address with a coordinated strategy. Although the situation in the country is often examined through the lens of the Darfur crisis, several internal factors drive the instability in Chad and its regional actions. Thus far, efforts to address the political, security and humanitarian problems in Chad have seemed piecemeal and uncoordinated. A consensus is building that a comprehensive strategy encompassing the national, regional and international dimensions of the crisis is needed to move toward peace and stability both within Chad and between Chad and its neighbors. In October 2008, USIP and the International Peace Institute, in collaboration with Caring for Kaela, sponsored a multi-stakeholder consultation to address the political instability in Chad and its regional implications. The attendees included representatives from the Chadian diaspora, ambassadors from countries in the region, U.N. and EU representatives and experts from the non-governmental community and academia. This report summarizes the consultation’s main themes and recommendations. The first section addresses the security, political and humanitarian situation in Chad; examines the August 13 Political Agreement between the Chadian government and opposition parties and suggests ideas for the way forward. -
History, External Influence and Political Volatility in the Central African Republic (CAR)
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Journal for the Advancement of Developing Economies Economics Department 2014 History, External Influence and oliticalP Volatility in the Central African Republic (CAR) Henry Kam Kah University of Buea, Cameroon Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/jade Part of the Econometrics Commons, Growth and Development Commons, International Economics Commons, Political Economy Commons, Public Economics Commons, and the Regional Economics Commons Kam Kah, Henry, "History, External Influence and oliticalP Volatility in the Central African Republic (CAR)" (2014). Journal for the Advancement of Developing Economies. 5. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/jade/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Economics Department at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal for the Advancement of Developing Economies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Journal for the Advancement of Developing Economies 2014 Volume 3 Issue 1 ISSN:2161-8216 History, External Influence and Political Volatility in the Central African Republic (CAR) Henry Kam Kah University of Buea, Cameroon ABSTRACT This paper examines the complex involvement of neighbors and other states in the leadership or political crisis in the CAR through a content analysis. It further discusses the repercussions of this on the unity and leadership of the country. The CAR has, for a long time, been embroiled in a crisis that has impeded the unity of the country. It is a failed state in Africa to say the least, and the involvement of neighboring and other states in the crisis in one way or the other has compounded the multifarious problems of this country. -
01-14-2019 19:25___Executive Summary__The Gnassingbé Clan Has Ruled the Country Since 1967. the Demand
Munich Personal RePEc Archive BTI -2022 Togo Country Report : political and socio-economic development, 2019-2020 [enhanced author’s version] Kohnert, Dirk Institute of African Affairs, GIGA-Hamburg 28 December 2020 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/107022/ MPRA Paper No. 107022, posted 10 Apr 2021 04:25 UTC Author’s extended and annotated version of BTI 2022 – Togo Country Report’, forthcoming Togo’s Political and Socio-Economic Development (2019 – 2021) Dirk Kohnert 1 Source: “No, to 50 years more”, Africa Youth Movement statement on protest in Togo #TogoDebout/ iDA Abstract: The Gnassingbé clan has ruled the country since 1967. The demand for political alternance, constituted the major contentious issue between the government and the challengers of the Gnassingbé regime throughout the survey period. The first local elections since more than 30 years took finally place on 30 June 2019 and resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Shortly afterwards, in February 2020, the President won also the disputed presidential elections and thus consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in April 2020 and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime's key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo’s African peers, the AU and ECOWAS, followed a ‘laissez-faire’ approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. -
Togo: Thorny Transition and Misguided Aid at the Roots of Economic Misery
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Togo: Thorny transition and misguided aid at the roots of economic misery Kohnert, Dirk GIGA - Institute of African Affairs, Hamburg 8 October 2007 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/9060/ MPRA Paper No. 9060, posted 13 Jun 2008 10:14 UTC GIGA Research Programme: Transformation in the Process of Globalisation Togo: Failed transition and misguided aid at the roots of economic misery1 Dirk Kohnert October 2007 Abstract The holding of early parliamentary elections in Togo on October 14, 2007, most likely the first free and fair Togolese elections since decades, are considered internationally as a litmus test of despotic African regimes’ propensity to change towards democratization and economic prosperity. Western donors took Togo as model to test their approach of political conditionality of aid, which had been emphasised as corner stone of the joint EU-Africa strategy. Recent empirical findings on the linkage between democratization and economic performance are challenged in this paper. It is open to question, whether Togo’s expected economic consolidation and growth will be due to democratization of its institutions or to the improved external environment, notably the growing competition between global players for African natural resources. Key words: democratization, governance, economic growth, development, LDCs, Africa JEL Code: F35 - Foreign Aid; F51 - International Conflicts; Negotiations; Sanctions; F59 - International Relations and International Political Economy; O17 - Formal and Informal Sectors; Shadow Economy; Institutional Arrangements; O55 – Africa; P47 - Performance and Prospects; P48 - Political Economy; Legal Institutions; Property Rights; Z1 - Cultural Economics; Economic Sociology Dr. Dirk Kohnert is economist and Deputy Director of the Institute of African Affairs (IAA) at GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies in Hamburg, Germany, and editor of the scholarly journal ‘Afrika Spectrum’ since 1991. -
Central African Republic Country Report BTI 2006
Central African Republic Status Index Management Index (Democracy: 3.22 / Market economy: 3.14) 3.18 3.91 HDI 0.355 Population 3.9 mn GDP per capita ($, PPP) 1.089 Population growth1 2.3 % Unemployment rate - Women in Parliament - UN Education Index 0.43 Poverty2 66.6 % Gini Index 61.3 (1993) Source: UNDP: Human Development Report 2005. Figures for 2003 unless otherwise indicated. 1 Annual growth between 1975 and 2003. 2 People living below $ 1 a day (1990- 2003). A. Executive summary Following a constitutional referendum in late 2004, CAR conducted the first round of presidential elections in March 2005 and completed the second round on May 6, 2005 when voters cast their votes for legislative elections.1 These elections mark the end of a transitional period after a military takeover by General François Bozizé. Bozizé stood as a presidential candidate in the first round and succeeded to gain an absolute majority in the second round, despite declaring earlier that he would step down after the transition phase. Initially, most competitors were barred from running and only after mediation by Gabon’s President Bongo and the re-admittance of most candidate hopefuls were fair elections given a chance. The Central African Republic (CAR) is a poor country according to all traditional, albeit rather unreliable indicators, yet it is rich in natural resources such as diamonds, timber and unconfirmed recent oil discoveries. However, the sparsely populated and only marginally accessible interior suffers from extremely poor governance. After a series of unsuccessful mutinies, coup attempts and rebellions, Ange-Félix Patassé was overthrown in March 2003. -
Central African Republic – Uncertain Prospects
UNHCR Emergency and Security Service WRITENET Paper No. 14 / 2001 CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC – UNCERTAIN PROSPECTS By Paul Melly Independent Researcher, UK Revised May 2002 WriteNet is a Network of Researchers and Writers on Human Rights, Forced Migration, Ethnic and Political Conflict WriteNet is a Subsidiary of Practical Management (UK) E-mail: [email protected] THIS PAPER WAS PREPARED MAINLY ON THE BASIS OF PUBLICLY AVAILABLE INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND COMMENT. ALL SOURCES ARE CITED. THE PAPER IS NOT, AND DOES NOT PURPORT TO BE, EITHER EXHAUSTIVE WITH REGARD TO CONDITIONS IN THE COUNTRY SURVEYED, OR CONCLUSIVE AS TO THE MERITS OF ANY PARTICULAR CLAIM TO REFUGEE STATUS OR ASYLUM. THE VIEWS EXPRESSED IN THE PAPER ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR AND ARE NOT NECESSARILY THOSE OF WRITENET OR UNHCR. ISSN 1020-8429 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Introduction.....................................................................................1 2 Historical and Cultural Background............................................1 3 The Patassé Government and Military Instability......................4 3.1 The Patassé Administration: Political and Economic Tensions ..............4 3.2 The 1996-1997 Mutiny Crisis and Its Consequences................................5 4 The Crisis of 2001 ...........................................................................8 4.1 Failed Coup of May and Aftermath...........................................................8 4.2 The Aftermath and Consequences ...........................................................14 5 Factors Shaping -
Election Observation and the Question of State Sovereignty in Africa
46 DOI: 10.20940/JAE/2017/v16i1aDOI: 10.20940/JAE/2017/v16i1a3 JOURNAL3 OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS ELECTION OBSERVATION AND THE QUESTION OF STATE SOVEREIGNTY IN AFRICA Guy Cyrille Tapoko Guy Cyrille Tapoko is the Acting Head, Democracy and Electoral Assistance Unit, in the Department of Political Affairs of the African Union, Addis Ababa email: [email protected] ABSTRACT The fundamental question of whether international election observation strengthens or weakens state sovereignty in African states is examined in this article, using a three-branched hypothesis. Firstly, that the presence of international election observers in the host state does not violate state sovereignty. Secondly, that international election observation enhances democratic legitimacy in the state concerned. Thirdly, that with the advent of the right to intervene in international law, international election observation is a tool used to reinforce the legitimate sovereignty of the state. Many researchers argue that international election observation has been used to infringe state sovereignty, especially in post-conflict states. This paper presents a different view by offering a general analysis of the African continent, demonstrating that international election observation makes an invaluable contribution to restoring and reinforcing legitimate state sovereignty. Keywords: election observation, sovereignty, legitimacy INTRODUCTION Election observation in the modern world began in May 1948 when the United Nations led an election observation mission to South Korea to observe the Constituent Assembly election organised in that country. On the African continent, election observation emerged following the democratic wind of change which blew across sub-Saharan Africa after the 1990s. This change was experienced through the organisation of elections reputed to be democratic in countries which had, since their independence, been governed by the single-party system.