Article

Leviathan: Interdisciplinary Journal in English No. 1, 60-124 © The Journal Editors 2017 Framing Secular Reprints and permissions: https://tidsskrift.dk/lev DOI: 10.7146/lev.v0i1.96783 Women’s Rights in Recommendation: Sara Dybris McQuaid Contemporary ([email protected])

Britain and Beyond: 0

Challenges and

Implications

Martin Rosendal Ehlers

ABSTRACT

This thesis argues that a group of women from Muslim majority communities campaigning against Sharia law in Britain is challenging group rights multicultural discourse, and that this challenge is quite serious. The thesis’ premise is based on decentering. Instead of looking at their campaign through the lens of multicultural theory, the campaigners are given the proverbial first and last word against their intellectual adversaries. This is done for the purpose of added value – there is limited literature in the field privileging this position. The theory used consists of frame analysis with added insights from critical theory and critical discourse analysis, as power and the concept of hegemony are central to the case. It is concluded that the way the women frame their campaign and their politics does indeed challenge group rights multicultural discourse.

Keywords: Islam, Muslims, women’s rights, multiculturalism, framing, critical discourse analysis, hegemony, Sharia, discourse, Britain, universalism, Islamism

Corresponding author: Martin Rosendal Ehlers ([email protected]) Department of English, Aarhus University

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(107 6.1: Native 6.1: Native I 6.2: Universalism of Difficulties I 6.3: The P Framing Political Nature of the 6.4: The 5.3: Modood on Secularism and the Role of R the Role and 5.3: Modood on Secularism of Modood 5.4: Analysis Cowden’s and 5.5: Singh 4.6: Summing Up the Vocabulary F and Vocabulary 4.6: Summing Up the 5.1: Okin et al.’s A 5.2: Summing Up and 4.2: Patel and Southall Black Sisters Southall4.2: Patel Black and Political P and 4.3: Fitnah 4.4: Manea’s S 4.5: Framing 3.2: Islam in Britain 3.2: Islam in Britain 3.3: Sharia All for One Law and 4.1: Namazie 2.2: Critical Discourse Analysis and Critical T Critical and Analysis Discourse 2.2: Critical of Choice L and 2.3: Summing Up on Views M 3.1: Changing 2.1: Frame A 2.1: Frame

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2: Theory and M and 2: Theory Summary 1: Introduction

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ed in the present case. present the in ed than helpful, since at least 1979. least at since helpful, than right racism.right

and and Tariq Modood's writings on -

rame analysis, but also incorporates also but analysis, rame

he of he focus rights policies. right, right, and so they must walk a tightrope, - the idea that patriarchal cultures should be allowed to go

Summary in minority communities. Instead, they believe that ethnic

Is Multiculturalism Bad for Women? their their framing of secular human rights as universally applicable. On the

ralism both as academic theory and policy has been under increasing strain in Britain Britain in strain increasing under been has policy and theory academic as both ralism Muslim community instead of as women from a marginalized ethnic group. They frame frame They group. ethnic marginalized a from women as of instead community Muslim sm is hegemonic in Britain, which unjustifiably curtails the accommodation of Islam in the The The paper finds that the framing efforts of the activists provide a theoretical challenge to the In In the academic realm, the multicultural discourse they oppose has developed a theoretical More than merely attacking particular policies with which they disagree, the activists also argue argue also activists the disagree, they which with policies particular attacking merely than More paper paper argues that the current secular women's rights campaign against sharia councils and imultaneously rejecting what they see as Islamic patriarchy far and see they as patriarchy Islamic what rejecting imultaneously other other hand, the paper does not claim to predict whether their framing will actually have a palpable investigat not are that factors numerous on contingent is this as impact, political multicultural multicultural discourse that they oppose, both through their case work with victims of British sharia councils, as well as through the place of “South Asian” as the identity category to be t of the identity category Asian”“South as the place seculari legal sphere. direct In opposition to the he activists, that argues it is that appropriate “Muslim” takes extinct, as expressions of Western hegemony and colonialism. Modood is critique, more instead nuanced in arguing his that there is a radical secularism at work in Britain, and indeed that secularism and religious accommodation of Muslim minorities. Many of the writers in the book frame frame book the in writers the of Many minorities. Muslim of accommodation religious and secularism universalist human rights, and particularly primarily primarily by texts in the book framework framework that challenges the claims of the activists. In this paper, this discours accommodation accommodation of Islam resembles that of the s far empowering empowering patriarchal authority figures categories and shouldgender be the focus of rights policies. theirHowever, rejection of the political secular secular human rights values. By extension, they argue that there is nothing wrong with demanding risks accommodation religious that and values, rights human secular to adhere Britain in Muslims that their their fight in transnational and universal terms, rejecting that there is something particular Muslim about communities or people from them that should make them more or less that they have been betrayed by both the political and the academic left, which insists on seeing them seeing on insists which left, academic the and political the both by betrayed been have they that the of part as cultural and religious rights, which they view as more condescending more as view they which rights, religious and cultural in recent years, secular minority women's rights activists in Britain have been targeting defenses of observations observations as frame analysis, allows for a focus greater on exertions of power on the lexical level. multicultu While engages with. The theory and methodology is primarily based on f on based primarily is methodology and theory The with. engages insights from critical theory and critical discourse analysis, which, while making many of the same This religious group rights in Britain both challenges and is challenged by the multicultural discourse it

ISSUE 1 | LEVIATHAN | FALL 2017 an an many things, it is it means relatively less (SBS), and it was founded was it and (SBS),

r equality. bbean bbean communities combat gender related Cari - ies, sometimes with forceful critiques of their ithin British majority Muslim communities to collect testimonials collect to communities Muslim majority British ithin s and discourses under stress. discoursesunder s and d in in versions some of Islam.

Chapter 1: Chapter Introduction ’s rights critique of multiculturalism. It stands to reason that one of the rtwined rtwined with increased fears of terrorism and immigration, and particular Muslim patriarchal, this has also included a critique of religion and a defense of secular spaces, where where spaces, secular of defense a and religion of critique a included also has this patriarchal, turalism, turalism, to defend having their particular needs respected within the host society? But the

On June 24 2016, then Home Secretary Theresa May launched an inquiry into sharia councils A belief in the superiority and universal applicability of secular human rights values is at the Feminist Feminist critiques of multiculturalism emerging from minority societies are actually nothing At the same time, something curious is happening within the Muslim minority communities

working with human rights issues w issues rights human with working from Muslims who have had negative experiences with sharia councils. The first of these in the UK,in the which the at time of haswriting resulted in SBS teaming up with two other organizations serviced serviced by the SBS, this means a staunch resistance to any accommodation of sharia, the vaguely of use body law religious defined when when the law becomes religious or takes religious sentiments into account, communities the as such communities, minority Muslim traditionally from activists For space. secular heart heart of the minority women sorest points for the people occupying this position is the concept of religious arbitration. After all, religion has no sway and has no sway and no say. religion be quite be violence. This has also involved criticism of culturally legitimized modes of behavior, and a focus on focus a and behavior, of modes legitimized culturally of criticism involved also has This violence. often can religion institutionalized and cultures, many of part are religions As rights. human universal new. The oldest group discussed in this paper is the Southall Black Sisters Black Southall the is paper this in discussed oldestgroup The new. in 1979 to help women from Asian and African work against fulfilling these needs, such of in the these as gende needs, case fulfilling against work multicul most pressing needs may not be cultural at all, and sometimes certain cultural practices may even communities. Even multiculturalism is not safe from this critique, however counterintuitive this maythis counterintuitive however critique, this from safe not is multiculturalism Even communities. appear. After all, should people from marginalized minority communities not be the first to defend themselves. Increasingly, members of these communities are dissenting of what dissenting from common ideas these communitiesof are members themselves. Increasingly, it means to be a member of these communit naturally puts multicultural policie naturally different different arenas, such as the legal sphere, so when certain differences become sources of fear, it worst worst of being hotbeds for violent extremism. While multiculturalism can me generally about recognizing the rights of different groups to have their differences recognized in become become inte minority communities are being accused of not integrating well enough into the host society, and at In recent years, multiculturalism has become a hotly contested issue in the UK and the Western world Western the and UK the in issue contested hotly a become has multiculturalism years, recent In in general. Rising awareness of minority populations living in isolation from wider society has

63

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d

64 by by the , which

Fitnah is an outspoken s an insight into

Communist Party of Party Communist - aria from around the world, unities has only been subject only unities has

the Worker the Women Women and Shari’a Law Muslims Muslims Britain, which works to benefit and - . Indeed, the interviews generally read like extende like read generally interviews the Indeed, . Iranian member of member Iranian - also also adds to the understanding of the phenomena of gy behind the activists’ framing than that targeted more targeted that than framing activists’ the behind gy

, a magazine largely written by Namazie, along with the urse, and whose work underscores the transnational aspect aspect transnational underscoresthe work whose urse, and

Unveiled Unveiled Unveiled ritique ritique of multiculturalism is shared by both Namazie and Patel, who, like o center my research around Namazie, Patel, and Manea as they all present o behind the focused organizationo behind rights internationally women’s Yemeni author Elham Manea. While primarily centered on British sharia councils, the councils, sharia British on centered primarily While Manea. Elham author Yemeni - So far, criticism of multiculturalism from Muslim majority comm majority Muslim of multiculturalism from criticism So far, Namazie is als Namazie I I have chosen t To raise further awareness of the negative sides of sharia councils, Namazie started a im communities where religion holds no sway. The other organization is One Law for All minded minded people she decided to interview, such as Patel. This magazine provide - wdfunding wdfunding campaign to give British PMs copies of the book that its adherents may not be paying enough attention to the rights of individuals (Susan Moller Okin Moller (Susan individuals of rights the to attention enough paying notbe may adherents its that to limited academic attention, even as multiculturalism itself has been questioned on the very grounds grounds very the on questioned been has itself multiculturalism as even attention, academic limited to conversations conversations on leftist ideology. skepticism of multiculturalism transnationally. countries Muslimexpressing from majority women toward toward the British public and politicians, as the activists have less need to accommodate how they of pages the in views their communicate provides a more transparent look at the ideolo the at look transparent more a provides the ideology and the framing of the minority women’s rights movement at work in Britain which is more directed toward consolidating the beliefs of people who are already supporters. Hence, it between between 2013 and 2014 published like Taken together, their work gives a coherent, yet nuanced, perspective nuanced, on this a movement. coherent, work together, gives their Taken yet directly with multicultural academic disco academic multicultural with directly communities. Muslim majority of members from rights human secular universal for movement the of atheist and communist for whom a campaign against Islam in the public sphere can also be considered considered be also can sphere public the in Islam against campaign a whom for communist and atheist part of a broader political agenda, and Manea is an academic and an outsider, whose book engages roughly the same criticism of multiculturalism, but do so from different positions. Patel is an activist an is Patel positions. different from so butdo multiculturalism, of criticismsame the roughly who has long worked with minority women’s rights on the street level, Namazie Manea, Manea, believe that multiculturalism, both as policy and as academic discourse, has helped enable communities. within Muslimforces orthodox majority patriarchal and which which focuses too much on cultural rights and not enough on individual rights. This joining of acritique of sharia with a c book also contains an extensive and highly critical review of applied sh discourse, academic multicultural “essentialist” an calls Manea what of critique extended an as well as cro Swiss Muslim provide a safe space for space safe Muslims. former a provide This group is led by Maryam Namazie, a British a Namazie, Maryam by led is group This Iran who also heads the organization Council of Ex Musl matter. that for law religious of application any and law, sharia fighting to dedicated is which (OLA), organizations is Centre for Secular Space, an organization focused on creating spaces in majority

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- w Western - lam in the in lam ue that parts of the the of parts that ue rights rights multiculturalism, - ms, there is quite a lot of

oretical oretical strands essentially deal with how ns, when her Muslim mother tells her not to talk talk to not her tells mother Muslim her when ns, here may be other cases where such distinction be a may other where cases here beyond the breaking point. beyond the breaking icultural icultural discourse, merely that which is targeted by the

lticulturalism. They engage in extended critiques both of DA and critical theory provide the theoretical backing to discuss how discuss to backing theoretical the provide theory critical and DA stin and Anne Phillips 2008). In this paper, I investigate how the minority lexical level. in Meanwhile, has research analysis frame long history a of onfocusing

Despite Despite focusing on Muslim majority communities, I do not engage in theology, and hence I For For my theory, I draw upon both frame analysis and critical discourse analysis (CDA), along Multiculturalism is many things to many people, and can be understood as policy, as lived

that, based on her work, there is "no neat distinction" (2008, 18). As one member of the British ex explai Faithless to Faith organization youth religious influence begins and ends relative to the influence of culture, is a "jurisprudential red herring" (Celia herring" red "jurisprudential a is culture, of influence the to relative ends and begins influence arguing Patel distinction, this make to appear Manea and activists the do Neither 30). 2014, Kenny G. is useful, but when it comes to social life, trying to discern what religion is, and hence where its make no distinction between religion and culture. and religion culture. T no distinction between make enunciate their struggle, while C while struggle, their enunciate define exert actors power. and the different common common ground ontologically, but less common ground epistemologically. In the present case they complement each other, as the frame analysis provides a framework for discussing how the activists how social movement organizations, such as the SBS, present themselves and the issues they deal with. For example, how they interpret their grievances. Put in other ter discern how powerful actors naturalize their domination over marginalized actors, and analysis often analysis and actors, marginalized over domination their naturalize actors powerful how discern onfocuses the with the critical theory that informs the latter. Both the people talk about things, although they investigate different phenomena. CDA is generally used to in the arguments of the so labelled, and hence I chose the more neutral term “multicultural discourse.” “multicultural term neutral more the chose I hence and labelled, so the of arguments the in activists activists and Manea such as “cultural relativists” or “essentialists,” yet these imply an inherent fla should not be seen as referring to all mult activists and Manea, and hence used in this paper. I could also have employed terms used by the public public space. Hence, I use the term “multicultural discourse” to refer to discourse which promotes a termThe of groups. rights the cultural enforcing and supporting on focused multiculturalism of form concrete concrete policy, but also of the theoretical underpinnings of cultural groups Is for role greater a support who activists political leftist or academics from be this whether experience, orexperience, as a certain academic discourse. The activists and Manea focus their critique on what can be called cultural group rights mu actors without being conceptually stretched stretched conceptually without being actors academic academic vocabulary used when discussing the interaction new these of voices the accommodate cannot simply it as revision, of inneed and stunted, is cultures between Western and non academic multicultural discourse, and what the implications of this might be. I arg I be. might this of implications the what and discourse, multicultural academic et al. 1999, Moira Du women’s rights activists frame their struggle in a way that both challenges and is challenged by 65

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66 . 1986, 1986, . logy I apply. apply. I logy

(1999) which begins ovide a short discussion short a ovide

erview erview of the academic discourse ethod th in certain ways. In this paper, the

Is Multiculturalism Bad for Women? shed shed this context, the third section reviews and analyzes the 2: Theory M 2: and Theory sume that it will help their framing efforts if academic elites

tical approach to the discourse provides a further understanding of the man 1986, 21) into a framework for dealing with social movement Chapter

nalysis

oriented example, I turn to the work of the esteemed British multicultural academic Tariq - I nowI turn to the where present second chapter, the theory and I methodology will be I relying The paper is divided into four sections. The first deals with the theory and methodo and theory the with deals first The sections. four into divided is paper The

doing so motivate them to act in interest. to so motivate act them your doing 464). 464). Put framing colloquially, is fundamentally about getting people to see things your way and by organizations. organizations. As defined by Snow et al., “By rendering events or occurrences meaningful, frames al et (Snow collective” or individual whether action, guide and experience organize to function Robert D. Benford, who were among the first to develop Goffman’s concepts of frames as “schemata “schemata as frames of concepts Goffman’s develop to first the among were who Benford, D. Robert of interpretation” (Goff mobilize support by framing the problems they are dealing wi theoretical basis in regards to framing will mainly be taken from the work of David A. Snow and The sociologist Erving Goffman’s frame analysis has long been the basis of a strand of social science science social of strand a of basis the been long has analysis frame Goffman’s Erving sociologist The research that concerns itself with social movement organizations (SMOs) and how these seek to 2.1 Frame A 2.1 Frame on. empirically empirically speaking. Simply put, I as to back up their plainly presentable there are claims. and if with them, facts agree of some of the main issues the activists and Manea raise in their framing. This investigate section serves what to resources the activists can draw on in their framing, both intellectually and framing, but also how it challenges their intellectual adversaries. Finally, I pr I Finally, adversaries. intellectual their challenges it how also but framing, Modood. In both cases, a cri framing process of the activists and Manea, as it is not only their claims that are important to their that can be mobilized to defend group rights multiculturalism. Then, for a more contemporary and Britain with an essay by Okin critical of multiculturalism, responses, and a final response by Okin. followed This provides a broad ov by a number of, mostly critical, type type of multicultural discourse opposed by them. I have chosen to focus on examples here. two The first rather is Okin different et al.’s British British sharia in practice. Having establi framing efforts by the activists and Manea, while the fourth reviews and analyzes examples of the The The second deals with the context of theby efforts the framing activists and and Manea, includes an overview of some of the research done on the British Muslim experience, as well as a short look at (Halima 2016). (Halima herself justify to scripture uses also mother her but culture, Asian as construed be just could it boys, to

ISSUE 1 | LEVIATHAN | FALL 2017 o wing - 19). To take an take To 19). - me, SMOs can draw

le in political or legal life and and neither can their framing

heory course, course, and the social construction of reality” s a whole, but rather to implement some of the

itical T r framing efforts and then work backwards to discover why to discover backwards then work and efforts framing

lies, as it as lies, does such annot consider of uncompromising rejection of action, while the third, motivational framing, provides an impetus an provides framing, motivational third, the while action, of

17). - the paper, the activists are working within what we can consider a left

often the most important part of their framing. This takes place through the

Like any theory, frame analysis is not without its problems. Tautology is an issue, as the easiest the as issue, an is Tautology problems. its without not is analysis frame theory, any Like Of Of course, no SMO exists in a cultural or normative vacuum, As many SMOs seek to change some part of society they feel is unjust, “grievance

discourse, discourse, and this is where critical theory and critical discourse analysis can provide some added 2.2 Critical Discourse Analysis and C Analysis Discourse 2.2 Critical The main thing lacking in frame analysis is a developed understanding of the role of power in observations it makes that can add to our understanding of framing processes. to our understanding of framing that add it makes can observations process. process. The intention is not to use the theory a framing theory. Next, I provide a brief outline and discussion of the elements of CDA, and its parent parent its and of CDA, and outline the elements discussion provide brief of a Next, theory. framing I framing a in on goes what of understanding our to add can which theory, critical of branch theoretical (ibid. 420). And it is exactly its view of discourses as things which interact, interconnect, and struggle and interconnect, interact, which things as discourses of view its exactly is it And 420). (ibid. for meaning that enables critical discourse analysis, and the lessons of its failings, to add value t the actions of people (ibid. 418). Benford notes that the tightrope of reification and reductionism can reductionism and reificationof tightrope the thatnotes Benford 418). people of (ibid. actions the be “negotiated by focusing on human interaction, dis and and successful mobilization (Benford 1997, 412). Benford also warns that framing researchers risk viewing SMOs in an anthropomorphic manner, as if they act as entities and not are not the result of way to do research is to look at successful at is to look to do research way framing between link causal a posit finally then and framing, its with succeeded question in SMO the the demands of a marginalizedlegitimate. a of the demands group marginalized marginalized group. As such, their framing efforts run counter to the master frame of those be theirshould ostensibly closest al who in Britain, as they believe this is detrimental to women’s rights, yet British Muslims are a social justice master frame shared by parts of the left in Britain, in which the defense of marginalized of defense the which in Britain, in left the of parts by shared frame master justice social groups is considered legitimate. However, they reject giving Islam any ro frames that are widely accepted, such as rights frames in most of the world (ibid. 616 (ibid. world the of most in frames rights as such accepted, widely are that frames example from later in efforts. Hence, they must consider the master frames at play in a given context, which are defined as in a play context, master they at given which are the frames Hence, must consider efforts. to action, which also involves the “construction of the appropriate vocabularies of motive” (Snow 2000, 615 Benford and identification and attributions. In essence, assigning blame. The second, prognostic framing, proposes framing, prognostic second, The blame. assigning essence, In attributions. and identification plan a even maybe and solution a simultaneously simultaneously legitimates noncompliance” (ibid. 467). To construct such a fra problem concerns framing, diagnostic first, The three. are there which of tasks,” framing “core the on construction construction of an “injustice frame” which “defines the actions of an authority system as unjust and interpretation” is 67

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68 s and s ). To take an made made in frame they they produce as their

rson performing a certain legitimate. -

ways to understand and exert power,

get too muddled were I to use both “discourse” “discourse” both use to I were muddled too get

10). The construction of these categories refer to I as - dly of globalization from the realm of the political and

faithism” faithism” (2008, 9 art art of the natural order of things, that is if it becomes the accepted view - arnett and Namazie 2011), while for Patel, modern multiculturalism’s focus multiculturalism’s modern Patel, for while 2011), Namazie and arnett

guage guage comes down to “working different vocabularies… together into new ng ng on a multitude of theoreticians which have contributed to critical theory, Western Western cultures is an act of structuration which places a pe - Islamist Left” (B Left” Islamist - There is one more concept from CDA that will be useful in the current context, which is that of that is which context, current the in useful be will that CDA from concept more one is There To take another example, the activists and Manea use a number of ways to describe their It It is this awareness of vocabulary I borrow from CDA. Fairclough argues that the conceptual To take an example I discuss in a later chapter, applying the term “colonialist” to someone who someone to “colonialist” term the applying chapter, later a in discuss I example an take To totality of which of which constitutestotality frame. a hegemony. hegemony. The archetypal power relationship investigated in CDA is that between a hegemonic framing and their their and frames. framing on religious on rights is religious “multi their discourse, while I refer to the overarching schemata of interpretation opposition. For Namazie, the elements of the political left which she believes are to she which left pander Islamists of the political elements the Namazie, opposition. For Pro “the way. Instead, I employ a more narrow definition of discourse as the putting together of a vocabulary, a of together putting the as discourse of definition narrow more a employ I Instead, way. the behind it. This also means that my terminology would terminology my that means also This it. behind and “frame” to refer to stocks of meaning that structure our way of looking at a subject in a certain analysis analysis about the use of already existing stocks of meaning to produce new frames. analysis, Like CDA comes downframe to analyzing communication with the belief that there is some purpose articulations, articulations, and thus producing new articulations of political themes i.e. new political discourses” (2000, 89). Note that this analysis of political language matches the observation work work of political lan structuration structuration is considered p meaning. contributor of legitimate is not a that the “colonialist” contributor contributor of meaning. We can consider the position from which this is done powerful if this act of criticizes criticizes non action in a certain category, one which excludes the so labelled from being considered a legitimate either includes them as legitimate voices or as non them voices excludes as legitimate them includes either presents presents it as part of the natural order of things. Informed by this concept of power, throughout this actor between relationship the asserts which terminology of examples for looking be will I paper manages to make globalization seem inevitable by presenting it as such in his speeches (2000, 27), (2000, such in his it a as speeches presenting to make by inevitable globalization seem manages presupposition which removes a policy frien reasonable reasonable because they are part of the perceived natural order of things” (ibid. example 44 from critical discourse analysis, Fairclough argues that former Prime Minister Tony Blair 2012, 42). Drawi Haugaard argues that this form of power “works by making certain acts of structuration appear but for the purposes of this paper the important one is knowledge power, or “the relationship between relationship “the or power, knowledge is one important the paper this of purposes the for but Haugaard (Mark power” of relations of reproduction the and actors social of consciousness social the value. Within the framework of critical theory, there are many

ISSUE 1 | LEVIATHAN | FALL 2017 - of

ght ght in the relations that will that berelations

cultural ‘communities’.” cultural - at work when it comes to

cum -

n short, CDA, which does come out of the neither can be proved or disproved as long as analysts analysts as long as disproved or proved be can neither

- be questioned and resisted. and questioned be flating flating nature, understood as something at least quasi s the one that is currently given the most credence in British

utological utological

and discourses of resistance which struggle to define meaning against the 14). - ul to keep itin mind also because can potentially be applied use worksto other which SBS’s SBS’s work in British South Asian communities. He does not work explicitly within a

community (Manea 2016, 29). (Manea community

The The demotic discourse, on the other hand, is one which negotiates meaning without having to Baumann’s Baumann’s charge involves con A recent paper by Baumann casts some new light on this issue, and it does so specifically in the in specifically so does it and issue, this on light new some casts Baumann by paper recent A This focus on domination and resistance in has led to a fair amount of critique of CDA. CDA

adhere to concrete notions of ethnicity and culture. It may be better dealt with in the plural, as demotic as plural, the in with dealt better be may It culture. and ethnicity of notions concrete to adhere unified biological, biological, and culture. This is essentially the same charge Manea makes when she “essentialists,” whose refers failings involve reifying Muslims and people from to Muslim countries as some the This, he argues, results in the simple equation “Culture = community = ethnic identity = nature = (ibid. 213 culture” stylisation stylisation of ‘ethnic’ categories into ‘communities’, defined by a reified ‘culture’, protagonists ethnic forming as minorities “portray then can discourse” dominant the to Baumann, the dominant discourse i society. This discourse conflates and ultimately equates ethnicity and culture, and “From the ethnicity ethnicity and culture in Britain, the dominant and the demotic (Baumann 2015, 209). Consequently, he starts from a different point than one would using a hegemony/resistance framework. According critical critical framework, yet his findings on discourse provide some added nuance to the current topic. Baumann’s main thesis is that there are two equally effective discourses context of critique is usef critique framework. and domination/resistance a the notion of hegemony properly properly consider the context of a given discourse (Chik Collins and Peter E. Jones 2006, 52). This “anthropomorphic “anthropomorphic in its intent to dominate” (ibid. 135). I Marxist tradition (Fairclough 1995, 70), can be too ideologically frontloaded, while neglecting to centrifugal centrifugal force of the critic’s perspective” (Sara Cobb 1994, 134). This issue of assessing intent is then further exacerbated by CDA researchers’ tendency to view a given discourse as assume assume that persons may not know or may falsify their intentions,” and cut off from any empirically assess way the actual tointentions of actors, “the validity of the critique remains cau research research has been accused of relying on classically Marxist concepts, such as “false consciousness” “ta both are which “resistance,” and means” (Fairclough 1995, so it must and (Fairclough 76), means” useful useful to keep in mind going forward. To remain dominant, unstable the it hegemonic may discourse, be, however will seek to manufacture consent either through “concessions or ideological to a lesser extent by extentto a lesser the by activists so it Manea, and of poweris an understanding dominant discourse dominant. The concept of hegemony is also referenced frequently in the multicultural andliterature, 69

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70 not ays t is not normative, normative, not is t this paper is that of developed framework for - proach, as it has the added benefit benefit asproach, it the added has

the categorization of some things into

– nority rights which so far has only had limited limited had only has far so which rights nority hat is going on when ethnically defined groups groups defined ethnically when on going is hat

value oriented ap value oriented - legitimate categories. legitimate

iterature , but it lacks an attention to discourse and power, something power, and discourse to attention an lacks it but , - legitimates others,” arguing that this being the case, “we can “we case, the this being that arguing others,” legitimates - takes ideology “to mean a practical knowledge that legitimates and not things which act in and of themselves. Frame analysis also analysis Frame themselves. of and in act which things not and ves” ves” (2006, 163). This definition is compatible with the Haugaard’s elf elf sees no importance in this distinction (Baumann 2015, 216). This oice of L oice people people ethnic alliances cannot usefully start from the assumptions of the dominant - ming Up and Ch Up ming

ormed ormed by the goal of this paper to see how their framing challenges and is challenged by the When deciding which literature to focus on, I started with texts produced by the activists and

The The final concept from critical theory I include in the framework of of decentering the analyses away from established multicultural theory, to a perspective which has discourse discourse they oppose, and so I have consciously given the framing of the activists and Manea added an is fundamentally position.a It privileged Manea, Manea, and then found texts which resembled the multicultural discourse they oppose. This choice was inf success. has has a tendency to work backwards from successful framing attempts, which this paper mi avoids on conversation the by framing at attempt an at looking of describing the actions of actions the describing of which which CDA can provide. They also share the danger practitioners of have a tendency to reify their central concepts, forgetting that reification, they are really just w and both in the sense that in the social world. The strength of framing theory comes from its well organizations movement social analyzing 2.3 Sum meaning negotiate actors how with deal both they that in theories, related are CDA and analysis Frame legitimate categories categories and into non others legitimate opponents opponents and ‘truth’ to oursel definition of power since it is also based on structuration cautions cautions that “it is a characteristic of ideological discourse to attribute ideologies only to our say that all actors are ideological” (2012, 44). The strength of this definition is that i that is definition this of strength The 44). (2012, ideological” are actors all that say Dijk Van vein, same the In life. of facts merely but bad, or good ideologies consider not does it that in the definition by Haugaard, who de and relationspower of forms certain ideology. ideology. I do not spend a great deal of time discussing ideology, but it comes up in regard to the adapt definition. I concise a include to sense makes it so and Modood, as well as Manea and activists and not treat them as homogenous as homogenous them actors. not treat and discourse” (ibid. 222). In other words, to understand w understand to words, other In 222). (ibid. discourse” cooperate, we must try to understand the internal negotiations of meaning taking place within them reify reify them. The point is that groups of people continuously renegotiate their identities, and that “An analysis of multi is indeed a case where it is important to remember that we are merely naming phenomena for observable the sakesocial of being able to discuss them, and that we should be wary that we do discourses, but Baumann hims

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- n ic participation, and ic participation, ng nationalng identity, or ity ity communities, which is the

a liberal theory which promotes groups

10). These two versions of looking at the -

mmodating religion along with an emphasis on rights and and rights on emphasis with an along religion mmodating mphasizing mphasizing the importance of a collective national identity faithism” faithism” (2008, 9 - ulticulturalism Chapter 3: Chapter Background tate tate of multicultural theory. It is, however, useful to have a baseline

policies policies over time. In the case of Britain, the 1970s were dominated by ethnic fore fore becoming Prime Minister, Gordon Brown wrote that "we are waking from a once

In In more academic circles, criticism of Multiculturalism in Britain is also far from new, partly Recent British administrations have also expressed frustrations with multiculturalism. In 2007, multiculturalism. In with frustrations expressed also have administrations British Recent opment of cultural accommodation in Britain are essential to understanding the present case.

because because of a dilemma inherent to multiculturalism: being an an issue and warned that "We must not sleepwalk into separation, segregation and sectarianism" (2014). (2011). Both of them made their declarations in the context of Islamic extremism, of them and so did current in the context of made declarations Both their (2011). Islamic Prime Minister Theresa May when she held a speech in which she specifically mentioned sharia as judgement. judgement. In a speech held in Germany in 2011, he bluntly declared that multiculturalism" had failed, while also the e "doctrine of state pushed pushed communities apart" and emphasized his belief in reinvigorating a stro "Britishness," in the population (2007). His successor David Cameron was even harsher in his shortly shortly be fashionable view of multiculturalism, which, by emphasising the separate and the exclusive, simply activists and Manea. and activists position of Modood, while the other sees it as an unfortunate deviation, as is the position of the One One sees the current focus on accommodating people in terms of multiculturalism that their is more faith in line as with the an actual wishes of evolution minor of same same that Patel has dubbed “multi devel in the 2000s, there was more focus on acco on focus more was there 2000s, the in responsibilities, and intercultural dialogue (Martyn Barret 2013, 19). This last development is the structural structural issues. The solution was employment equity and cultural accommodation. The 90s saw civic multiculturalism, focused on constructive engagement and a shared sense of belonging, while multiculturalism, focusing on culture and celebration of ethnic differences, while in the econom and relations on race focused multiculturalism, which to equity changed 80s this Recent Recent times have seen changes in the discussions in multicultural academia, reflecting the changes in multicultural 3.1 Changing Views on M Views 3.1 Changing reviewing reviewing the development of multiculturalism in case. to the present and that iscriticism relevant theory multicultural Britain, along with some developments i understanding understanding of the state of multiculturalism, and so I begin the following chapter by briefly been covered less in the academic literature. This also means that I will not provide an extended review of the current s 71

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72 from from opular

diversity diversity views - multiculturalists, multiculturalists, The The Satanic Verses s. Kymlicka argues that there

e e constantly in flux (ibid. 212). A

negotiable negotiable values as “human rights, democracy, the - rds to progressive” (Dustin and Phillips 2008, 408). a perfectionist moral doctrine grounded on a commitment commitment a on grounded doctrine moral perfectionist a the term, but only because multiculturalism has been demonized so osition taken in a white paper published by the Council of Europe. It ith own theories. their ared by ared Dustin and Phillips, who argue that the best way to avoid fueling y to engage with other cultures is considered to be through intercultural dialogue intercultural through be to considered is cultures other with engage to y the world, including some in Britain, O’Neill found that Kymlicka, Taylor, and 27). As such, while acknowledging both the rights of individuals and the internal - ining ining of the rights of individuals,” particularly women (cited in Kymlicka 2011, 212). The Kymlicka Kymlicka also fears that criticizing multiculturalism risks legitimizing anti One One way forward that has been suggested is a shift from multiculturalism toward Banning Banning the novel would have negated liberal autonomy, which was important to them all, a bigotry bigotry while defending minority women’s rights is to engage “with those organizations, mostly in (ibid. 214). This view is sh that it may be useful to adopt dirty (ibid. 215). that a word countries it much in many has become is not really anything in interculturalism as a policy framework multiculturalism and concludes that that the isdifferences are purely not rhetorical (2011, 211). already He concedes covered by dynamics dynamics of cultures, it still focuses on cultures as the interacting unit respect,” and the wa the and respect,” (Barret 2013, 26 later later text released by the EU identify these non rule of law, and the recognition that all human beings have equal dignity and are entitled to equal white paper considers interculturalism superior in that it “vindicates a common core which leaves no leaves which core commona “vindicates it in that superior interculturalism considers paper white room for moral relativism” and acknowledges that all cultures ar communal communal segregation and mutual incomprehension, underm as well as having contributed to the interculturalism, interculturalism, which is the p argues that “Whilst driven by benign intentions” multiculturalism is seen as having “fostered According to this view, multiculturalism can end up being more patronizing than more patronizing accepting. to this up being view, end multiculturalism can According them along a biaxial line going from “backwa discussions of multiculturalism is that they end up propagating ordering time an same the “essentialist” at while or cultures, in contestations” “reductionist” “internal the ignores which culture, of view to maximizing a particular, culturally rooted, interpretation of the good life” which is hard to reconcile to hard is which life” good the of interpretation rooted, culturally particular, a maximizing to with practical politics (ibid. 249). Another criticism that has been levied at academic and p consideration consideration which ultimately trumped other considerations is liberalism of type of “this that is conclusion cultural recognition. O’Neill’s position was not coherent w notposition coherent was meaning that they are willing to defend differential citizenship rights based on culture. In spite of this, of spite In culture. on based rights citizenship differential defend to willing are they that meaning this although book, the of banning the against and Rushdie of defense in out came ultimately all they Walzer, three strong voices in the field of multiculturalism, had coherence” all (1999, displayed 223). poor All “theoretical three are what O’Neill calls “strong” or “liberal” in which there were calls for the banning of Rushdie’s controversial novel Muslims around rights, it can struggle with how to accommodate illiberal groups. In an analysis of the Rushdie case,

ISSUE 1 | LEVIATHAN | FALL 2017 al with it

of minority for for the more developed with the challenges they face in terms of

in the 1950s, from Africa in the 1960s, and from

as as interculturalism, have been nudging to take its place. The in Britain has long been one fraught with controversy, both in

of the migrants to Britain came from the British Empire. Under

born residents, making up 1.4 million of the population, while 9 in 10 of -

1). Of course, they still experienced racism from the majority white population of population white majority the from racism experienced still they course, 1). Of - of foreign

story story of immigration in Britain is also a history of empire. Britain has experienced 20). -

right, but also from butright, also communities. within own their - The The immigration from the colonies also meant an increased influx of Muslims to Britain, The The hi

To sum up, multiculturalism as politics is increasingly subjected to criticism in Britain and derstanding the discourse about and history of Muslims in Britain is essential to understanding the understanding to essential is Britain in Muslims of history and about discourse the derstanding

residents residents identifying as Pakistani and Bangladeshi also identified as Muslim (Office of National 453). 453). According to the 2011 census covering England and Wales, Muslims were the second largest religious group initially initially from the Indian subcontinent and Cyprus Iran and other areas producing refugees and asylum seekers in more recent times (Vellenga 2008, Britain. (Panayi 2004, 470 2004, (Panayi the British Nationality Act of 1948, which had partly been enacted to attract workers to help rebuild the British economy, they now possessed British citizenship and the civil rights that came (Panayi (Panayi 2004, 468), although this tolerance should not be confused with actual respect (Said 1978). After the Second World War, many rule. rule. Britain’s empire and colonies may actually be part multiculturalism of in the Britain, reason as colonial Britain practiced a relative tolerance towards its subjects significant significant immigration since the late 19th century, initially mostly from countries under imperial social social reality and cultural context within which the SMOs under investigation communicate to them. available are meaning existing stocks of which and immigration immigration in Britain, before exploring some of Un the existing research on the public debate. The The debate about Islam and Muslims academia and society. This section will briefly outline the history and current status of Muslim 3.2 Islam in Britain Islam 3.2 the far section section delves into the of history Muslims in Britain, along from themselves and These emerge the on their challenges terms. mainstream political own defining frameworks, frameworks, these are too perfectionist for real world application. At the same time, a move away from multiculturalism risks empowering voices who are against diversity more broadly. The next criticisms criticisms levied at multiculturalism include that it has ultimately essentializing of led cultures tothan inclusion, more and that segregation while its and theoreticians provide admirable mor beyond, beyond, and other frameworks, such (2008, 407 (2008, the voluntary sector, that can most legitimately claim to women,” such as SBS, represent who have helped the British the state craft legislation targeting forced experiences marriage 73

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74 y hailed y uslims as there simply England and Wales was 4.8 was Wales and England

Muslims proper and those who mination. mination. This tendency of

ty (2011, 209). Based on interviews with interviews on Based 209). (2011, ty looking Muslim groups to present their own their present to groups Muslim looking -

3). - right right British National Party ample opportunity to - the majority culture, not the people most affected by

with British Muslim elites, the interviewees also observed a change in change observed a also interviewees the Muslimwith British elites, white immigrants, who as a consequence of colonial history mainl history of colonial consequence a as who white immigrants, - 220). 220). These are both tendencies which can serve to make the popular and acks acks also gave the far officers officers spoke out against a white backlash to the report and admitted the - faith future. Still, faith talk future. there was mostly about, not from, M - Britishness that excludes Muslims, including portraying the niqab as incompatible with incompatible as niqab the portraying including Muslims, excludes that Britishness

noted that while Dutch politicians reacted rather harshly with demands for more assimilation more for demands with harshly rather reacted politicians Dutch while that noted

In a series of interviews series a In While it might come as no surprise that marginalized minorities have less say in the public In In a comparative study of British and Dutch public responses to Islamist extremist violence, Racism against non against Racism e e over “Britishness,” which has seen the national loyalty of British Muslims being called into

the way Muslims are discussed in Britain, notably that the label "Asian" has lost content as a political a as content lost has "Asian" label the that notably Britain, in discussed are Muslims way the political climate unwelcoming for Muslims. for unwelcoming climate political a concept of concept a British values (ibid. 214 politicians and analysis of newspaper coverage, they proceed to propagate argue whole a as journalists that while British, sufficiently feel politicians Muslims all that believe not from do parties both education sector, help shape how people view national identi national view people how shape help sector, education debat question. Varun Uberoi et al. argue that journalists and politicians, through their control over the debate, debate, it does have some serious implications. This is especially true when looking at the current multiculturalism was dominated by Brits from it. was was no Muslim “intellectual elite that could represent the Muslim community in the national public media" (ibid. 464). As such the public debate about just how the attacks should influence intensify its activity, while opening the door for forward for door the opening while activity, its intensify visions for a multi indiscriminate attempt at mass murder” (Blair 2005 cited in Velenga 2008, 459). However, the public public the However, 459). 2008, Velenga in cited 2005 (Blair murder” mass at attempt indiscriminate debate following the att had had perpetrated the violence, stating “it isn’t an ideology, it isn’t even a perverted fate, it is an from Muslim communities, the speech held by then Prime Minister Tony Blair immediately following immediately Blair Tony Minister Prime then by held speech the communities, Muslim from the 2005 London bombings drew a clear distinction between British Vellenga public public discourse, police 2004, 472 discrimination of racial (Panayi existence institutionalizing opposition to racism continued throughout the decades since, and in 1999, when the when 1999, in and since, decades the throughout continued racism to opposition institutionalizing the to term the introduced also and Britain in racism institutional revealed Inquiry Lawrence Stephen 1968 Race Relations Acts, which sought to combat discrimination in such spaces as housing and employment, and established commissions to monitor discri from Asia and Africa, prompted the Labour government of Harold Wilson to introduce the 1965 and the 1965 and introduce to Wilson Harold government of prompted the Labour Africa, and Asia from percent, up from 3 percent in 2001, albeit any future growth of the Muslim population largely depends largely population Muslim the of growth future any albeit 2001, in percent 3 from up percent, policies. immigration and refugee on future in Muslim as identifying people of percentage total The 2015). Statistics

ISSUE 1 | LEVIATHAN | FALL 2017 am issues of issues hich also resulted resulted hich also ation of Muslimness. of ation

year old community organizer from old community year - 6). Both women are essentially caught - ation ation of what it means to be Muslim and

lture. lture. Clothing being so central to many Muslims’ ing primarily defined by their religion, not other

57). - on the other. In some cases, Muslim and British, or at least least at or British, and Muslim cases, some In other. the on

6). Taken together, the interviews suggest that the identity of - umber umber of properties which they fail to possess. They are not British 8). A central point here is that we are still talking about the same - displayed displayed a general dislike of politicians and the media presenting ision meant that she repeatedly had to defend her decision and assert her ifferent things find the notion of the “Muslim community” “uniformly imposed Islam (Louise Ryan 2011, 1049 (Louise Ryan Islam

Particularly this last point is interesting. One women, 40 a One interesting. is this last point Particularly However Muslims are portrayed, one thing that should be clear by now is that they are popularly are they that is now by clear be should that thing one portrayed, are Muslims However The The interviewees also

are “good” on one measure they fall short fall they measure one on “good” are somewhat identities incompatible. at least seem “Western,” broadly in her status as a good Muslim being questioned (Ibid. 1055 between different conceptions of normal, conceptions which also carry moral connotations. If they to wear both a hijab and “Western” clothes, such as pants and high heeled shoes, w shoes, heeled and high pants such as clothes, “Western” and hijab both a to wear by by the Taliban. This dec chose instead activist, community Somali a interviewee, Another believers. fellow her to Muslimness Afghanistan, Afghanistan, decided not to wear the hijab because she associated it with the oppression carried out too Muslim, while making others feel that they are not Muslim enough, all depending on different of versions the one imposed on them by their religion and cu identity also played a role, as women who wear the hijab can make some people think that they are normalcy unprompted, but they also had different understandings of normalcy. They had to navigate They of normalcy. had different unprompted, understandings also but they normalcy at least two different conceptions of the“normal,” one imposed on them by the society majority and enough, enough, they are not English enough, they are not white enough. In short, they are not normal. In up brought interviewees the of several London, in living women Muslim 31 with interviews considered considered as contrasting to a n externally as 1715). (ibid. as homogenousa identity” externally communities. But despite this contested construction of Muslimness, individuals for whom “Muslim” “Muslim” whom for individuals Muslimness, of construction contested this despite But communities. may mean entirely d Muslims has developed over time, but also that the negoti the importance of that identity marker relative to others is continuously negotiated within Muslim may may be emerging in pockets with dubious claims of authenticity, propagating an austere, restrictive, Wahabist theology” (ibid. 1702 Muslims as some sort of homogenous community. They were, however, not the only ones who made who ones only the not however, were, They community. homogenous of sort some as Muslims this mistake, as one academic “feared that a homogenized, ahistorical and notionally global Isl identified as black, then Asian, then Muslim, then finally terrorist (ibid. 1703). then then Muslim, finally black, Asian, then as identified individuals and the same communities now be possible identity signifiers. One of the anonymous politicians interviewed notes that he used to be Venertia Venertia Evergeti 2010, 1697 racializ a to led also has which "Muslim," by replaced been largely and category This Muslimness is framed as in opposition to whiteness or Britishness (Waqar I. U. Ahmad and 75

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t 76 VI). - Muslims Muslims ected ected and -

ernment’s Muslims report report Muslims - Muslims and non

right, right, have stoked fears of an - terrorism measures are contributing are terrorism measures terrorism may be contributing to the to contributing be may terrorism - - fear fear of Islamization is central to this

of speech and can easily fall into political political into fall easily can and speech of

t he is referring to the white, native born 32). The -

terrorism, "Counter - 52). discussion of the research outlined, and Bonino’s paper in - - terrorism efforts quite differently. While non While differently. quite efforts terrorism - meta amework amework with the white majority culture as hegemonic may not

s that they are being treated as a ‘suspect community’ and targeted 2). Judging from the interviews discussed above, this is something many - ding the of labelling Muslims as terrorists, a from thereport Equality Humanand Rights

terrorism strategy been literature. in the so controversialhas and both media terrorism in the strategy them into a suspect community, which means that simply being Muslim makes one a target - Croft’s Croft’s argument is that elites, and in particular those on the far Before Before moving on to a short Stefano Stefano Bonino argues that “The sanctioning of praise and glorification of terrorism under the Regar The struggle of these women to fit in provides a good example of why viewing minority issuesminority viewing why of example good a provides in fit to womenthese of struggle The ncompatible ncompatible with British values. This has the effect of "insecuritizing a whole identity," turning Britain’s Britain’s Muslim population into a group of scary “others” who not only fail to values, share but are legitimate directly opposed to them (2012, 230 eventual eventual Islamification of Britain, linking religious acts, such as wearing a scarf, with an identity i majority. communication communication by politicians and the media suggests tha who should be controlled and/or feared (2012, 220). He never clearly defines what this dominant power is in the British context, but his focus on definitions of ”Britishness” (ibid. 220) and particular, it is worth expanding on this idea of Muslims in general being framed as a security threat. security a as framed being general in of Muslims on this idea it is worth expanding particular, Stuart Croft suggests that the dominant power in a society can decide who should be prot Muslims seem painfully of. aware Muslims painfully seem turning turning of scrutiny (ibid. 390 manipulation” as what exactly constitutes “praise and glorification” is not clearly defined (2013, 386). 386). (2013, defined clearly not is glorification” and “praise constitutes exactly what as manipulation” Bonino also warns that when Muslim communities are talked about in terms of security, it ends up Terrorism Act 2006 risks endangering individuals’ freedom individuals’ endangering risks 2006 Act Terrorism counter by authorities simply because of their religion” (Tufyal Choudhury and Helen Fenwick 2011, V 2011, Fenwick Helen and Choudhury (Tufyal religion” their of because simply authorities by This is a rather problematic development, and it is part of the reason why the British gov not feeling much of an impact from counter from much of impact an not feeling to a wider sense among Muslim disenfranchisement disenfranchisement of British Muslims. The report finds that British counter state’s the experience to appear Commission suggests that the government’s approach to counter to approach government’s the that suggests Commission interviewees interviewees feel targeted by the media, with three of them making deliberate attempts to show that terrorists (ibid. 1050 not all Muslims are Muslimness and ideas many about how important doing so is. Exercises of power determining wha is legitimate or not are exerted both on the communal and societal levels. That said, several of the in a binary dominator/dominated fr in all cases. accurate be that Muslims, among different ways many It is clear are of performing there

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456). 456). As the - sh values being being sh values ique. right movements, right - ot only shows how public like like this, which share their skepticism of ontrolling, unitary (this being c - arly arly felt by women, who often express their ut Tahrir at one point held a seminar discussing seminar a held point one at Tahrir ut - extremist Muslims (Andrew Brindle 2016, 453 ). Indeed, if all believers of all variations of Islam could identify could Islam of variations all of believers all if Indeed, ). - esearchers should not reify certain categories certain of people. should not reify esearchers

(EDL). (EDL). Some adherents of EDL fear sharia law spreading throughout

ms is also apparent in one of Britain’s most prominent far prominent most Britain’s of one in apparent also is ms

ty ty level by Muslim women, where it is propagated by other Muslims. Finally, that the democratic states exert a strong action disciplinary and cohesive”) “socially as labelled hastily too sometimes social through the monopolistic mass production of meanings, processes of ices ices on a larger scale, this can also lead to research based on a stark dominated/dominator While it certainly important to deal with the adverse effects of the discourse of the powerful There are certainly issues with how both the media, politicians, and certain political movements movements political certain and politicians, media, the both how with issues certainly are There Note, however, that it is not merely white elites who propagate the idea of Briti idea the propagate who white elites not merely it is that however, Note, This view of Musli of view This English Defense League

the understanding that the understanding binary, binary, with the whole of the demographicmajority being cast as the dominator. Bonino argues that majority, majority, if only for the simple reason that its members actually have prejud the power to act on their also function as a warning that r a as function also perceptions perceptions of minorities can change. Even if could defining above outlined tensions the appealing, be can maker identity Muslims particular other some or ethnicity, mainly by their religion, their externally externally imposed identity of Muslims has changed so much, from being identified ethnically to being identified by religion and in the worst cases as a security threat, n Muslimness and Britishness does not only come from the white majority, but is also experienced on the communi being being part of the whole, a difference that is particul religion quite visibly through their clothing. But the notion that there are clear differences between discuss British Muslims. British Muslims are presented as somehow in opposition to Britishness, to this regard. Next, I will sum up the literature outlined above and provide a a provide short crit outlinedand above will Next, sum literature up the this regard. I buying a house to marriage (2013, 229 (2013, marriage to house a buying no difference between British and Islamic values there would be scant need for multiculturalism in opposed to Muslim values. Croft also notes that Hizb that notes also Croft values. Muslim to opposed from situations, different handle would values Islamic with one and values British with Muslim a how seeks to distinguish itself to from. distinguish seeks section section on One Law for All will show, it is exactly groups sharia and Muslim political assertiveness but nest it in a xenophobic framework, the organization nationalism” that frames a civilized, white Western world as opposed to an intolerant and backwards and to an intolerant opposed as world Western white civilized, a frames that nationalism” Islam that makes little room for non the Britain and affecting them, while the movement as a whole espouses an “assertive cultur impose to seek actively but values different their of way by strange only not are Muslims If narrative. threat. become a merely curious. being They cease whole they on the Britain, of values these 77

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78 cial cial part

Brechin its its egal pluralism 9/11 nation state - though though the Arbitration Act of 1996, which is hold significant sway in their communities,

gesting gesting democratic states, here meaning Britain, are heritance, heritance, the word of the council could be used in a civil h to divorce proceedings. This paper includes a second section This second paper a includes h to divorce proceedings.

n communities. pervasiveness pervasiveness and political reconceptualisation of the post 387) (2013, subjectification and exclusive control over the limits of legitimate opinion f opinion legitimate of limits the over control exclusive and subjectification extremely well within critical discourses aimed at understanding the social 302). 302). The other major sharia council in Britain, the Muslim Arbitration Tribunal (MAT), - However little sharia councils may actually be able to legally enforce their advice and decisions, and advice their enforce legally to able be actually may councils sharia little However

Fittingly, the last section of this chapter outlines the actual practice of sharia councils in Britain, in councils sharia of practice actual the outlines chapter this of section last the Fittingly, One One would be hard pressed to argue against democratic states exerting some sort of so ing ing place. This is of course a definitional issue. According to Samia Bano, “l is tak considering considering that they are able to initiate and end religious marriages. It can also be argued that the limited power bestowed legal to them vis a civil vis the courts does not mean that no pluralism legal one one must not forget that the people manning them example, it suggests that in the case of in (Muslim Arbitration 2015). law Tribunal of court 2013, 301 For Act. Arbitration the by financial the to confined still but arbitration, binding legally practice does it is possible to contract out of the ability to appeal the arbitration decision in domestic courts ( courts domestic in decision arbitration the appeal to ability the of out contract to possible is it deal deal with having anything to do with civil law at all. Al decisions, arbitration in interfere to ability state’s the limits transactions, financial for intended mainly and and has since then offered mediation to British necessarily Muslims, they that although mean not does its This 2017). Council primary Sharia (Islamic function divorces Islamic has with dealing been 3.3 Sharia in Britain 3.3 Sharia The first official sharia council in Britain, the Sharia Council was Islamic established (ISC) in 1982, chapter instead of here. chapter of people who have had negative experiences with the councils. However, that research is also of the activists’ and Manea’s framing, and so that section appears toward the end of the following on sharia councils which focuses on the research by the activists and Manea, including testimonials drawing mostly on research by Jessie Brechin (2013), but also including a paper by a member of one one of member a by paper a including also but (2013), Jessie Brechin by research on mostly drawing his approac explaining councils of the and their ow their and somehow somehow particularly malevolent. Clearly, the women navigating Muslimness and Britishness in population majority the bothfrom them at coming influences, different tomany exposed are London not all, states, and indeed any discourse community. The issue is that Bonino never qualifies this observation and merely lets it stand alone, sug control through the cited means, but it would be facetious to claim that this cannot be said of most, if most, of said be cannot this that claim to facetious be would it but means, cited the through control

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court tiated by tiated cisions in r. What is important

ouncil’s decision on what constitutes what decisionon ouncil’s d and affords markedly less agency to involved. This, however, could only fall only could however, This, involved.

law lications was domestic violence, which totaled totaled which violence, domestic was lications

which which translates roughly to “I divorce you.” There are a generally award generally custody to the mother after a divorce, but that ily law in Islamabad in 2014. Hasan is a scholar at the ISC in Layton, Layton, in ISC the at scholar a is Hasan 2014. in Islamabad in law ily ia. Islam is a religion that has been interpreted and reinterpreted so many many so reinterpreted and interpreted been has that religion a is Islam ia. make decisions based on divine divine on based decisions make

In her study of the application of sharia law in the UK, Brechin argues that there are both good are there that argues the Brechin UK, in law sharia of the application of study her In There isThere one extra step to the proceedings that appear problematic in terms of equality.gender According to the process described by Hasan, the procedure for a religious divorce ini divorce religious a for the procedure Hasan, by described process the to According I will not engage in theological discussions about Islam and what would be an appropriate way appropriate an be would what and Islam about discussions theological in engage not will I

usband usband is invited to respond to, before entering into a mediation process where the council their their favor legitimate within an Islamic framework and the threat of going against them will anger and and bad sides to the practice. On the one hand, sharia helps women because it makes de women, and the must numerous reason given in the app the in given reason numerous must the and women, (ibid.). the cases 199 of notes that in notes that 2010, there 116 forwere applications divorce made men by as to opposed 584 made by solemn declaration that she will allow the father to see his children under the terms of judgement” any (Hasan 2014). This should be seen in the light of the fact that in the same paper, Hasan Hasan Hasan states that the civil courts will even though the ISC is not permitted to deal with family issues, “it will ask the mother to sign a the initiating party than is the case with a male initiated divorce (Hasan 2014). (Hasan with a male than is divorce initiated party the case the initiating determines determines whether or not to grant her the divorce. Again, this is divided into a few more steps, but the main point is that the process is decidedly more convolute divorce, divorce, she must first submit an application containing valid reasons for the divorce, h which the to divorce by uttering “talaq” three times, few other steps, but the process is largely unilateral. On the other hand, when a woman initiates a a a woman is significantly more convoluted than one initiated by man. In the case of a male initiated intent his declared already has man the whether determine to interview an attends couple the divorce, submitted to a conference on fam on conference a to submitted the council. of by used those representative should procedures be so his divorce definition of and is what is being legitimized by appeals to religion, so instead of looking broadly at what sharia law can potentially be, I instead use the procedure for divorce as defined by Suhaib Hasan in a paper he times that it would not be reasonable to claim that something “is Islam” sociologically speaking, and speaking, sociologically “is Islam” that something to claim reasonable be not would it that times even then such a discussion would be beyond the theoretical scope of this pape to interpret and exercise shar exercise and interpret to body which purports to purports which body pluralism. softestdefinition legal of within the very the best course of action in a given situation nevertheless may be enforced by not social pressure that be goes beyond mere legally norms, since there binding is actually a in civil court, it can recognition or legitimacy” (2009, 412). That is, while a sharia c a while is, That 412). (2009, legitimacy” or recognition recognizes multiple forms of ordering and bodies of rules which may individuals be but central which to the are lives not of in themselves dependent upon the state or state law relations for 79

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80 the Sharia courts is a

d considerable power, multicultural position has

s and Manea s and

e also remarks that e remarks also

ecision being legitimized by the religion of her community. her of religion the by legitimized being ecision

. In the following chapter, I review and discuss the framing work and a a particular focus on sharia law. The “About” section on OLA’s website is

Chapter 4: ActivistChapter The e factors that lead to the election of religious arbitration are preciselyreligious are that of arbitration e lead election factors to the he he sharia councils’ legal power is essentially limited to overseeing financial

equality and fairness would be enforced in the secular courts, because in many in because courts, secular the in enforced be would fairness and equality th cases those that would stop litigants from appealing to the state system to enforce decision a (ibid. 301). or quash It It is not enough to rely on the assumption that no arbitration agreement or award that was so incompatible with generally accepted levels of gender In In short, t this, spite any concludes of that In and convinced “coherent Brechin

40), which would be difficult under current conditions since neither the ISC or MAT publicize - “Sharia “Sharia law is unfair and unjust in civil matters,” and “The voluntary nature of straightforward straightforward with its criticism of sharia, with headlines reading “Sharia law is discriminatory,” Barnett Barnett and Namazie 2011) and has been campaigning against religious arbitration in Britain since its establishment, with 4.1 Namazie and One Law for All Law One and 4.1 Namazie (Adam Day Rights Human International on 2008 10 December founded was (OLA) All for Law One scope of their in the public sphere. religion of their of rejection scope by by the activists and Manea by research the activists and Manea, both as it pertains to sharia councils, but also the much broader albeit albeit on a local scale. In addition, going by the divorce proceedings detailed in Hasan’s paper, they them at leveled critiques primary the of one is this Indeed, equality. gender with issues have to appear transactions, transactions, yet since they occupy a place of authority in their communities jurisdiction goes and beyond their their legal one, religious they still have the potential to wiel their records. their to embrace legal pluralism,” but also that this would have to take place with greater regulation (2013, (2013, regulation greater with place take to have would this that also but pluralism,” legal embrace to 313 same same community and could hence be out of a job if he/she is not considered faithful enough (ibid. sh and coercion, free of choice topic On the 300). use use them must also be free. When a person lives in a community that enforces religious norms, choice to use religious arbitration cannot be said to be free, particularly if that person works in the her way, there is the added benefit of her d her of benefit added the is there way, her On the other hand, to justify sharia councils within a liberal multicultural framework, the choice to their god (2013, 299). As such, even if the procedure for a divorce is patriarchal, if the woman gets

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those

apparent apparent

ents ents the core of the argues argues that “Sharia law doesn’t promote living in Britain, there must be there in Britain, living

of not merely mediating but of demanding certain demanding of but mediating merely not of

a woman’s testimony is worth half that of a man’s; a woman’s a man’s; a of that half worth is testimony woman’s a

equality and respect are for people, not beliefs. In a In beliefs. not people, for are respect and equality plicit criticism of multiculturalism. This is interesting coming

hile hile the organization was founded to combat sharia councils in of society and “segregation of immigrant communities,” and “ensures that immigrants that “ensures and communities,” immigrant of “segregation and society of one secular law for all and no Sharia (ibid.). for and all secular law no Sharia one Rights, justice, inclusion, justice, Rights, civil society, people must have full citizenship rights and equality under the law. Clearly, Sharia law contravenes fundamental human rights. In order to those of all and freedoms rights the safeguard When the group aggressively frames minority rights as best fought for through the pursuit of While it is not stated outright, the first sentence effectively argues for disregarding the group

This leads to the other part of their framing, which

protection protection in society” (ibid.). W broadly. in influence communities more orthodox aim at minority it takes Britain, Islamic tribunals tribunals avoid have been fought for over centuries in order to improve the rights of those most in need of aim to earlier earlier in the text when the group states that “Many of the laws that Sharia courts and religious from from what is ostensibly a minority women’s right group, but it is a view that is apparent throughout the group’s communication. It also hints at the organization’s transnational framing, also individual rights, there is also an im rights rights of religious belief in individuals. favor all for law secular universal, a of of superiority the champions which individualagenda, organization’s rights, while the last cem based on religious beliefs, stating that beliefs, on religious stating based fragmentation fragmentation rightsrejects never and minorities remain citizens” (ibid.). The forever equal group new arrivals and minority rights and social cohesion” (One Law for All 2016). The organization outright dismisses the dismisses outright organization The 2016). All for Law (One cohesion” social and rights minority claim that “Sharia law is necessary to defend minority rights,” arguing that it instead leads to the coercion and social control against a vulnerable vulnerable control a social against group. and coercion “council,” implying that sharia councils are capable are councils sharia that implying “council,” things of their fellow Muslims. In other words, they frame sharia councils as being vehicles of dealt dealt with by Sharia courts are from the most marginalised segments of society with knowledge of little their or rights under no British law” (ibid.). Note their use of the word “court” instead of marriage marriage contract is between her male guardian and her husband” (ibid.). In addition to the legal issues, they also claim that sharia councils are anything but voluntary, as “In reality, many of itself, claiming that “Under Sharia law Sharia “Under that claiming itself, sham” (One Law for All 2016). This suggests the first strand of OLA’s framing, that sharia law and sharia courts propagate unequal treatment of women. On the one hand, they criticize sharia law in 81

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82 based ention ention - right right as - has has spoken in

inspired inspired interv - loving loving humanity over colonialist” worldview worldview colonialist” - - political political position. They right on the grounds that it, - ” ” or as “contributing to ‘the far

rames rames the opposition to religious right right (Barnett and Namazie 2011, -

ics of betrayal” by denying universalism Muslims Muslims Britain, Namazie - bloggers bloggers killed by Islamists and UK

these include fighting against the religious right, racism right, religious the against fighting include these

– estrained estrained by free thinking and freedom

Islamist Islamist andLeft” one on the far - press press release on the same topic, Namazie rejects the far right. In response to this precarious political situation, OLA has released both released has OLA situation, political precarious this to response In right. - 65). In a - justice on multiple fronts fronts multiple on justice h far h lamism, a difference the left does not see, as the only authentic Muslim to them is the is them to Muslim authentic only the as see, not does left the difference a lamism, instead the views conflict as between global, “theocrats the right onand religious the

These These standpoints put Namazie and her organization in a conflicted Namazie In In an opinion piece in The Guardian, Namazie argues against people being called racists or In In her capacity as spokesperson for Council of Ex versions versions of Islam and actually consider Muslims at the forefront of battling Islamism (Miller and Namazie 2013, 64 John Miller and Namazie 2013). The organization rejects the British as opposed to them, is against Muslims and immigrants, while OLA is only opposed to politicized things as the Britis the as things a report on what it calls the “pro allies allies on the left difficult. Adding insult to injury, they find themselves criticizing many of the same consider themselves leftists, but their criticism of a, locally speaking, minority religion makes finding makes religion minority speaking, locally a, of criticism their but leftists, themselves consider accommodation accommodation from an issue of minority rights a right. values against religious and secularism enlightenment into a broader political struggle which pits and xenophobia,and fascism stripes,of all the UK on restrictions as government’s liberties, civil aswell for free expression” (Namazie 2015). In other words, Namazie ref challenged challenged by an enlightenment, not reformation,” and that the left and its values must be reclaimed “social for fight to fight, fight, she argues, “postmodernist ‘leftists’” practice “polit and “seeing rights, equality and secularism as “western.” She suggest that Islamism “must be one hand, and secularists and those fighting for social justice on the other.” Instead of helping in this in this of helping Instead the other.” social on for justice fighting those and secularists and hand, one demonisation of Muslims’” (ibid.). Muslims’” of demonisation Islamist. She, on the other hand, rejects what she considers a misguided “anti misguided a considers she what rejects hand, other the on She, Islamist. which homogenizes Muslims and labels dissenters “native informants and and Muslims, one being political religion and the other being personal, arguing that many Muslims of Is critical are transnational transnational perspective, mentioning Bangladeshi Bangladeshi bloggers having been placed on death lists. She makes a distinction between Islamism Islamophobes Islamophobes for voicing “legitimate outrage against Islamism” (Namazie 2015). She puts this in a OLA, OLA, she considers all religious intervention in people’s lives bad, but Islam the worst. such, such, but most religions have been r hundreds of This oneyears. was never restrained, or controlled” (ibid.). Consistent with her work in harsh harsh terms about Islam at an atheist conference in 2011, where she called it “the religion of death” (Namazie 2011). It should be noted that she added that she believes that “In reality all religions are

ISSUE 1 | LEVIATHAN | FALL 2017 rticles rticles right. right. The nsnational nsnational -

Not

ch ch fits poorly with both as the EDL [English EDL the as

– n acknowledgement of racism

out a clash of civilisations between a

Caribbean Caribbean and Asian women, in the midst -

based based SBS, which nevertheless also display a tra - right right may have entirely different worldviews, but their categorizing of racist activity. We consciously adopted a secular feminist nd, as I will demonstrate next, SBS, it is entirely mistaken to be centering centering be to mistaken entirely is it SBS, next, demonstrate will I as nd, - - i Right Right on the one hand and secularists and democrats, including - right inright Britain. From OLA’s minority secular women’s perspective, right the - racist racist movements and the absence of a - ople’s “culture” is not based on their immigration or citizenship status. citizenship or immigration their on based not is “culture” ople’s within white feminist movements had resulted in the invisibility of black and black of invisibility the in resulted had movements feminist white within 2008, (Patel women 10). minority of intense ant identity, one based on a shared history of racism and religious patriarchal control. The absence of the recognition of gender power relations within the anti Southall Black Sisters (S.B.S.) first set up in 1979, initially as a campaigning a as in1979, initially up set (S.B.S.) first Sisters Black Southall organisation comprising African

regressive regressive theocrat. This is not ab regressive “east” and a secularist “west” but a clash between theocrats and the religious (ibid.) on the other Muslims immigrants and pe values enlightenment represents European white every Defense Front] clearly proves. Nor is every immigrant or minority a

left the and far -

For Namazie, OLA, a OLA, Namazie, For

Patel and Southall Black Sisters Black andSouthall Patel

provide good sources for discussing the framing to Patel: work the framing According SBS. for good sources of discussing provide Pragna Patel has been published in academic journals discussing the history of Southall Black Sisters, Black Southall of history the discussing journals academic in published been has Patel Pragna the organization’s mission statements, and the issues it has faced through the years. These a 4.2 on to the more locally oriented London awareness. British British and the Islamic far people into “cultures” and oppressing those who oppose them is considered the same. Next, I move EDL EDL and Islamists, independent of nationality, belong to the same sphere, that of the far viewing viewing the world. Namazie’s framing constitutes a radical decentering whi the far the discussion on Britain. This is a transnational political issue, a clash of ideologies and of ways of “xenophobic” and accuses them of “racist perspective that sees the teeming masses as the ‘other’ then that: She 2014). writes white, (Namazie to change British, Christiantrying culture” 83

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84 based - authentic authentic

use use it ignores

at at the problem is 12). -

pical and essentialist abroad,” all the while while the all abroad,” rd 2010, 310 and Patel 2011, faithism,” faithism,” in which faith - ity over community issues (ibid. issues over 10 community ity based approach to multiculturalism racist, beca - tations. Interestingly, Patel links this to colonial law, in which entifies oppression exercised not only by faith groups, but also by by also but groups, faith by only not exercised oppression entifies 1). Concerning the war on terror, she believes th - ligious conservatives” (Patel 2008, 18). Indeed, she cites one case rity women, as they are identified primarily not through their gender, but gender, their not through primarily identified are they as women, rity plights are seen in the context of their faith community, an approach which s of violence and religious oppression, but because this intersection as a place for place a as this intersection oppression, religious because but and s of violence keptical of what she views as the focus on as of what increased views government’s which she “cohesion,” keptical Patel is Patel s Through the work SBS has done with victims of violence, Patel has found that “Dissent against against “Dissent that found has Patel violence, of victims with done has SBS work the Through The focus for SBS, in other words, is on gender and ethnicity, and this focus developed not only not developed focus this and ethnicity, and gender on is words, other in SBS, for focus The state policies which promote and legitimize them. Indeed, she is staunchly against cultural relativism, relativism, cultural against staunchly is she Indeed, them. legitimize and promote which policies state and considers the government’s faith focused focused on promoting religious identity within public institutions to create preventative coherence id Patel words, other In 310). (ibid. work work (Patel and Brand 2010, 310 too are policies government’s the that but community, suspect a made being are Muslims that just not assumes a cohesion and homogeneity within faith communities that the SBS has not observed in their their in observed not has SBS the that communities faith within homogeneity and cohesion a assumes women women and ethnic minorities can have their rights protected within the context of their gender or ethnicity. Instead, their she she views as having pushed the state toward this focus (Patel and Ba which in spaces secular eroding is communities faith in cohesion increasing on focus the her, To 142). she considers just another word for assimilation, and she is also skeptical of the war on terror, which which on terror, war the of and assimilation, is also skeptical just for she another word considers she "the "the indigenous laws of the colonised country were codified with reference to religious texts (ibid. 12). and to practices interpretations" customs, changing without reference but cultural or religious practice differs from mainstream majority culture, which by default will privilege privilege will default by which culture, majority mainstream from differs practice religious or cultural more patriarchal and literal interpre (Islamic religious schools), but the group was overlooked because they were not considered not were they because overlooked was group the but schools), religious (Islamic (ibid. 18). The issue judgedenough essentially up being the is that authenticity how ends by here far where the where group Muslim Parliament of Great Britain published a report on child abuse in Madrassas religious religious conservatism is much harder in community figures are usually re minority communities, because the most powerful organizations were handed responsibil greater were organizations manner, fixing and reifying boundaries of community affiliation,” and part of it on what she calls the the she calls it on what of part affiliation,” and of community boundaries reifying and manner, fixing Blair government’s move from multiculturalism to “multi through through the religion of the community they are part of (ibid. 11). She lays part of the blame for this on modern multiculturalism, in which “differences are constructed in a stereoty and the state” (ibid. 10). While Patel does not completely reject multiculturalism, she does claim that, claim does she multiculturalism, reject completely not does Patel While 10). (ibid. state” the and mino silence can it worst, at growing fundamentalist Sikh, Muslim, and Hindu movements “in the U.K. and and U.K. the “in movements Hindu and Muslim, Sikh, fundamentalist growing resisting imposed ”singular identities” applied to them by “the community, the antiracist movement through experience through discrimination was other overlooked by Along groups. the way, SBS has been forced to with reckon

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based - Unveiled right make it make right - p, Patel’s focus Patel’s p, , as this contains Communist Party. The - Unveiled Communist Party of CommunistIran. Party - tnah’s website, along with an 2013, 11). On top of this, the middle the this, of top On 11). 2013, Islamist left” and the far the and left” Islamist - Lucas Lucas and Namazie 2013, 4; Patel and -

an an explicitly transnational framework. While my

right phenomenon, this ideological demarcation is much much is demarcation ideological this phenomenon, right

- ranking member of the Worker of ranking member rights on the grounds that this ultimately means empowering empowering means ultimately this that grounds the on rights - n the columns of Fitnah largely resembles that of OLA and

considers Islamism a far a Islamism considers

by both Patel and Sahgal, another prominent British activist and former Head of Gender Gender of Head former and activist British prominent another Sahgal, and Patel both by ’s English ’s English website names Namazie as one of its figures,leading and she is the author of ran ran from 2013 to 2014 and contains articles posted on Fi 2014, 7). This should come as no surprise since Namazie is responsible for the majority of onality, onality, taking SBSs’ own work focusing on “how racist nationality, immigration and

s’ work in Britain. s’ work While the publications by OLA criticizing both the “pro the both criticizing OLA by publications the While The The overall ideology presented i

Next, I review the vocabulary and framing in Fitnah, where Namazie, Patel, and other minority minority other and Patel, Namazie, where Fitnah, in framing and vocabulary the review I Next, Employing Employing a concept from feminist theory, Patel instead argues for a greater focus on

clear that Namazie that clear at Amnesty Amnesty at International. in the Middle East. In the following, I draw mainly on the third issue of text extensive a campaign to allow female soccer fans onto stadiums (Namazie (Namazie stadiums onto fans soccer female allow to campaign a of each issue is taken up by short reports on women’s rights issues in a variety of countries, mostly communication for both of them, but the issues also contain campaign issues specific to Iran, such as as such to Iran, specific issues campaign contain also issues the but them, of both for communication and and the opposition to cultural relativism (Maryeme Hélie Namazie SBS, SBS, such as the universality of secularism and women’s rights (Hajer Naili and Namazie 2013, 3) editorial editorial by Namazie in each issue, and can largely be considered a vehicle for her ideology as both high campaigner a rights women’s and a many of the articles on the site and editor of the organization’s English language magazine language English organization’s the of editor and site the on articles the of many Unveiled particular particular focus on Iran, and organization is associated with the Iranian Worker 4.3 Fitnah and Political Positioning andPolitical 4.3 Fitnah Fitnah is a London based but transnationally oriented secular women’s rights organization with a material material where it contributes to an understanding of the discourse of the secular activist women’s rights women’s women’s rights activists express their ideology in groups’ the in activistsother of writings the on draw also will Patel, I and Namazie on remains focus oppressive forces within forces communities. marginalized oppressive negotiating negotiating the intersections of different sources of oppression. Fittingly, she also shares Namazie’s for focus the as culture using of rejection violence and compound their vulnerability” as an example (Patel 2008, 22). To sum u sum To 22). 2008, (Patel example an as vulnerability” their compound and violence is on marginalized members of marginalized communities, and so her work inevitable involves intersecti asylum laws impact on black and minority women’s experiences of domestic or gender the struggles for universal human rights against (ibid. 313). religious categories under ethnicities religious laws abroad, instead homogenizing 85

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- ld 86 rting “the s the virtues the s by Islamists when their when Islamists by In In the second issue, the

fies fies the foes as violent or

colonial discourse that they cannot that they discourse colonial - to the Nazi swastika, on the grounds gender apartheid, sharia apartheid, etc. wou sharia courts, gender

– imacy. The same awareness is on display when Patel Patel when display on is awareness same The imacy. Lucas agrees with Namazie that the islamic veil is “the “the is veil islamic the that Namazie with agrees Lucas -

of their struggle, and the role of political positioning therein.

4). ion of academics have become too caught up in “talking mumbo “talking in caughtup too become have academics of ion - , where the criticism is directed at the religious right in general,

flourish flourish (Hajer Naili and Namazie 2013, 3).

Unveiled the focus of the criticism is overwhelmingly on Islamism, which Namazie claims Lucas Lucas even goes so far as to compare the veil , - plicitly places this argument within a Marxist framework, arguing that the choice to wear to choice the that arguing framework, Marxist a within argument this places plicitly Lucas and Patel also warn against “Islamophobia” being invoked being “Islamophobia” against warn also Patel and Lucas - ies are actually considered to be rejections of Western hegemony by a left which would Algerian sociologist and activist Hélie activist and sociologist Algerian Lucas and and Namazie,Lucas 2013 2 - - Hélie Sahgal Sahgal puts the activists’ issue with multicultural discourse in a historical perspective. Her As in the case of OLA, the dangers inherent in their ideology and politics are not lost on the She ex She dual freedom to choose. freedom dual led militarism” has helped - political political aims are questioned, seeing this as a way to shut down conversation about political Islam on the one hand or fundamentalist organizations on the other” (ibid. 7). other” on the or hand fundamentalist organizations on the one produce anything else (ibid. 2013, 7). She contrasts this to an older left that still remember still that left older an to this contrasts She 7). 2013, (ibid. else anything produce to religion challenge their through come into politics have who people and “younger of universalism perspective is that an entire generat entire that an is perspective and post up in postmodernist are so caught that they and jumbo,” communit political their be allies. otherwise argues argues that “the rise of religious identity” has become seen as “a counter hegemonic identity (ibid., 8). In other words, the behavioral codes which the activists see as hegemonic within their own weary weary about their own political positioning, but they are also acutely aware of legit the for vying importance discourses different of the navigating “Valuable work showing by work done “Valuable the damage Islamism only not seem activists The 7). 2013, al. et (Namazie discourse” racist fundamentally a into twisted be also also emphasizes the political aspects Warning against working together with the EDL in their fight against Islamism, she writes that other other writers in the magazine. Sahgal, who leads the British organization Center for Secular Space, indivi that both may just be signs, and yet both carry particular political meanings (ibid. 7). Here, the public the Here, 7). (ibid. meanings political particular carry both yet and signs, be just may both that not default, by oppression of sign a as framed context,is of regardless affiliation, religious of display the veil or face the consequences is like the worker’s freedom to work or die during industrialization industrialization during or die to work freedom is the worker’s like the consequences or face the veil (ibid. 4). Hélie (Hélie oppressor” under the "politically correct pretext that US imperialism misused the defence of women's women's of defence the misused imperialism US that pretext correct "politically the under oppressor” human rights to conceal its economic reasons for invading Afghanistan and that 'whites' are racists" French flag of the Muslim Far Right,” and that leftists and feminists are mistakenly suppo 2014, 19). Still “US often often within an explicitly Marxist framework. In Unveiled, Namazie identi oppressive religious organizations not just in Iran and not just in the Muslim world (Namazie et al. more front and center in

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, - - ularist LA LA and

is much less

Unveiled Lucas, Lucas, or from a more - communication, communication, while the Women Women and Shari’a Law and hence more focused on focused more hence and

leaning political perspective, - Lucas, Lucas, she also laments what - Lucas Lucas suggests that there is more and and Patel is that of an outsider, as -

Fitnah’s cing cing what she calls the Islamic “de 5). Like Patel, Namazie also frames very very much resembles that in O - ir view that secularism and women’s rights are leaning political organization. political leaning Unveiled Unveiled -

itical arena, as the goals of the activists could be framedbe could activists the of goals the as arena, itical a member of a Communist party, Patel and Sahgal do not do Sahgal and Patel party, Communist a of member a

litical litical use of religion has often involved the appropriation of centrism centrism of the left, and consider this to be behind the idea that sec - Women and Shari’a Law and Shari’a Women

wing wing organizations, this aspect is even clearer in - facing than the organizations’ domestic British communication, British domestic the organizations’ than facing - Lucas NamazieLucas and 6, 2013, and Patel Namazie Patel 2013, 4). further the poweremphasizes nteresting nteresting position vis a vis the two, as she uses both of them as sources in her study, and by ming from a more transnational perspective like Namazie and Hélie - While all of the activists mentioned here display a decidedly left Taken Taken together, the discourse and framing in

way way of Namazie having tried to get her book into the hands of British lawmakers. Fittingly, the of this particular study. She also doesn’t engage in activism like Namazie and Patel. She is nonetheless nonetheless is She Patel. and Namazie like activism in engage doesn’t also She study. particular this of in an i including including her conclusions. Manea’s position relative to Namazie subject the merely operates, usually she which in place a not is Britain so and Switzerland, in lives she 4.4 Manea’s This section outlines the arguments and the vocabulary of Manea’s

as as a political power play. This is Manea’swhere support may prove valuable, as she is both Muslim in involved not left academic, and a an and directly immediately visible by simply looking at the communication by OLA. Such a clear political affiliation political clear a Such OLA. by communication the at looking simply by visible immediately pol British the on delegitimizing prove could explicitly explicitly Marxist discourse and ideology of Namazie and Hélie is not which agenda political larger but also a here, play politics at specific against than just the fight as would be expected in a magazine run by run magazine a in expected be would as the Meanwhile, legitimacy. for ideas Marxist on draws explicitly that way a in appeals their articulate consolidating the ideology and framing efforts toward people who are already sympathetic. who toward already efforts are and people the ideology framing consolidating domestic domestic perspective like Patel and Sahgal. It is likely also a outward factor that are are co not centered anywhere in particular. Meanwhile, there does seem to be some difference in the ways the activists articulate their view of their struggle as pertains to politics, depending on whether they they they are left transnational focus of the magazine underscores the SBS, SBS, down to the importance of political positioning. While neither OLA nor SBS hide the fact that Africanising” Africanising” in Niger and Mali, where she argues austere religious identity has usurped a secular, identity (Namazie 2013, 18). African Lucas Lucas and Namazie 2013, 7, Patel and Namazie colonialism as 2013, something more than a Western concept, 3 referen they they view as the Western and human rights values are colonialist and imperialist constructs imposed on other groups (Hélie progressive progressive and secular language” (ibid. 2013, 2). Along with Hélie (Hélie of language, claiming that “This po 87

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- 88 ual ual world - aylor, aylor, and ism with legal legal with ism

12). - 11 ea argues that its adherents is what she calls the “Essentialist

rbitration, rbitration, and ultimately resembles 0). Also, like Patel, she does not reject 8 - that she agrees with the statement insofar as it accountsit as insofar statement the with agrees she that

xtension as things which should not be violated (ibid. 15 Women Women and Shari’a Law or and Modood, two significant voices on multiculturalism in extends from the first, is the focus on group rights, which Manea

edged sword” (2016, 29). She critiques a range of authors, including such including of authors, range a 29). sword” (2016, She critiques edged - 2). Manea responds Manea 2). -

effectiveness effectiveness of multiculturalism should not only be measured by how good it is at

The The third feature is cultural relativism, in the analysis of which Manea continues her criticism The The second feature, which Manea Manea believes that academic discourses sometimes fail to acknowledge their real Like Like Namazie and Patel, Manea’s perspective is highly transnational, drawing on examples of 12).

- ocuses ocuses on how religious laws have been used to justify various breaches of women’s and human for individuals, but rejects it when applied to groups, as Taylor is doing. She cites an outlawed custom outlawed an cites She doing. is Taylor as groups, to applied when it rejects but individuals, for race race or culture, so should all enjoy the presumption that their traditional culture has values” (Taylor 21 2016, Manea in cited of Taylor, this time of his claims that we should approach all cultures with the assumption of eq of regardless rights, voting and equal rights, civil “equal have must allpeople as just that and values, 6). essential essential to a person’s wellbeing, and by e through through a reading of his literature, she hones in on those things which he considers to have value in terms of dealing with differences, namely authenticity and identity, both of which Taylor considers believes believes “justify the violation of human rights within minority groups as an expression of different cultural concepts of rights and justice.” Here, much of Manea’s ire is targeted toward T 11 pluralism, by which she means institutionalizing cultural practices. This, she argues, ends up dividing up ends argues, she This, practices. cultural institutionalizing means she which by pluralism, people into boxes, treating them not in terms of their individuality but in terms of their group (ibid. Canada and Canada Britain respectively. She provides four features of this paradigm, which will I outline in multicultural of combination the is first The thesis. her to central are really they as turn, Ethnocentrism is a double Ethnocentrism prominent figures as Charles Tayl “inadvertently “inadvertently articulates an ethnocentric obsession with their own 'self': the Western self. effects, effects, and so one of her main targets in Paradigm” both within academia and in popular discourse. Man she is afraid that it may reify “boundaries of community affiliation” (ibid. community of it“boundaries that reify may is afraid she that the “combating racism but also inequality based on gender and class within minority communities” and multiculturalism as a useful concept, noting that “It involves an acknowledgement of distinct cultural cultural distinct of acknowledgement an involves “It that noting concept, useful a as multiculturalism argues she However, 11). (ibid. hegemony” cultural against guard to right the and identities group and rights around the world. While most her focus is on various interpretations of sharia in the Arab world, Arab the in sharia of interpretations various on is focus her most While world. the around rights she also targets Jewish personal law in Israel (2016, 78 institutionalized sharia from around the world. She explicitly does not engage in theology, but rather in theology, not engage does explicitly She the world. around from institutionalized sharia f that of the activists. the that of critique in her book goes beyond just the concept of religious a

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rally , and is in 5). She also - ures by other Human Rights: Cultural Rights: Cultural Human

e e seen as a security issue, as “Essentialists.” “Essentialists.” Throughout her book, she Western or socialistWestern nations 2016). (28, - ivism, as “bad” is only understood as bad according according bad as understood only is “bad” as ivism, Lucas 2013, 6). Namazie Lucas and - one one that falls comfortably within the universalist framework

(Hélie tures” tures” and “Often, in fact, this presumption is correct” (cited in

2), one of a myriad of examples, British and otherwise, she invokes she otherwise, and British examples, of myriad a of one 2), ed - Lucas, and Sahgal to understand the issue. That is not to say that their their that say to not is That issue. the understand to Sahgal and Lucas, - (1979), for their claims that human rights are not universal

Unveil ome Western academics’ sense of justice is too “intertwined with a strong a with “intertwined too is justice of sense academics’ Western ome enda that is tied directly to extremism, arguing that “there is no point in tackling tackling in point no is “there that arguing extremism, to directly tied is that enda Manea’s Manea’s final conclusion is also As an extension of this, she considers sharia councils and the accommodation of religion in the in religion of accommodation the councils and sharia considers she this, of extension an As Manea Manea draws on other examples throughout her definition of the “Essentialist Paradigm,” but The The fourth feature is white man’s burden, which is also quite possible the most controversial. ogy ogy is the defining element in her conclusions, but that her work is certainly influenced by and

referencing colonial Britain’s policy of treating Muslims in India as a separate electorate, resulting in in resulting electorate, separate a as India in Muslims treating of policy Britain’s colonial referencing to policy making completely rejects cultural relat cultural rejects completely making policy to to secular human rights principles. Like Patel and Namazie, she also reframes colonialism, determined determined null, as it will simply say that violating human rights is bad, and since violating human rights is bad, things that violate human rights are morally wrong (Manea 2016, 237). This approach based based approach that renders the discussion of whether human rights are universal or cultu of the activists. As pertains to questions of culture and rights, she argues for a shift to a consequence a to shift a for argues she rights, and culture of questions to pertains As activists. the of the ideological jihadist message of political Islamism without confronting the religious message of 2016, 144). (Manea societal Islamism” legal legal sphere to not simply be the result of a wish for more inclusion, but as ag political particular a manifestation of a view that is also present in present that is also view some of them have connections to extremist organizations (Manea 2016, articulates 137, the struggle 174 in terms of medieval values fixed against modern Enlightenment values, a reproduce reproduce the vocabulary and framing of the activists. Namazie, among others, Remarkably, when she argues that sharia councils she should b draws on Sahgal and draws on Namazie, Patel, Hélie Patel, Namazie, on draws ideol articulates the articulates issues of sharia law in Britain in ofmany the same terms as the activists, and she also the above captures the crux of her argument against the and Ideological Perspectives a Western be whichconcept to non extended cannot fact population that come from other cul of authors Schwab, Peter Pollis Adamantia and criticizes also ibid. She 29). cultures. cultures. He writes that “Western liberal societies are thought to be supremely guilty in this regard, becausetheir of partly partly colonial past, and because of their marginalization segments of of their sense of guilt and shame: the burden of Western hegemony and the colonial past” (2016, 29). Indeed, Indeed, 29). (2016, past” colonial the and hegemony Western of burden the shame: and guilt of sense Taylor criticizes what he considers the arrogant imposition of values on some cult Manea’s argument is that s that is argument Manea’s while making her arguments. while making the as die to twins newborn abandon must women which by Mananjary, town of Madagascan the in 21 (ibid. cursed be to believed are 89

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90 r her

” ” (One

sharia council Every member Every o not recognize. o not recognize.

nd the interpretation of Islam they

onials from a mother and her daughter with husband later kidnapped and raped her. kidnapped later raped husband and - husband custody of the children, while denying the denying while the children, of custody husband - r words, the sharia council ended up functioning as an slam, which he has from Pakistan, writing “ writing Pakistan, from has he which slam,

their their work in collecting and presenting information on the

councils by providing cases which back up their claims. The testimonials are

haria the council ended up granting her ex her up granting ended council the l politics with one group not having to appeal to the other and the eventual fragmentation Now, Now, the actions of the husband may not be much of an indictment against the Another Another parent, an elderly Muslim woman and immigrant from Pakistan, writes that afte This is the case of a male immigrant from Pakistan, a father to a boy who decided to take a

Framing S Framing

t his religious marriage, but it is unlikely to have been in either the ISC or the MAT, as there is no there or the MAT, as in either ISC the to have been but itt his marriage, is unlikely religious institutionalized form of social control within community. the control of social institutionalized form religious religious divorce got them ostracized and that five men from the community one day showed up at their door to convince them to go. In othe she she was brought before in and by itself, but her mother explains how their initial reluctance to get a herself, and and herself, daughter divorce. The that the ex claims religious Pakistani/Indian roots. The daughter wanted to leave an husband, into an to leave troubles when Theabusive but ran roots. wanted daughter Pakistani/Indian she attempted to leave him. In the interview, she was not allowed to represent herself or speak for not recognize from Pakistan. There are also testim sons became increasingly sons increasingly became religious, they took away her television and radio and made her daughters does she that Islam new a about concern father’s the echoes She hijab. the wear law in daughters and evidence of either of them ever carrying out a polygamous marriage. out a polygamous of of carrying them either ever evidence Law for 2016a). All is thatLaw An here is no note important there way sonof knowing this man’s where go any of this with his own understanding of I of understanding own his with this of any of my family is against any sharia court or council, Imam or cleric who preach this practice British convert as a second wife, making her wear the full veil and burka. The father cannot reconcile cannot father The burka. and veil full the wear her making wife, second a as convert British mainly from women who have negative experiences with British sharia councils, but they also contain also they but councils, sharia British with experiences negative have who women from mainly they new that some of a d describe as the testimonials of what criticism Islam legitimacy legitimacy of sharia represent represent are viewed by some people in traditionally Muslim societies. At the same time, they can also be seen as an attempt at framing, as the activists are hoping to influence the perception of the have have negative experiences with sharia in Britain as part of their submission to the Sharia Inquiry. They provide an interesting insight into how sharia councils a 4.5 OLA, SBS, and Center for Secular Space has collected a number of testimonials from people who negative experiences with experiences councils. sharia negative in a broader sense, the next delves into practice of sharia in Britain, including a campaign to collect testimonials from people who have had of society (2016, 164). (2016, of society Manea and activists the by framing and discourse the on mostly focused far so has section this While communa

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6). t has - sharia, sharia, in

–

ea ea supports the view that the

Haddad says that multiculturalism says Haddad - sm of an emergent interpretation of ted slander. Haddath, Haddath, which states that the judgement n (2016, 237). The distinction between this this between distinction The 237). (2016, n - lam spread over the whole world, “because nials have gone to an ongoing inquiry into the sharia Islamic Islamic (ibid. 97, 209). Adding this together with her - tem represents a form of more austere Islam that is that not Islam austere more of tem a form represents Haddad. She argues that he is spreading a conservative, a spreading is he that argues She Haddad. - uise of multiculturalism (2016, 154). Manea’s example is example Manea’s 154). (2016, multiculturalism of uise Haddad answer is that he sees nothing wrong with that, and that hethat and that, with wrong nothing sees he that answer is Haddad - Haddad’s views are extreme, as the Birmingham sharia council does council sharia Birmingham the as extreme, are views Haddad’s - vorce to also result divorce default by in a religious vorce (ibid. 209). t legitimate in regards to divorce, along with his view that Muslims ought to go ics who have also given testimony, and what is interesting is not only their troubling Overall, then, like Namazie and Patel, Manea does not seem overly worried about the whole of whole the about worried overly seem not does Manea Patel, and Namazie like then, Overall, In In addition, Manea also covers a fatwa issued by al It It is not just sharia as an institution that is under attack. Manea’s book provides an indictment This is an insight into the demotic discourse taking place within the, broadly speaking, Muslim Muslim speaking, broadly the, within place taking discourse demotic the into insight an is This The The examples given above lay out the most prevalent threads in the testimonials. Women are ble, questioning the assumptions of the dominant discourse. While it is not possible to say how

other words, is viewed strictly as a threat to Muslim wome Muslim to threat a as strictly viewed is words, other on traditionally Muslim communities. Manea also demonstrates this in councils stratify women her into those who are warning equal before the law that and those who are not sharia British British society being brought under the yoke of Islamism, instead focusing on the impact that i in fact consider di civil consider a in fact Islamization Islamization of British society as a whole is a threat. However, she also points out that even within Al communities, Muslim British against against the laws of the land if the laws are un broader attack on the spread of political Islam, it could seem as if Man of a civil court is no is tired of Muslims not admitting to wanting to see Is 2016, 155 unless the word be achieved of (cited in Manea willAllah is dominant” justice never officially officially be taken care of, the interviewer asks him if that is multiculturalism.Al as disguised not just getting Islam in the door taken from an interview dealing with Muslims in Britain. After al After Britain. with Muslims in dealing an interview from taken needs Muslim and countries European in religion a as recognized be officially must Islam that means of a person who serves at the ISC, Haitham al Haitham ISC, the at serves who person a of g the under of Islam version extremist even much the testimonials will affect the wider public discourse, the fact that some of them are in video fabrica them hardas to make to dismiss very is going form representatives representatives and shared values (dominant discourse) that has the possibility of becoming more visi community community in Britain. Given that these testimo councils, this is a conflict within a community (demotic discourse) often considered to have certain Islam, the adherents of which have power over adherents of a different a of power the which over of adherents Islam. adherents have Islam, allegations against sharia councils, which are frequently referred to as “courts,” but that the criticism the criticism that but “courts,” as to referred frequently are which shariacouncils, against allegations of the sharia councils are lodged within a much broader critici to affect their own lives. These sentiments are echoed by both the anonymous laymen and the few academ only only alien to the Muslims supplying the testimony, but which they see as something that has begun sys the and within the system, unfairly treated 91

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- 92

born Iraqi - This liberal post also also constitutes an ctivists and Manea ctivists

keep intact “their traditional base traditional “their intact keep

in an interview with Kurdish

of the women themselves as well as in their their in as well as themselves women the of

of ethnicity and race, instead of one that also also that one of instead race, and ethnicity of

Unveiled 10). Their skepticism, if not outright rejection, of religious ls as “courts,” instead of councils (2016, 174), which carries (2016, carries which 174), of councils instead ls as “courts,” - nations nations are not the primary antagonists, but rather actors within - rgues that “People in Iraq are no longer citizens,” as they are separated either Westerners. In the lived experience lived the Westerners. In - inst sharia is also transnational in nature. Manea argues that authoritarian regimes authoritarian that argues Manea nature. in transnational also is sharia inst nflict nflict as between the Muslim immigrants without and the white majority culture o reject the view of colonialism in the multicultural discourse they oppose. Namazie oppose. they discourse multicultural the in colonialism of view the reject o overall perspective is not completely is of overalldismissive perspective multiculturalism, but the rather not of completely way

odation odation is also apparent in their understanding of human rights as universally applicable

human rights based on equality between genders and ethnicities with no place for religious

Their case aga case Their The

The The thorough investigation that Manea makes into the sharia councils Summing Up the Vocabulary and Framing of the A of the andFraming Vocabulary the Up Summing

.6 by by ethnicity or religion. When it comes to laying blame, she actually argues that “ women’s women’s rights activist Houzan Mahmoud. She defines herself as “Kurdish, of course, Leftist and Internationalist,” and a their societies,” calling this a “divide and rule strategy” designed to designed strategy” rule and “divide a this calling societies,” their of power” (2016, 62). This view is also echoed in such such as those in Syria and Saudi Arabia exploit “legal pluralism to perpetuate the ethnic nature of secular 2016, 237, al. 2013, (Manea et Namazie 5). authority accomm seeks seeks to accommodate religion, which they believe reifies cultural boundaries and ignores internal issues (Manea 2016, 239, Patel 2008, 9 it is currently formulated and enacted. The activists and Manea appear to prefer a rollback to an earlier an to rollback a prefer to appear Manea and activists The enacted. and formulated currently is it issues on focuses that multiculturalism of interpretation accommodation of particular rights to of religious British law. colonial accommodation nations. They als They nations. believes it is hypocritical to only focus on Western colonialism, while Patel and Manea likens an research, research, the West or Western host traditionally Muslim communities, be they Muslim countries or minorities within Western host understanding of power relations, with either the West as a whole or a Western host nation viewed as viewed nation host Western a or whole a as West the either with relations, power of understanding non of oppressor the Perhaps Perhaps the most important takeaway from the literature reviewed here is its rejection of a binary 4 with it the presupposition that they have a certain legal power which the usual term “council” does is Sisters (Southall 2016). Black on the website invoked of SBS also not. This terminology councils. councils. This is visible even at the lexical level, where she, counci the sharia testimonials, describes like the activists and some of the attempt attempt at framing, as it seeks to define how to categorize and situate the phenomena of sharia within, but rather the traditionally Muslim communities within and political Islam both within and without. rejection rejection of the Manea’s discourse as xenophobic intersection of problematic co because it does not locate the framing of localized Islamization and national/global Islamization is important, because it renders a

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- – cts cts this r cleavages minority rights, minority -

political Islam, she Islam, political Islamist Islamist Left” and - - etically stunted. Patel Patel stunted. etically within - very tragic situation where situation tragic very faithism,” as it allows her to criticize criticize to her allows it as faithism,” -

cision to allow them to wear it instead of it instead to wear cision to allow them er political struggles of her party, struggles of political political er consider discourse, and hence vocabulary, to o is a card carrying communist, while Manea has led humanity to a a to humanity led has

(Mahmoud and Namazie (Mahmoud and Namazie 2014, 8). ”

wing agenda at play in the case of Patel, who criticizes both neo both criticizes who Patel, of case the in play at agenda wing - hreads hreads in the vocabulary and framing discussed here, but overall much , and so she cannot really be said to represent any agenda outside of conservatism, conservatism, and Namazie, wh - with gender taking the place of race. Using terms like “Pro

eological eological opposition. This also manifests itself in an aversion to religious accommodation lations Act (Manealations Act 2016, 44).

There There are many other t As I mentioned in the chapter on theory, I While they all share the same agenda on the topic of sharia and minority and sharia of topic the on agenda same the share all they While Politically, there is a clear left clear a is there Politically,

one I will call the Islamization Frame. The Universalism Frame should be understood as a frame that frame a as understood be should Frame Universalism The Frame. the Islamization call will I one Manea Manea to the political and academic left. However, there appears to be two between the activists and Manea and particula this master frame. One will I call the Universalism Frame, and of it could be said to draw from a social justice master frame, which should endear the activists and proper. also reframes modern multiculturalism when she labels it “multi it labels she when multiculturalism modern reframes also policies giving religion more space in society as an unfortunate deviation from multiculturalism “Essentialists” “Essentialists” to describe those who may have the best of intentions but end up playing into theor and misguided as opponents the ideological toframe serve Islamists of hands institutionalized racism in South Africa to frame sharia and the support of sharia as being much the same, albeit contribute contribute to the creation of frames. A term like “gender apartheid” invokes the former regime of and while she differentiates clearly between political Islam, or Islamism, and non and or Islamism, Islam, political between clearly differentiates she while and toward in general. outspokenIslam an animosity displays also community community and the state at the local level. Namazie’s position seen of be part the wid can as opposition to political Islam is the most problematic, as her involved involved in helping abused women from minority communities, and her perspective refle she seems mostly concerned with domestic British policy affecting the interaction between seeking seeking to improve, by her own standards, the state of research and policy making. Patel is directly they are entwined in the issues themselves in different ways. Manea’s position is that of an academic academic an of that is position Manea’s ways. different in issuesthemselves the in entwined are they and a political commentator Race Re Race a helmet in 1973, as when things started to veer toward the “politics of difference,” particularly since particularly difference,” of “politics the toward veer to started things when as 1973, in helmet a this eventually led to Sikhs being considered a distinct ethnic group with distinct rights under the that covers faith schools (Patel 2010) and the veil. Manea, in fact, sees the decision to allow Sikh bus Sikh allow to decision the sees fact, in Manea, veil. the and 2010) (Patel schools faith covers that the subsequentde and work, turbans at their to wear drivers politics is a total rejection of political religion, which in the case of Namazie also constitutes her direct id liberalism liberalism and neo displays no obvious political leaning. The most interesting view that they all share as pertains to identities and values so many of creation modernist no longer within talk can religion same we the 93

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94

can can

I refer I calls calls for Is Multiculturalism Multiculturalism Is

framing in mind, we are now are we mind, in framing

ia councils “courts,” and through an fically having to do with religion, they to do with having religion, fically omen? . Keeping their Keeping . , as well as Manea’s extensive, and scathing, shows that the issues dealt with in this paper have

r legal or moral norm, as either universally good or Unveiled Unveiled right. In the activists and Manea’s Islamization frame,

- informed or malignant. or informed laims made by politically active Muslim organizations for for Muslim organizations politically active by made laims - happen when multicultural intellectuals respond to views very ticulturalism Bad for W for Bad ticulturalism Chapter discourse 5: Chapter Multicultural Is Mul Is , shows what can s seen not as an existential threat to Britain, but merely as a threat to the wellbeing of Is Multiculturalism bad for Women? within multicultural discourse that draws heavily on the concepts of cultural group rights and This concludes the chapter on the discourse and framing of Namazie, Patel, and Manea, as well as Manea, and Patel, Namazie, of framing and discourse the on chapter the concludes This The Islamization Frame frames the c the frames Frame Islamization The

centering of the discourse on minority rights, based on the view that the fight for secularism and secularism for fight the that view the on based rights, minority on discourse the of centering - strain points by drawing on additional literature. Taken together, the responses to Okin’s essay suggest a Okin et al.’s been debated for quite a while. The book also expands on and contrasts the activists and Manea’s 5.1 Okin et al.’s al.’s et 5.1 Okin religion religion in British public life, and both cases display the sort of vocabulary and arguments that of the Manea. and activists supporters the framing oppose multiculturalism to mobilized of be by bad for Women? similar to those discussed above. The second case concerns Modood’s support of a greater role of ready ready to move on al.’s to et Okin first, The the Manea. and activists the next by opposed discourse multicultural chapter, which critically examines two cases exemplifying the as that of a few of the other activists writing in writing activists other the of few a of that as through through the use of a particular vocabulary, such as calling shar work. case of publication and extensive collection Islamization Islamization i disenfranchised groups in specific communities. Like the first frame, this frame is constructed both framing framing of Islamization, and that of the far together and make accommodation demands speci of political and together are perceived to be Islamists. Recall that there is one important difference between the activists’ to politically active Muslim organizations in general distinction between Muslim here, groups with different as beliefs or agendas. the If a group of activists Muslims come make no apparent group group rights and political accommodation as not being merely part of an Islamic revival, but as the Islam. of manifestation patriarchal and austere particularly a of spreading motivated politically opponents of this universalism as either ill as either of this universalism opponents imperialist imperialist impulse. This is most visible in review of sharia around the world. In addition, in part using the vocabulary above, it frames the a de a Western malevolent some from independent entirely world the around fought being is rights women’s universally universally bad. refutesIt the ideas of cultural and moral relativism, in part because there is nothing for a practicegood or a bad practice to be relative to; it is either or good bad. it Hence, also sees secular and women’s rights, and any othe

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e e her of a

and and an unbearable

h other, and hence no eral eral countries, however little the ifference between the public and public the between ifference of the vocabulary that can be mobilized to to mobilized be can that vocabulary the of

essay, before discussing the responses and what they they what and responses the discussing before essay,

that cultures can even be judged normatively based on what on based normatively judged be even can cultures that alists. Hence, one of her conclusions is that policy makers should should makers policy that is conclusions her of one Hence, alists. spheres spheres is less meaningful than one might think, as the more a culture

opted into reinforcing gender inequality” (ibid. 24). inequality” gender opted into reinforcing ich did not see much political opposition until a group of journalists got - –

bid. 13). Personal laws, as they determine what responsibilities a person has e British activists of today, is mainly concerned with the “personal laws” in some or domestic

– Okin, like th Okin’s essay Okin’s essay asks the question: what should be when the done customs of minority cultures or I begin by giving a short resume of Okin’s of resume short a giving by begin I What makes the book particularly interesting is not just the diversity of to Okin’s is not the interesting reactions just the diversity particularly the book What makes colonialism. colonialism. Okin et al’s book is far from contemporary, yet its construction and its interacting - can consider to fall within the multicultural discourse opposed by the by opposed activists Manea. and to fall within discourse can consider the multicultural

hough it is remarkable that her only defenders women. are also the respondents among it only is remarkable that her hough

system of personal law that lays out unequal roles for the genders will have its effects confined to the to confined effects its have will genders the for roles unequal out lays that law personal of system in the private sphere, inevitably impact that person’s interaction with the public sphere. While there may indeed be some difference between the two spheres, they will impact eac demands of women in the domestic sphere, “the less opportunity they have of achieving equality with equality achieving of have they opportunity less “the sphere, domestic the in women of demands men in either sphere” (i the private cultures and religions, understood as rules that govern personal behavior and often have stricter rules rules stricter have often and behavior personal govern that rules as understood religions, and cultures d the that is argument her of Part 13). men (ibid. for than women for who have not yet been not “cowho have yet without the intervention of the journ the of intervention the without focus toward engaging with the women in minority cultural groups, and particularly young women, imposition in the French context” (ibid. 10). In other words, the voices of the women were not visible not were women the of voices the words, other In 10). (ibid. context” French the in imposition to the public until they were sought out, and it would likely have taken them longer to be heard around to interviewing the wives, and found that “the women affected by polygamy regarded it as an an as it regarded polygamy by affected women “the that found and wives, the interviewing to around inescapable and barely tolerable institution in their African countries of origin, answer, she answer, draws on a number of cases, one of which deals with the quiet legalization of polygamy in France in the 1980s, wh religions religions conflict with the norms of gender equality of their host lib liberal countries actually manage to live up to these norms themselves (1999, 9)? To provide an examine every response, but rather to find the common threads and instances of vocabulary which we suggest suggest about the state of multicultural discourse at that point in time. The goal is not to thoroughly makes. makes. Keep in mind, however, that the critique of Manea at alt no point appears to be gendered, which cannot be excused by culture, and and culture, by excused be cannot which they do, and the response, broadly speaking, is that it is not her place to make the claims that she wide numberwide of transgressions. book The is also interesting in that the debate that takes place in it is reflective of the issues faced by the activists and Manea. A woman asserts that there are some acts essay. essay. It is also the language many of the respondents use to critique Okin as they accus defend multiculturalism. defend anti some understanding for foundation solid a provide writers 95

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- - 96 Hibri 1999, 1999, Hibri - iders iders multiculturalism “a than flattering than flattering terms) and hough hough he even goes so far 70), labelled as patronizing as labelled 70), 4). Kymlicka acknowledges Kymlicka 4). - - Na’lm 1999, 59), accused of - 73), while Bhabha considers - rights (ibid. 33 (ibid. rights

injustice, injustice, or the regional devolution of power (1999, 31 righteousness” (1999, 69

-

Hibri believes that Okin effectively argues for the imposition of s in general) (Bhiku Parekh 1999, 69 1999, Parekh (Bhiku in general) s - 7). Parekh is also concerned with Okin’s liberalism, as he perceives perceives he as liberalism, Okin’s with concerned also is Parekh 7). - 45). Gilman’s critique is in the same vein, alt s of pleasure” and that “The question of pleasure should be left to the - Semite (Sander L. Gilman 1999, 53), accused of supporting Huntington’s - ivate 22). (ibid. orce, whether this be against “immigrants or residents in their home country,” s, she has been accused of fueling xenophobia (Bonnie Honig 1999, 36), dismissed as The The major recurring theme is the inauthenticity of Okin’s voice, as she is speaking from a It is Okin’s final conclusion that there is no intrinsic harm in a sexist culture going extinct (Okin (Okin extinct going culture sexist a in harm intrinsic no is there that conclusion final Okin’s is It In In his response, Kymlicka agrees that internal restrictions are not acceptable, but argues that of these “liberal complacencies” (ibid. 34). (ibid. complacencies” “liberal of these political political power of the majority, but they should not be allowed to sustain illiberal internal espondent, this constitutes a broad overview. this broad constitutes a espondent, Okin’s Okin’s suggestion that the state should engage with younger minority to women, bypassing the liberalists liberalists to be colonialist in their belief of their own superiority, and cons revolt against liberal hegemony and self “Western, “Western, bourgeois notion 55 (1999, it” defines that culture as as to declare that, in regards to female genital mutilation (FGM), “Is it not clear that even sexual pleasure is as much a reflex of the mind as of the body” and that criticism of FGM is just a result of or even fascism” (1999, 41 Western Western values by f and further accuses her of not having ”learned the lessons of history, be it colonialism, imperialism, dominant, dominant, Western perspective. Al C. Nussbaum 1999, 106). While some of these attributes are r applied to her by more than one being colonialist (along with liberal with (along colonialist being and stereotyping (Homi K. Bhabha 1999, 82), and criticized for offending religious people (Martha effectively effectively called an anti “Clash of Civilization” thesis and imposing hegemony (Abdullah An speaking from a place of Western dominance and herself being patriarchal (Azizah Y. Al Y. (Azizah patriarchal being herself and dominance Western of place a from speaking 41, 45), compared to the man who introduced cocaine into Europe (in less response 1999, 22) that motivates particularly spirited criticism in some of the responses. By the end of the feminists have likewise “been blind to issues of cultural difference,” and that it is important to fight both specific health programs, some cultures also need specific specific need also cultures some programs, health specific some that adds but equality,” gender for struggle older “the obscured have multiculturalists some that and and gender as such women, for rights specific demand feminists like just that argues further He practices. 2), but common to them all is that they are concessions made by the privileged majority toward a marginalized minority. In other words, groups should be granted protections against the economic external external protections are important. These can take the form of such things as guaranteed political representation, compensation for historical much oppression is pr much oppression that appreciate fully to fails he that argues she as Kymlicka, of critique her also is This sphere. private

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e fears that if that fears e

eads defenders of who believes who believes that “ Tamir, ”(1999, 51). - because in multiculturalism in because

ions” (1999, 27). While her characterization of of characterization her While 27). (1999, ions”

Tamir Tamir addresses this when she notes that group - vide and rule” (1999, 83). Overall, the vocabulary is

interest" (ibid. interest" 48). that all Muslims, despite their gender, are guaranteed freedom of eligion, eligion, but in fact acknowledges that isinequality socioeconomic 29). This criticism is Yael by echoed - - milation who betray the group and its tradition" who are "suspected Manea’s. Manea’s. Her criticism is that multiculturalism only seems to view some

bypassing bypassing community leaders and instead engaging with young women would

colonial, colonial, drawing equivalencies between Okin’s views on culture and that of colonial - Tamir argues that this issue of authenticity emerges authenticity of issue this that argues Tamir -

In In Okin’s response to the critique levelled at her, she writes that she does not view every bad Yael Pollitt also argues that cultural excuses only seem to work for people coming from the Third Among the respondents who see more eye to eye with Okin is Katha Pollitt, who bluntly states bluntly Pollitt,who Katha is Okin with to eye more eye see who respondents the Among

at at “fundamentally, the ethical claims of feminism run counter to the cultural relativism of ‘group Recall that this is also the position taken by Manea. For both Okin and Manea, theological Manea, and Okin both For Manea. by taken position the also is this that Recall matter matter that the Qur’an may teach conscience, if a country actually practices capital punishment in response to apostasy (ibid. 122). dialogue happens onlevel, it happens the will dialogue be the who group orthodoxget for whole their leaders to speak community (ibid. 121). She also rejects a call to look at what the scriptures say, as to her it does not the idea of intercultural dialogue, not because she is opposed to it per se, but because sh because but se, per it to isopposed she because not dialogue, intercultural of idea the act act the through lens of culture or r problematizes also She 119).(1999, rights securing women’s to comes it when problem major a also of being motivated by narrow by motivated self of being (ibid. 48). As a consequence of this, those who strive for social transformation and cultural reform "are perceived as agents of assi rights rights are granted to preserve a group’s culture, language, and tradition, natural" which even l unique, "authentic, culture a of interpretation orthodox most the consider to rights group Babha Babha above, that actually constitute strategy of divide and rule. Yael bestowed bestowed upon "the group," "internal schisms and disagreements are perceived as a threat to ability of the the group to protect its rights" (ibid. 47). An example of this would be the fear voiced by innovation and endure the tensions created by modernity, modernity, cannot the by ‘they’ created tensions innovation and endure great great deal of paternalism is embedded in the assumption that while ‘we’ can survive change and cultures cultures as dynamic, while others are viewed as static, a standpoint that is ultimately less accepting than it is (ibid. condescending 28 World, and accuses multiculturalism of “Third Worldism” and white liberal guilt, a theresembles activists view and which of group rights versus individual versus rights rights. of group multiculturalism may be a somewhat simplistic, considering Kymlicka’s rejection of illiberal internal illiberal of rejection Kymlicka’s considering simplistic, somewhat a be may multiculturalism that is which Manea, and activists the by identified cleavages major the of one to allude does it rights, rights’ rights’ multiculturalism” since “multiculturalism demands respect for all cultural traditions, while tradit cultural all challenges and interrogates feminism th Europe. orthodox men likely to be in charge, as “di strongly post 97

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- 98

Western Western cultural - Western Western cultures, - religious religious feminists, - cultures cultures is attributed to causes

foregone conclusions. foregone

portant portant to engage with the young

essentially essentially what is happening in the

ld. This poses an interesting problem: Western - it is im

making making in regard to non Western Western localities and cultures, it follows that - -

one one of the texts clarify by which parameters one can be It is also representative of an overall ontology which places places which ontology overall an of representative also is It

nalysis of Okin et. al et. of Okin nalysis 3). She finally reiterates that - e that person’s analysis? The critiques of Okin all fail to allude to an answer answer an to to allude all fail of Okin critiques analysis? The that person’s e as as they "tend to be the focus of intercultural disputes and to have most at stake in legitimate framework. legitimate

- kin rejects being a silencer of voices herself, instead accusing some pro It It is also through this vocabulary that criticism of non The The extensive use of concepts like “colonialism” and “imperialism” and their ties to Western O Western Western instances of hegemony located in non - timate is particularly interesting, in that if we extend our understanding of hegemony to allow for for allow to hegemony of understanding our extend we if that in interesting, particularly is timate hem hem all of the problematic of history Western civilization. is, It in other words, her being culturally supporting her do not suggest that what is Western is necessarily good, but rather that universal human universal that rather but good, necessarily is Western is what that suggest not do her supporting and and intentions that are not immediately apparent in the criticism itself. Okin and the authors discourse of the activists and Manea, when they focus on the power structures propagated by political political by propagated structures power the on focus they when Manea, and activists the of discourse elsewhere. and of religion UK manifestations in the non they would also have to be considered problematic. This is the hegemonic position as problematic. This understanding of legi the hegemonic position as non the notion of universal human rights as an extension of Western hegemony, and assertions made from made assertions and hegemony, Western of extension an as rights human universal of notion the hegemony constitutes a vocabulary which places certain perspectives in a larger framework, and most and framework, larger a in perspectives certain places which vocabulary a constitutes hegemony non a importantly the filter of her cultural heritage, which does which heritage, seem them to to drive of her cultural the filter labels which delegitimiz which labels through always is it but ideas, her with engage also not do they that say to not is That question. this to under under which conditions can a Western other the of any or colonial, dominating, being without custom, a or law personal person a as such construct, write negatively about a non located located in the West that delegitimizes understood as cultures originally her from other parts of claim the wor the cultural: since Okin is from the West and hence part of the dominant culture, her claims carry in t labelled labelled a Western dominator and colonizer. The only parameter that is made somewhat explicit is only a rather selective reading of her essay, but in almost all instances, the critique assumes intentions intentions assumes critique the instances, all almost in but essay, her of reading selective rather a only that are not necessarily there. In addition, n 5.2 Summing Up and A Up 5.2 Summing The issue with much of the criticism directed at Okin as colonialist oppressor is that it requires not the outcomes," and are often at odds with each other 126). (ibid. often odds with each are at and the outcomes," silencers silencers (Okin 1999, 122 women in groups, who enjoy freedom themselves while downplaying the patriarchy in their religions, of being the interpreted interpreted (such as the Qur’an) and not the social fact of the interpretation itself (such as actions reference Qur’an). to the by legitimized hold little value in sociological arguments, insofar as they only appeal to a something that can be

ISSUE 1 | LEVIATHAN | FALL 2017 of the citly citly refute the

al human rights is located.

, it attributes a specific intentions , it attributes specific a Clash of Civilization” thesis is quite ames ames that are inprevalent the responses res res may run counter to concepts of social justice within

on of human rights as universal supports Western hegemony cultu - al al and patriarchal project by an international Islamist right. Both boil down se se values, to the extent that accepting them means implicitly converting to a erpreting erpreting Okin’s position thethrough ontology and vocabulary outlined above, Western Western cultures. This frame stands in opposition to the secular women’s rights -

Na’Im’s Na’Im’s accusing Okin of supporting Huntington’s “ - at at attempts by Western states to glorify or impose cultural values which work for them on As is the case of the secular minority women’s rights frames, these frames are idealized, and The The second frame is in part an extension of the first. callI this the Colonization Frame, which Taken together, the perspectives outlined in the responses to Okin’s essay display a strong focus strong a display essay Okin’s to responses the in outlined perspectives the together, Taken An Western Western cultures or minority cultures living in Western host countries is a continuation of the - sternization.

to Okin, and which the activists and Manea also identify as problematic within contemporary are are unlikely to correctly reflect the totality of the conceptual framework of any one multicultural writer. But, as I hope to have shown so far, they represent fr to opposition to the imposition of hegemony, locate it at different places. albeit to opposition they of hegemony, to the imposition personal personal law as a politic to criticism of non activists’ frame of Islamization, which sees the request for greater accommodation of Muslim non other of words colonialism history and imperialism. West’s long In states states th secular minority women’s rights activists, which Manea, Okin and few of the respondents in the book the in respondents the of few and Okin Manea, which activists, rights women’s minority secular operating within. to said be also be could the host society. This is the first of the two frames prevalent in the multiculturalist literature reviewed literature multiculturalist the in prevalent frames two the of first the is This society. host the here, which I call the Group Rights Frame. This is in opposition to the Universalism Frame on group rights. According to many of the respondents, protecting the rights of groups is just, even where the values enforced in minority We considering considering secular human rights to belong to the West and their introduction to other cultures as contrary, the contrary, belief that Okin’s suggesti shares more of in terms of ontology with Huntington than Okin and her supporters do, in terms of exceptionality of Western culture by suggesting that people from other parts of the world are entirely entirely are world the of parts other from people that suggesting by culture Western of exceptionality capable of supporting secular notions of gender equality and other human rights values. On the Western Western Bielefeldt civilization 2000, 91). (Heiner This, appears tohowever, be quite the opposite to what Okin and her supporters in the book are suggesting, as they quite expli liberalism, liberalism, and political are Western, secularism and opposed are by an Islamic civilization which is incompatible with the interesting interesting as an example of this. Huntington’s thesis suggests that human rights, democracy, Okin’s cultural position is viewed through a particular frame that attributes colonialism and a Western a and colonialism attributes that frame particular a through viewed is position cultural Okin’s reasons behind the positions the as to dominate takes. she real desire the West, as according to the ontology, that is where the idea of univers rights are. Yet, by int her belief in the superiority of universal human rights is interpreted as a belief in the superiority of 99

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100 weak weak racism and

- 167). ccommodation ccommodation of -

adopt adopt a “moderate tivists and Manea, as he notes that

as as a fine example of the multicultural eligion being being British, British public life in particular.

serves serves eel misrepresented, as they have theirwould rather they as eel misrepresented,

ique of Modood’s views on the role of religion in society and its black’ population and its uncritical secular bias” (ibid. 173), a secular bias emia, emia, or even the literature reviewed here. They are merely meant to draw out lims, the British legal system must “embrace a moderate secularism” and resist Is Multiculturalism Bad for Women?

his view of religion in society, and then see how he responds when it is prodded and He He further argues that Muslims oppose multiculturalism “in its failure to distinguish Muslims A 2009 text by Modood on the role of religion, and specifically Islam, in public life provides

The second part of this section examines Modood’s views on secularism and religious rights to rights religious and secularism on views Modood’s examines section this of part second The Modood suggests, to achieve religious equality, it is necessary to instead from from the rest of the ‘ Modood ties to “the power of hegemonic secularism in (ibid. British 174). political culture” Instead, rights enforced as Muslims than as whatever ethnicity they may possess (ibid. may they 166 ethnicity Muslims enforced whatever as than as rights discrimination discrimination laws from the 1960s and onward dealt with ethnicity, not religions. According Muslim f activists many that Modood, this means to 164). 164). This concept of “radical secularism” is central to his arguments for the a religion, and serves as an antagonist throughout the text. Recall that the early anti what what he calls a “radical secularism” which refuses any religious accommodation whatsoever (ibid. and and the secular bias of the discourse and policies of multiculturalism” (164). Modood argues that to accommodate Mus an an interesting counterpoint to many of the standpoints of the ac equality, and racism of definitions narrow identities, racial of primacy “the contest Europe in Muslims questioned. Singh Singh and Stephen Crowden criticize Modood, which means that it is possible first to provide an outline of Islam, Islam, and religion in general, in public life, and, him In addition, it was possible to find a short series of exchanges based on a paper in which Gurnam legal legal pluralism, in which religious authorities are granted limited control over their communities through, for example, religious councils (2016, 50). He has indeed advocated for more space for Modood is one of the academics Manea charges with being an essentialist and a supporter of I I now provide an extended crit detractors. The choice of Modood’s work as the subject of this analysis is based on a few factors. 5.3 Modood on Secularism and the Role of R and the Role on Secularism 5.3 Modood discourse discourse the activists and Manea oppose, Modood’s writings provide a more recent example that on specifically Britishfocuses Muslims. is also very much challenged by, the framing of the activists and Manea. While the above outline and and outline above the While Manea. and activists the of framing the by, challenged much very also is analysis of understand understand how his understanding of religion’s role in multiculturalism and society challenges, but by by multicultural acad to current the relevant case. that strandsare certain of interpretation compare and covered topics the of whole the represent to considered be they should Neither thought. multicultural

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“the “the

et et al.

Baptiste Michel - ity ity wrong, but that not up rights, his perspective private identity distinction” - that “it is clearly a collective

nt case. Next, I go through the 181). - Muslims can only be accommodated by allowing for greater

cabulary cabulary as the multiculturalists responding to Okin, but he still makes use questioning the rationality and hence legitimacy of the opposing viewpoint. of opposing legitimacy the and hence questioning the rationality

here are “normative as well as practical limits,” which include values like equality equality like values include which limits,” practical as well as “normative are here (ibid. 176). By doing so, he defines the opposition to his arguments as either inept either as arguments his to opposition definesthe so,he doing By (ibid. 176). hoice of language. elieves elieves “prohibits the recognition of particular group identities” which otherwise ” It It should be noted that Modood is not the only one who has employed the term radical It It is of course always impossible to give a fully nuanced summary of a text’s arguments, Modood advocates for multiculturalism as a “politics of difference” (ibid. 175) in which groups groups which in 175) (ibid. difference” of “politics a as multiculturalism for advocates Modood

secularism, secularism, nor is he the first. A search for the term on Google Ngrams (Jean or malevolent, further or malevolent, considering their Muslimness as an ascriptive identity like gender or ethnicity is “sociologically naïve “sociologically is ethnicity or gender like identity ascriptive an as Muslimness their considering con political a or of a label delegitimizing which allows limithim to his largely discussion to the level. conceptual He also proposes that not only is dealing with Muslims in terms of their ethnic does does not use the same vo While Modood at no point makes any charges of colonialism, he hegemony, albeit in reference does to the phenomenon he employ identifies as “radical secularism.” the As such, he language of of Modood 5.4 Analysis critically. This involves both going into greater detail concerning his chain of reasoning, and critically critically and reasoning, of chain his concerning detail greater into going both involves This critically. his c approaching outline of the positions adopted by Modood relevant to the curre reasoning he provides to reach his arguments and conclusions by analyzing the discourse of his text presuppositions, presuppositions, and chain of reasoning without presenting it in full, but the above gives an overall between between the sexes, and other values “embedded in the political constitution, in specific laws and in (ibid. 180 in a society” the relations governing civic the norms he recognizes that t that recognizes he also does not recognize the separation of group rights from individual rights in the first place. It should It place. first the in rights individual from rights group of separation the recognize not does also also be noted that he believes that the accommodation of religion should happen dialogically, albeit results results in citizens being treated “in a more or less privileged way or divided from each other” (ibid. 175). While Modood’s understanding of multiculturalism is based on gro to “colour/gender/sexual orientation, and so breaches the liberal public which Modood b have have their differences recognized in the public sphere. He recognizes project and concerns collectivities and not just individuals” (ibid. 175). However, it is also not blind personal is the political” should also be applied in the case of (ibid. religion case in the 8). is the political” be applied should also personal religious religious influence in the public legal sphere. This puts him in direct opposition to the activists and Manea, albeit he also takes inspiration from feminism, arguing that the classic feminist slogan believes believes that the religious identity of secularism” which pragmatically allows for the accommodation of religion in the Modood Overall, (ibid.180). equality public religious of purpose the for adjustments institutional including sphere, 101

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102 Americas Americas Secular

Is Multiculturalism Bad for referenced earlier show, do in do show, earlier referenced

view that there are arrogant where the state essentially joins

l relativism. another another text. He recognizes the potential for of partnership and chosen imams leaders [sic] leaders imams chosen and partnership of

be be found in Herb London's

t accommodate them enough. He attributes this this attributes He enough. them accommodate t , in which he argues that the rising influence of radical radical of influence rising the that argues he which in ,

partly partly responsible for a similar interaction taking place within the

s approach involves a “suck it and see” approach to policy (ibid. 183), and so he does ations ations upon Muslims, and the Muslims in the position of the dominated. Modood does , the units of power here are the state which should not impose certain religious authorities

The central points to central takeThe into the forward following ofanalysis the debate Singh between and It should be mentioned that Modood has also displayed a more hardline position toward letting position toward hardline more a displayed also has Modood that mentioned be should It The The premise of this rejection is interesting, however. He argues that it would be inappropriate While Modood is certain that religion should be allowed more room in the public sphere, he ely ely continue to function unregulated to the detriment “the vulnerable, especially women and ats ats of spiritual fecklessness and moral anemia" (2008, 1). He also argues that this radical which sees Muslims opposed to a state which does no does which state a to opposed Muslims sees which Cowden and Modood is that and appearCowden his arguments on understandingto depend of power an relations children” children” (Modood 2008, 551). This suggests that despite his desire for more religious influence in be cultura Modood accused hardly of overt can the public sphere, should be brought within the law and be regulated and transparent. Otherwise, he fears that they will they that fears Otherwise, he transparent. and regulated be and within law the brought should be mer coercion in places where sharia councils hold sway, but believes that rather than be made illegal, they illegal, made be than rather that believes but sway, hold councils sharia where places in coercion the state influence the role of religion in public life in state/community state/community level is at least community itself. of the hierarchy fact fact have certain religious authorities and interpretations forced upon them, partly as a consequence of the government empowering faith leaders. The interaction which Modood opposes on the not appear to appreciate that this same argument can be made in terms of people, particularly women, particularly people, of terms in made be can argument same this that appreciate to appear not testimonials the as who, Britain, in societies Muslim traditionally from Women? and interpret for the state to impose “its own template, plans, modes plans, template, own “its impose to state the for upon Muslims” (ibid. 182). Resembling the majority of responses in does does briefly engage with state policy, rejecting a corporatist model state a this (ibid. 182). beyond not move but does in creating Islam, admits admits that hi He framework. of his theoretical the coherence to test with which specific cases with any not engage Modood and Modood and London. quite quite opposite Modood (ibid. 1, 81). However, secularists who fail to appreciate the positive contributions the of religion in society is common to both fundamental thre secularism is "bolstered by the relativistic teachings of multiculturalism," and so positions himself Challenge: The Rise of a New National Religion National New a of Rise The Challenge: secularism in the West it to leaves vulnerable external "the threat of and internalradical "the Islam" phenomena phenomena in a time when scientific explanations were gaining ground on religious ones (Robert Dale Owen 1871, 215). A more recent invocation can otherworldly and religion of role the discussing book a in 1871, as early as used being it shows 2011)

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minimise minimise universalism universalism and with very specific specific very with - These arguments, too,

), an accommodation to their ation ation of a new political discourse of political movements movements political favor, as the Court of Appeal assessed

articul

- 80% Muslim intake, and that as part of the school’s - ation” (ibid. 344). Their view of what multiculturalism multiculturalism what of view Their 344). (ibid. ation”

n by different faith groups and it was hoped would ritique of Modood ritique entalist religious leaders to gain power in minority leaders to in communities. power minority gain entalist religious means irrational.

religious garment which covers less than the jilbab ncreasingly ncreasingly influential in a range of public policy arenas” (ibid. 346), and “that - at at the school in question had a 75 between them” (cited in ibid. 348, original emphasis). however,Begum, believed that the in Luton’s dress code, which prohibited her choice of garment. In accordance with her faith, faith faith policy, the girls at the school were allowed to wear both skirts, trousers, and the shalwar They They center their argument around a case where a young Muslim woman by the name of They lament the in that multiculturalism, on growingThey it should focus religion believing instead -

been been chosen because “it was wor difference uniform uniform policy which had been made in corporation with pupils and had kameez shalwar parents, the that argued schoolas the of well representative A 348). (ibid. as organisations” Muslim “leading multi kameez (a non They They note th that the school had violated Begum’s human rights (ibid. 348). Singh values. and progressive Cowden for do victory not outright actually an as it seeing reject also they but outcome, this with issue take she wore the jilbab, which is a long, black garment that only reveals the face and hands. This resulted resulted This hands. and face the reveals only that garment black long, a is which jilbab, the wore she in a lawsuit against the school, which concluded in Begum’s Shabina Begum had not been able to go to school for two years, due a conflict with the Denbigh High High Denbigh the with conflict a due years, two for school to go to able been not had Begum Shabina School has made it fundam possible made for has reflect reflect the viewpoints of the activists and Manea, as the activists and Manea also support a focus on ethnicity over religion when it comes to helping the marginalized, and believe that multiculturalism religious fundamentalist movements need to be understood as understood be to need movements fundamentalist religious agendas,” as opposed to just “benign community faith groups (ibid. 347).” encouragement of a faith agenda has created a Trojan Horse in which religious fundamentalist groups groups fundamentalist religious which in Horse Trojan a created has agenda faith a of encouragement have become i should encompass is in other words narrower than Modood’s. Their argument is that “the “be understood through the lens of 'race' and n and 'race' of lens the through understood “be much traction in British society, and argue for “a re 343). (2011, is unashamedly universalist which secular” and egalitarianism progressives progressives of ideas associated with postmodernist thinking" especially "anti cultural relativism,” which they believe have allowed fundamentalist religious forces to gain too Singh Singh and Cowden approach the issues facing multiculturalism largely on the same terms and with some by embrace uncritical “the against argue They Manea. and activists the as vocabulary same the C and Cowden’s 5.5 Singh ideology essentiallyideology lack of accommodation to the hegemonic phenomenon of “radical secularism,” and portrays opposition the to more religion in public life as ideologically motivated, which by his definition of 103

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. 104 as he as does against

the postmodernist and postmodernist the o “ o the extreme and reactionary reactionary and extreme the ,” as opposed to earlier, secular earlier, to opposed as ,”

spectives that oversimplify the world they world the oversimplify that spectives nt in Modood’s work is any sense of the abse n question and how things have developed” (2013a, developed” have things how and question n are are able to utilize the same arguments

Tahir Tahir had in the case, noting both that Begum’s brother was than earlier impositions, such as ‘black’” and “that this is the

ut - 6). Note that this is also the of rejection his own view somehowbeing - ” (ibid. 356). ” he multiculturalists responding to Okin did against her: that the discourse he discourse the that her: against did Okin to responding multiculturalists he ew ew that groups can be identified by a singular identifier which can then claim rights especially especially South Asians, logy, logy, which again supports the charge of him dismissing those who disagree with him as in ibid. 351). In other words, Singh and Crowd problematize not so much the decision in and Modood does not engage with the concrete cases in Singh and Cowden’s paper, instead moving instead paper, Cowden’s and Singh in cases concrete the with engage not does Modood In Modood’s response to the Singh and Cowden, he rejects their claim that his approach erases approach that his claim their rejects heCowden, and Singh the to response Modood’s In They further charge that while it is clear that Modood does oppose “ oppose does Modood that clear is it while that charge further They Singh Singh and Cowden have further reservations about the case as a victory for multiculturalism,

ecular ecular spaces. He instead argues “that the primacy of religious identities is more authentic of some irrational, irrational, while defining himself as pragmatic. Recall the warning by van Dijk that we tend to view Singh Singh and Cowden (ibid. 125 tied to ideo On a slightly ironic note, he defines “ideology as social per social as “ideology defines he note, ironic slightly a On to dismiss secularism of radical the concept employing finally with,” (ibid. before 123) engaging are the discussion to the conceptual plane with a theoretical discussion of ideology and multiculturalism. and ideology of discussion theoretical a with plane conceptual the to discussion the a basis for policy (South room for policy (Muslim). for to make basis Asian) another a Modood’s vi as a group from characteristic identifying one remove must he that identifiersmeans other to relative 122). 122). In lieu of a theoretical framework which allows Modood to consider an individual to multiple, have conflicting identities which interact with one another within different power structures, minorities, i minorities the about fact contingent a just is case s postcolonial postcolonial repudiation of Enlightenment traditions, of which secularism and the most important amongst universalism are gives gives credence to can be mobilized for less noble ends. While Modood’s primary conceptual foe is t led have believe they which relativism, cultural is theirs secularism, radical Modood that several of t of several that Modood elements within theelements Islam” same elements “ against charge mount Here, essentially the same (ibid. 355). they definitions society” of civil secular movements calling for equality (ibid. 353). equality for calling movements starts, starts, with the charge that “What is (…) crucially movements social based faith new these of thrust ideological different (cited Modood of critique their where also is This part. a became it which of agenda political the but itself, of affiliated affiliated with them, and that they themselves acknowledged egging on the case, representative saying their “‘We offered women’s her [Begum] general support. She just needed encouragement” and and it is these that lead to their critique of Modood. They are not comfortable with the influence the fundamentalist organization Hizb 349). worn women“ kameez disbelieving was in ibid religion by “normally against her shalwar and (cited

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and and hile hile

they

tors, and

sive, the secular identity secular the sive,

or more simply, ourselves as oncerning how to bring Islam into the ideological ideological religion, while noting that -

position “uniquely problematizes religion,” and and religion,” problematizes “uniquely position 130). They further argue that the contradiction in contradiction the that argue further They 130). - ideological manifestations of Islam supported by then ical secularists who divide religious people “in terms of - s and organizations that claim to represent these concerns,” again concerns,” these represent to claim that organizations and s ut Tahir (2013, 129 (2013, Tahir ut - 8). He also never addresses the abuse perpetrated against Women perpetrated against Agains never also addresses abuse the 8). He - trations trations against a protest calling for the banning of Rushdie’s book by the

demons - demonstration, “these women were vilified as ‘whores’ by many of the demonstra - Finally, Finally, Modood includes in his charge of radical secularism against Singh and Cowden that In In his response to this, and the last response on this article, Modood insists that Singh In In light of this, they ask Modood what he sees as non Their argument is that while a multiculturalism based on religion is divi is religion on based multiculturalism a while that is argument Their In In their response to Modood, Singh and Cowden argue that what “Modood fails to consider is ocratic right to be part of an “assertive gay pride part to 135). be (ibid. “assertive movement” an gay right of ocratic

their extremiststheir (ibid. 137 inconsistent inconsistent with his own view that it is rad have movements all that notes himself he when particularly fundamentalists,” and believers ordinary consider consider all people who attacked the novel fundamentalist and hence are simplifying religion in an also is it and response, their of reading particular very a requires This 137). (ibid. manner ideological their their critique of the fundamentalists calling for the banning of Rushdie’s book means that dem compares religion compares to homosexuality to make his point, that arguing a homosexual man could simply basis a not “make his sexuality politics, closet” of his in the but that it and to “stay is also his choose uncritical uncritical about the growing influence of fundamentalism and their overall skepticism of religion in their that believes He 135). (2013b, sphere public the Cowden Cowden are radical secularists, based on their belief that the British government has been too public sphere, and their “concern is that [Modood] fails to recognize hegemonic struggles taking place taking struggles hegemonic recognize to fails [Modood] that is “concern their and sphere, public (ibid. 133). in religion” Mayor Mayor Ken Livingstone actually featured people who had provided theological support for suicide bombers (ibid. 132). They believe that this reveals struggles c 2008 London event set up to promote non ideologies, had women” (ibid. 131). had ‘corrupted’ these ideologies, counter the implication of this abuse was that secular feminism, as well as other secularist and ‘Western’ cite cite the counter minority women’s rights organization Women Against Fundamentalism. They note that during this "black" was able to unite oppressed people across cultural, ethnic, and geographical separations, and separations, and geographical and ethnic, across people cultural, oppressed was to unite able "black" that this secular black identity came under attack in the Rushdie affair (ibid. 130). They specifically ‘multiculturalism as dialogue’ that Modood is arguing for" for" Modood is arguing (ibid. 130). that as dialogue’ ‘multiculturalism Modood’s position is that it would support Begum’s demand as religious ofkind very the of accommodation, rejection specific the on based “is that w Islam of version a on based is that ignoring the nature of the religious movement religious the of nature the Hizbof involvement the citing ourselves as being beholden to the truth and others as ideological, means. irrational theirs arriving and at as by rational means others conclusions our by at arriving 105

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- al al 106 jerk ‘anti - onality onality of his mistaken in dismissing in mistaken

tains to British Muslims, Muslims, British to tains age with power relations power with age traitors. Following this, I will - ideological. This is not simply a - is that he believes that religion may

colonial colonial lens, so it would be remiss to simply jerk. This follows the pattern of Modood’s chain Modood’s of pattern the follows This jerk. - -

efinition of knee of efinition ive informant” and “imperial feminist,” vocabulary which frames ity of either sides’ arguments. either of sides’ ity

, in the case of the delegitimizing labels, Singh and Cowden simply provide simply Cowden and Singh labels, delegitimizing the of case the in , oes not do so through a post ast he does not engage with the issue of religious authority figures imposing a certain certain a imposing figures authority religious of issue the with engage not does he ast In the last chapter before the conclusion, I will discuss how some of the issues the activists and activists the issues the of some how discuss will I conclusion, the before chapter last the In As I noted at the outset of this section, its purpose was to provide a consciously critical reading critical consciously a provide to was purpose its section, this of outset the at noted As I However, even though this means that Modood fails to engage with power relations beyond the beyond relations power with engage to fails Modood that means this though even However, Arguably, Arguably, protesting against a manifestation of religion which prompts people to call other research research and the example of a women’s rights campaigner in Morocco, as well as the issues with to intersectionality intrying apply dominant a operates discourse which with fundamentally cultures dissidents from majority Muslim communities essentially as race discuss the empirical backing for the idea of secular human rights as universal, using historic Manea Manea engage with are challenged by the multicultural discourse they oppose. The concerns concepts first such section as “nat semantic issue, as it implies fundamentally that he is rational and the others are not and hence makes hence and not are othersthe and rational is hethat fundamentally implies it as issue, semantic qual the about presuppositions secularism. In the case of ideology, it bears mentioning again that Modood isModood that mentioning again bears it ideology, of the case In secularism. other views as ideological while presenting his own views as non proves as much. However much. as proves radical his of does Modood than relativism cultural their of definition robust empirically more much a and and the role of religion in society in general. Modood is entirely correct in claiming that there is an ideological secularism at work in Britain. The section in this paper on the discourse of the activists of one of the most prominent figures who deals with multiculturalism as it per it as multiculturalism with deals who figures prominent most the of one of approach to arguments, his reliance on delegitimization and his failure to eng to failure his and delegitimization on reliance his arguments, to approach it. resemble thelevel do largely state/group beyond consider consider his discourse a continuation of the strain in Okin’s book. Still, as I have shown, his basic state/group state/group level, he d although by contr by although have sway. on the they communities in which religion be be the most authentic way to define some ethnic groups, as shown by his own example drawing on people, religious on secularism impose not should state the that belief his is this to Tied Asians. South delegitimizing delegitimizing concepts than concrete multiculturalists responding to Okin. Another aspect he shares examples of lived experiences with some of the the application of a vocabulary (radical secularism, ideology) which rejects the rati opposition while naturalizing his own positions. Thus he shares the tendency to rest more on people “whores” is a questionable d questionable a is “whores” people through views other of delegitimization on rests partly which here, discussed texts the in reasoning of fundamentalism’” (ibid. 138). fundamentalism’” Fundamentalism. Instead, he dismisses their response as “a shallow, prejudicial, knee

ISSUE 1 | LEVIATHAN | FALL 2017 s 25). - ion (Patel 2011, 150). wing commentators, in commentators, wing - ses ses empirical examples to 25). The report also frame -

2). - exclusion rather than inclusion,” generating ntly political nature of the activists and Manea’s Manea’s and activists the of nature political ntly

estioned to assess how this may affect their framing their affect may this how assess to estioned back back up their arguments, from a 2006 report about

jerk manner when going against what they perceived to be - rt, they write that communities should not be considered “the “the considered be not should communities that write they rt, Chapter 6: Chapter Discussion is of the secular movement as ideologically motivated is correct, if

in their communities.in their

(WAF) acted in a knee

nformants ainly ainly disagree with the uncompromising nature of their views, such as the claim that

One ofOne the issues women’s that minority orrights activists, otherwise, face is that their secular They They also provide numerous examples to The The agenda and grievance interpretation of WAF closely resembles that of SBS, as is evident jerk about the organization. Like, and in accordance with, SBS, it u -

oppression in the minds of some within academia, and among liberal and left and liberal among and academia, within some of minds the in oppression British British Muslim activist and human rights campaigner Sara Khan argues that there is a “hierarchy of voices voices are not considered authentic enough when it comes to matters of relig doubtful, although his analys simplistic. take a number of ideologically coherent positions, which are, unsurprisingly, in line with the general in line the general unsurprisingly, with positions, are, coherent which of ideologically number a take ideology of the activists and Manea. In light of this, Modood’s claims about the organization are separate separate prayer rooms are “over accommodation,” but the point is that there is nothing shallow or knee fundamentalist texts and Christian schools teaching creationism during science texts classes 20 (ibid. fundamentalist and Christian teaching creationism during schools One can cert physical physical abuse in madrassas being largely ignored, to a Hindu religious school working with harmful to the stability and 'cohesion' of the country” (ibid. 1 country” the of and to 'cohesion' the stability harmful even even Western,” as “Otherwise, they become markers of are and divisions for “responsible are values” alien and negative their “with immigrants that view the secularism secularism as part of the solution to combat racism and fundamentalism, calling these “two of the most divisive trends in British Society,” while rejecting the portrayal of human rights as “British or natural natural building blocks of society,” and argue against “a cultural relativist approach” to policy that ignores the marginalized groups in minority communities (2007, 4 by a shared report from the two organizations to the Commission on Integration and Cohesion arguing arguing Cohesion and Integration on Commission the to organizations two the from report shared a by repo the In (2007). schools faith against fundamentalist tendencies fundamentalist efforts. efforts. I begin by providing Fundamentalism an argument against Modood’s claim that Women Against sources I have used so far, but also by introducing a few new ones along with examples of situations ones with along new examples introducing of situations few a by so far, have but also used sources I qu been have voices their of legitimacy the where In this section, I discuss the issue of the voice of the women’s rights activists, both by drawing on the on drawing by both activists, rights women’s the of voice the of issue the discuss I section, this In 6.1 Native I 6.1 Native inhere the discuss briefly I Finally, groups. discrete as moving before conclusions. on to the campaign 107

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108 issue issue extremist Prevent - “view from inside“view from the ebated the concept of out, and a native informant out, native and a - n on the Muslim writer Irshad Manji, writer Irshad n on the Muslim 644). 644). Drawing on Sherene Razack, she - of the “imperial feminist,” which frames liberalism, liberalism, as they are acting “in the spirit of - an imperial feminist who goes against her own culture

she will be told that she is colonialist; if she is a woman of woman a is she is colonialist;if she that told will be she

Western Western feminist voices, at worst by labelling them native icular), icular), are placed on a lower rung to Islamophobia” (with -

e. e. … In short, the ideology of Imperial Feminism doesn’t only emerge Western feminist as - has actually been working been working has Britishwith the actually anti government’s strategic” strategic” and describes her writing as “hysterical ranting” and Arab “native

centered proponents of neo - then, there are many things which can delegitimize a Muslim feminist, but they all

Inspire

of this, as it draws on a breadth of literature which perpetuates the native informant trope. Overall, Framing Framing the non Khan Khan proceeds to quote another academic, Meredith Tax, who has d anization depend on particular interpretations of what she (or he) is doing. What it comes down to are judgments are to down comes it What doing. is he) (or she what of interpretations particular on depend entrepreneurial 648). (ibid. capitalism” entrepreneurial harem” harem” (cited in ibid. 644). She frames Muslim authors who feminism supposedly as produce this self imperial informants” informants” in the media in general as “shrill” (2009, 635 that Manji argues Orientalistfurther of racistis in and because fact deeply her both profitable and who has written a book about her own experiences with Islam which praises the West and argues for argues and praises the West which with Islam own experiences her book about a written who has “is Muslim “moderate” a as herself of presentation Manji’s that argues Maria reformation. Islamic an In this paper, she describes Muslims who question their culture as “native informants” who, as “good as who, informants” “native as culture their question who Muslims describes she paper, this In i in business. hones She Muslims” to stay “bad Muslims,” need informants, informants, betrayers of their own community. A research paper by Sunaina Maria provides a good example and and people serves to delegitimize non be be engaged constitutes “divide and rule” and that she herself is colonialist closely resembles this discourse. 136). 136). Note that Manea also draws on a similar quote from Tax cultures when patriarchal she in discusses women the young that same suggestion Okin’s that claims the that also Recall 32). (2016, colour colour or feminist from the Global South, she will be considered to lack authenticity” (cited in ibid. alongside Muslim women without being accused of the sin of Orientalism,” and her experience is that is experience her and Orientalism,” of sin the of accused being without women Muslim alongside white, is she “If does,woman a as insofar imperial imperial feminism with Kumar. Tax argues that it has become “almost impossible now to stand from from elites and their institutions in the West but from people in and from the Global South as well” in ibid. 136). (cited targets targets the academic Deepa Kumar for writing that “there inadvertently are enable empir those who either consciously or herself herself (ibid. 21). Khan’s frustration is with the concept some feminists as enablers of empire, broadly understood as Western dominance. She specifically org sell a being and so she has called an Islamophobe, program, experienced McMahon 2016, 139). 2016, McMahon The she criticism levels is theat samethis group that be many levelled can at of the respondents in Okin’s book, and for her it comes from a personal place, as her and her which women’s rights (Muslim in part

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l reality. l ormant.” could could result

ia argues that Manji’s e in academia can also take also can academia in e , a British organization which organization British a , rationality. If the Muslim feminist feminist Muslim the If rationality.

of the organization’s female members

an an provides the example of a young Muslim Faith to Faithless to Faith “Uncle Tom” is a label that refers to a black person black a to refers thatlabel a is Tom” “Uncle

). aired the same issues with control, but also with the issue of issue the with also but control, with issues same the aired

im terrorist,” which skirts somewhat around the point that part of t his experiences as a Minister of Community Cohesion working with working Cohesion Community of Minister a as experiences his t ntrol,” ntrol,” which was most apparent in how she should dress. She says that ). In other words, the focus on the concept obscures the empirica the obscures concept the on focus the words, other In ). on the internet, a mix of being labelled a slut and a fake Muslim (2016, 166). (2016, Muslim fake a and slut a labelled being mixof a internet, the on

Caroline Mortimer 2016 Mortimer Caroline ( " Bedell 2008 Bedell issues issues voiced by the Muslim feminists, or feminists from traditionally Muslim

Another speaker at the same event same the at speaker Another For one final example, I turn to the organization organization the to turn I example, final one For The The issue is not only that the native informant is not considered to be an authentic member of

Muslim slutshaming Muslim being stuck in her own culture. All the while she was having doubts about her religion, her attending her religion, her doubts about having was she while All the culture. own stuck in her being was part. was in being called a whore (Halima 2016). herIn case, it was not the demands of ormodernity the host nation which placed restrictions on her, but rather those from the minority community of which she privileged in privileged society, women with hijab given were status, a higher while not it wearing been been “emancipation from co wearing the hijab wasn’t overtly forced, but her experience was still that, because religion was discussed discussed whether leaving Islam was a feminist issue, a discussion which also involved personal narratives. One member from an Asian minority community said that the focus of her struggle had focuses focuses on creating a safe communities. In a space speaking event for at a university, atheists a group from traditionally religious, mainly Muslim, who is subservient to whites (ibid.), essentially inf on the same “native working tropes as (ibid.), essentially to whites who is subservient Iranian television in 2009 abou 2009 in television Iranian communities Muslim place in public life. To take a more widely known example, the current mayor of London Sadiq Khan Khan Sadiq London of mayor current the example, known widely more a take To life. public in place has had to apologize for saying that “you can’t just speak to the Uncle Toms,” when interviewed by This can arguably be considered a somewhat harsher interpretation of simply dismissing someone as dismissing simply of interpretation harsher somewhat a considered be arguably can This plac taking is that delegitimization the that is point The informant. native a " reproduced reproduced outside of a merely academic context. Kh activist who wanted to challenge the Islamist theology, and was subsequently subjected to British her her community and hence not capable of having a legitimate opinion about it, but also that this is Manji’s problem with him is that he beat her mother and chased Manji herself around with a knife (Geraldine once by by the figure of the patriarchal and violent Muslim male, who has the potential to darken into the sinister figure of the ‘bad’ Musl and and symbols, essentially a frame which interprets them in a certain way. Mar embodied as Islam of oppressiveness the “symbolizes him, of description negative her through father, to be that the vocabulary preexisting of stock a using rather but terms own their on not considered are communities, imperial feminists, even Muslim feminists can be considered Orientalists. Once again the issue seems issue the again Once Orientalists. considered be can feminists Muslim even feminists, imperial or intentionality either of judgements through filtered legitimacy of publishes a book, her word is not legitimate because there is a profit motive, and, by virtue of being 109

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110 ts of ersal ersal colonial - is that secular values,

icultural theoreticians. icultural Muslims being dehumanized being Muslims

re is an expansive vocabulary vocabulary expansive an is re - could could be “the rising prominence of

eem, eem, one of the founders of the organization,

ld has become subject to “concept creep,” “a process process “a creep,” “concept to subject become has ld munities have. ghts, as well as the history of secularism in Muslim countries. The countries. Muslim in secularism of history the as well as ghts, he particular issues facing particular demographics should always be welcome, should demographics always facing particular issues he particular

es face a discourse which labels them as essentially illegitimate actors. As such, it such, As actors. illegitimate essentially as them labels which discourse a face es oval with Islam. She also mentions her experience of ex of experience her mentions also She Islam. with oval

The The issues with this development of a discourse which can delegitimize internal cultural To sum up, it is quite easy to document how dissenting British women from traditionally wing wing agenda, and one possible explanation for the creep - at at is what happened has in the would present case researchfurther require of the on the etymology Western Western host society, but they all share the theme of problematizing the application of univ with multiculturalism and human ri human and multiculturalism with cases below do not all concern themselves with the clash of traditionally Muslim cultures and a and and more broadly what constitutes good and bad morally speaking, are universal and universally applicable. In this section I analyze and challenge this idea, drawing on literature which deals both 6.2 Universalism One of the central claims of the minority women’s rights activists and Manea but consider that a term like “native informant” is now being used to delegitimize minorities critical should worry mult of concept the pitfalls creep community, and own of their phenomenon” being “added by accretion” (ibid. 11). This is not necessarily a negative development. negative is a (ibid. 11). This being notaccretion” necessarily by “added phenomenon” of t awareness Rising left existing of forms “new in results which Muslims,” and people transgendered as such groups, minority th relevant concepts, but already some commonalities are apparent. The concepts mainly fit within a by which many of the definitions used in the field have expanded horizontally, to include qualitatively qualitatively include to horizontally, expanded have field the in used definitions the of many which by new phenomena,” as well as vertically, to include quantitatively new behavior (2016, 1). Whether criticism criticism resembles a debate that is currently taking place in the adjacent field of psychology. Nick fie the in research that suggested recently Haslam master master frame within academia dealing with multiculturalism, and whatever standards their members com of own behavior of female work, outside of the ones they mention themselves. At the same time the time same the At themselves. mention they ones the of outside work, with which to delegitimize their framing, which can be seen as constituting a broadly post Muslim communiti Muslim appears that the activists and Manea have quite a lot of cases with which to support their framing and ignored, or called Uncle Toms or native informants (Saleem 2015). informants (Saleem or Uncle native Toms or ignored, called and of women, and explains that it was in college that feminism and Marxism gave her a language to disappr express emancipation. emancipation. This is also the case with Aliyah Sal body the to control desire She religion’s Namazie’s. to is opposed resemble on religion views whose reference outside of her Muslim community until university, where she found people who helped her helped who people found she where university, until community Muslim her of outside reference question her religion (Sarah 2016). In other words, she views secular education as the source of her a Muslim high school and Muslim college meant that she did not really have any social poin

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arly arly as relates to

em em to be a feature in es not recognize history as Catholic Church only endorsed down.” Hence, “for a generation of generation a “for Hence, down.” - the ce universalist notions of human rights and

intimately connected with debates in civil society,” civil in debates with connected intimately to have their rights respected” their respected” 97). (ibid. to have rights colonial era, despotism, dictatorship, and human rights abuses came abuses rights human and despotism,dictatorship, era, colonial Western Western cultures. As such, they serve to elaborate on the empirical - - Catholic Church the framed cooptation of in human rights a manner that did ts the thinking “that by fighting for human rights ‘Westeners’ simply try to

Western. He, much like Manea, considers the idea “that the assumption that what that assumption the “that ideathe considers Manea, like much Western. He,

rily onrests rily some notion certain of more values being authentic thanfor some people others. d not agree with his vision of multiculturalism as irrational through labelling them “radical Coming Coming from a similar historical perspective as Bielefeldt, Nader Hashemi argues that while Bielefeldt’s argument stems from his tracing of the development of notions of universal human universal of notions of development the of tracing his from stems argument Bielefeldt’s The The notion that dissident members of majority Muslim communities are not authentic voices associated with secularism” (2010, 334). The skepticism of ideas which are mostly prevalent in prevalent mostly are which ideas of skepticism The 334). (2010, secularism” with associated

In my critical analysis of the discourse of Modood, my primary concern was with his framing of those of framing his with was concern primary my Modood, of discourse the of analysis critical my In who di as as explanatory factors behind attempts to spread or enfor secularism in this paper should not be seen as denial that these things are not real historical factors. the West, if not “of” the West per se, is not based on nothing. The criticism of colonialism and empire empire and colonialism of criticism The nothing. on based not is se, per West the “of” not if West, the Muslims growing up in the post the in up growing Muslims be to secularism in Europe was largely bottom up, and “ and up, bottom largely was Europe in secularism top was Muslim world the in “secularism that meant colonialism multicultural discourse, as does the subsequent tying of human rights to Western domination. of human to rights tying Western as the subsequent does discourse, multicultural impose their own cultural values” (ibid. 102). Going by the multicultural texts discussed in this paper, paper, this in discussed texts multicultural the by Going 102). (ibid. values” cultural own their impose the idea of human rights as something belonging to the West does indeed se cultural potential” (ibid. 99). Indeed, Bielefeldt argues that propagating the idea that human rights are are rights human that idea the propagating that argues Bielefeldt Indeed, 99). (ibid. potential” cultural Western is what promp heritage heritage of that culture” to be an “essentialist appropriation” that do contingent, and that nothing is ever “naturally unfolding” from something inherent in a “preexisting rights are uniquely are rights is ‘rooted’ in the original sources of a particular culture can legitimately be claimed as an exclusive rights rights in Western and Islamic countries, alongside the development of the academic idea that these in the West “had (and still have) to fight to fight still have) (and Westin the “had sexuality. sexuality. Bielefeldt argues that “Human rights humanitarian ideas deeply rooted in the did cultural and religious traditions of Europe,” but that people not develop as a ‘natural unfolding’ of not indict the integrity not indict the integrity of the religion. Of to course, that say through West, the or religion otherwise, has achieved a total compliance with human rights would be wrong, particul Christian terms, claiming that this had always been part of Christian tradition (Bielefeldt 2000, 96 98). other words, the In complicated complicated than that. To take one case of Western religion, human rights and religious during liberty the Second Vatican Council in 1965. also It framed this in necessa One of the issues with viewing human rights as a Western invention is that history is a lot more human rights in regards to non efforts. activistsframing Manea’s of the and backing 111

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112 justice justice and hose hose of the is the same the is

the success of

rule strategy to - and - nd human rights NGOs rights human nd y y attributing a series of

gious references essential to the process, this seems the attachment of Muslim people to the ‘sanctity’ of their e lawse and policies” (ibid. 533). argumentsUsing religious to be legitimized religiously, as it would otherwise simply

32, original emphasis). In response, she argues that “all democrats democrats “all that argues response, she emphasis). In 32, original - ecalling ecalling

” (ibid. 531 ”

cept that secular human rights are not inherent to or owned by the West, the actual actual the West, the by owned or to inherent not are rights human secular that cept is certainly true that people from Western countries enjoy secular human rights to a greater greater a to rights human secular enjoy countries Western from people that true certainly is fighting fighting against the political Islam in their society, in Morocco and elsewhere, as native To sum up, viewing secular human rights as something inherently Western is empirically Using Using the multicultural vocabulary discussed so far, however, we could frame She She observes that following the Arab spring, a number of Middle Eastern countries saw the Even if we ac we if Even dubious. It It dubious. behalf of Western hegemony. Western of behalf diminish Islam. In other words, on acting be to not, or knowingly them, we consider and involved, actors the to intentions delegitimizing could reinterpret the struggle b women women informants, who were used by international organizations as part of a divide lesser lesser role for religion, and so we could consider her a radical secularist. We could consider the Even Even if Guessous considered engaging with reli to have been merely a pragmatic decision. The ultimate goal was still increased secularism and a the Moroccan campaign as the success of imperialism international organizations involved and in restructuring the colonialism. role of religion in There the lives of were, Moroccans. after all, different people based ondifferent cultural notionsspecificities. of their separation between religion and law. In addition, note that her rejection of political Islam political Islam of rejection her that note addition, In law. and religion between separation as Manea’s, and, more interestingly, also constitutes a rejection of applying different standards to a separation between separation a religion theand stat greater was result the as insofar acceptable only and pragmatic, was words, other in law, the amend to gender gender equality as universally defined” (ibid. 532). To Guessous, “Women’s rights encourage help are “they as one instrument,” political of a the as Islam of use the prohibit and prevent to ways major have have not only the duty to secure women’s rights when they exist but also to promote regressing regressing women’s rights “by r specificities’ ‘cultural revolutionaries revolutionaries institute “a retrograde and patriarchal instrumentalization of Islam” which justified Even Even so, her conclusions about the political use of to Islam limit women’s rights mirror t Manea. and activists recognition recognition that the new family law had 529). (2012, identity Moroccan in religion of importance the to due institute to difficult too been have to develop and have implemented a new family law that, ideally, guarantees equality before the law for women. Nouzha Guessous, who took part in this process, attributes its success in part to the enforcement enforcement of human Muslimrights in traditionally way of communities notsecularization may by a women from work of 30 years took it Morocco, of case the In pragmatic. be essentialists would be making exactly the same mistake. the same exactly making would be essentialists secularists.” Simply dismissing him and other multiculturalists on the grounds that they are

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ty ty in t about it. it. about t ld view the West’s the view ld r framing centers on centers framing r ys ys depending on how one frames it. ecause ecause in accordance with the Race Relations

d their intersections are directly relevant to the

to certain demographics based on historical developments. demographics based on historical to certain

g g Black Minority Ethnic (BME) women (Southall Black Sisters

erent are are clearly against giving any special treatment for religions in the

inh ntersectionality countries do not fully live up to them, and even to the extent that they do, the ally ally to minorities in danger because of the intersection of gender, ethnicity, and lity are seldom neutral toward other axes” (Verloo 2013, 900). The framing of the activists and and activists the of framing The 900). 2013, (Verloo axes” other toward neutral seldom are lity Mieke Mieke Verloo distinguishes between structural and political intersectionality. Structural To take a where case the ethnic focus of SBS became problematic, in 2007 the CouncilEaling Indeed, Indeed, it is the struggle against that last view that is the core of the activists and Manea’s

Manea Manea targets both sides. On the one hand, they call for greater focus on the lived experiences of their their intersections are relevant to political strategies and inequa how strategies regarding one axis of intersectionality intersectionality “occurs when inequalities an experiences of people in society,” while political intersectionality “indicates how inequalities and religion is politically problematic. is politically religion catering catering specific Act Act 1976, their name and existence excluded white women and they were hence discriminatory and divisive” (Patel 2011, 143). The funding ultimately continued, but the situation does suggest that attempted attempted to cut funding for SBS, on the grounds that their focus on BME women “worked against the interest of equality, diversity, and cohesion, and b interact, and hence their framing is highly intersectional, even if it only Patel who is explici is who Patel only it if even intersectional, highly is framing their hence and interact, and and SBS define their work as helpin 2016) Their framing does not rest on rejecting the relevance of identities, but rather on how these the belief that women from traditionally Muslim minorities require, and deserve, special attention. Manea suggests that immigrants be referred to by nationality, not religion (2016, 239), while Patel political political realm, they do not seem opposed to policies targeting particular groups. Even though Patel thei concept, a as intersectionality with engage directly to them of one only the is While the activists and Manea 6.3 The Difficulties of I 6.3 The Difficulties framing. framing. The next section goes more in depth with this by discussing the role of intersectionali hegemony in it. of including the role framing, their one to consider certain views certain to consider one failures failures to live up to these values as evidence that Western morality is hypocritical, and hence no better or worse than other systems of morality as a basis for rights. Again, the last position requires development development toward that has been far from even. Coming from a cou one more however, Western, culturally inherently values relativist rights human secular angle considers which coupled coupled with a fight for the same in other parts principles. Western of the world, attests to the universality of the Coming from a universalist angle, the failure of Western countries to live up to secular human rights, human secular to up live to countries Western of failure the angle, universalist a from Coming degree than people elsewhere, but even so it can also be argued that no Western country fully lives up to them. This can be interpreted in two entirely opposite wa 113

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of of 114

lace lace of egemony

aspects aspects of the case case of much of the critique

assumption. The activists and

n, and gender. On the other, they also l counterpart, would highlight how an academic academic an how highlight would counterpart, l the particular texts by Modood discussed in this paper es. Locating hegemony is also a political act. Hence, when Namazie when Hence, act. political a also is hegemony Locating es.

ic position is always suspect. Because viewing something as hegemonic ulture as the site where minority rights must be fought nonetheless stands in dings dings in this paper call into question research which deals only with hegemony as Indeed, Indeed, in none of the sources used in this paper is hegemony invoked in a positive fashion. The The fin Modood’s view that it is reasonable to let the political identity “Muslim” take the p

resistance. resistance. The last section before my conclusions shortly discusses the them. prove how could problematic for and these framing, activists political of particular religious communiti religious particular of justified of position a in project political own her placing also is she Islamism, to hegemony attributes of Okin, or Islamic hegemony in the case of Namazie. Where one locates hegemony determines also of locates hegemony one Namazie. case in the Where hegemony or of Okin, Islamic where one locates resistance, whether this be a marginalized religious minority or women members this be secular hegemony in Modood’s case, Western hegemony in the This means that where one identifies hegemony, one has also identified one’s antagonist, whether determines determines which dominant stock of meanings one group defends. marginalized one targets for critique, and likewise which means means viewing something as presupposed, whether this be the superiority of secularism or sharia, it also means viewing it as something that must be questioned. Hence, where one locates h hegemonic values into doubt. It should be quite clear from the uses of the term hegemony throughout hegemony term the of uses the from clear quite be should It doubt. into values hegemonic this paper that the hegemon there there is a strain in multicultural research where this appears to be the Manea’s transnational framing casts this implicit view of Western values as the only meaningfully Western. Western. Of course, it is doubtful that researcher any would use so simple a definition. Nonetheless, own impact on rights on another axis, such as gender equality, were it to be in policy. were on reflected axis, equality, as such on rights another gender own impact This, to paraphrase Verloo’s description of its politica its of description Verloo’s paraphrase to This, theory seeking to justify rights for a group of people on one axis, such as culture, risks ignoring its the British minority women in traditionally Muslim communities. In light of the more dismissive intersectionality. academic for call perhaps can we theory, Modood’s as well as Okin, of respondents represents represents quite well. Because the dominant discourse equates culture, ethnicity, and nature, it is incapable of intersectionality, yet intersectionality as lived experience is undeniable in the lives discrete discrete manner instead of intersecting. Indeed, intersectionality stands in opposition to Baumann’s conception of the dominant discourse, which “South “South Asian” is also incompatible with intersectionality, as it considers identities to function in a overall overall focus on c different identities interact. how the considering requires opposition, intersectionality as attack attack both political and academic discourses which prioritize religion oblivious of its impact on women. The multicultural discourse discussed in this paper does not oppose this explicitly, but its minority women at the intersection between ethnicity, religio

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wing - will have

. tly tly incompatible with r political affiliation, with affiliation, political r wing wing politicians, yet they - he chapter on theory he my andchapter Unveiled centering centering the conversation on - right. At the same time, the fact fact the time, same the At right. -

wing ideology, yet their rejection of political of rejection their yet ideology, wing - to CDA researchers by Fairclough, even if I rocess the campaign can quite readily be cast as politically inalized group delegitimizes them in the eyes of many left aster aster frames, but not actually fitting within any. Their criticism of political heir political colors than they are redefining what is leftist. legitimately what redefining are political than they heir colors may be difficult to do in practice, as critically analyzing a given discourse, and in so in and discourse, given a analyzing critically as practice, in do to difficult be may

Christian values as a moral and political nexus. Their focus on defending marginalized defending on focus Their nexus. political and moral a as values Christian - In In this paper, I have been consciously critical of the multicultural discourse opposed by the At the same time, the activists do not seem particularly coy about thei about coy particularly seem not do activists the time, same the At Namazie's Namazie's OLA and the secular women’s rights movement in general spends a great deal o

aming aming efforts. Even if Patel has nothing to do with Iranian politics, she has still associated herself that the voices of women from traditionally Muslim communities speaking out against injustices which have not been questioned. However, as stated have not been the ofwhich questioned. toward end as However, t method, and as exemplified by Modood’s description of WAF, there is currently an asymmetry in (1995, 83). This 83). (1995, doing questioning and deconstructing it, creates an asymmetry between that and other discourses have have only borrowed parts of the theory. He warns that even as one performs a critical analysis of discourse, one must at the same time be careful not to simultaneously naturalize other discourses is, however, important to remember a warning given multiculturalism and sharia functions as a process, and to call for re dynamics marginalized the of minority and toward internal multiculturalism more cultural It groups. activists activists and Manea, both to understand how their efforts at framing the conversation reclaim reclaim it. throughIndeed, their direct engagement with leftist discourse, they appear less interested t flying in avoiding many many of their writings essentially consisting of thoughts on leftist political theory and how best to fr of politics to side through contribution her with the Namazie's Iranian motivated, motivated, just as granting more space for religion interesting to see whether or not in Namazie's political affiliation ends up problematizing the activists’ public can. Considering this, it will be that the minority women’s rights opposition to sharia in Britain is spearheaded by an organization with ties to Iran's communist party means that effort differentiating themselves from the political projects of the far the of projects political the from themselves differentiating effort women's rights Muslim communities.fromrights groups majority women's partly ofapartly manifestation Marxist mastera frame, internationalist further although research secular oriented transnationally of work framing the to is ideology Marxist central how investigate to accommodation accommodation of another marg political adherents and academics. The texts in Fitnah suggests that their transnational outlook is viewing Judeo viewing left Western with broadly fits feminism and individuals accommodation accommodation of Islamic values resembles that made by Western right reject any idea of the West as exceptional and their secular ideology is inheren Ostensibly, theOstensibly, activist's issue with political positioning may at least partly come from their framing drawing on multiple m P Framing of the Nature 6.4 The Political 115

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), 116 ame the ame ar ar voices from iling iling as vehicles ef ef that orthodox Del Gaizo 2016 Gaizo Del

indeed, indeed, whether the

– Muslims Britain and the -

members, veiling certainly be certainly can veiling members,

can can show examples of ve

Faith to Faithless featured their first hijab wearing British Muslim model in a Faith to Faithless nsidered sufficiently legitimate within academia. Part of the

cally motivated in nature. radical cally and to define what constitutes legitimate exercises of power is central to

Chapter 7: Chapter Conclusions they they attribute a political agenda to people simply because they perform

. Judging both from the interviews of Muslim women cited earlier in this be be representative of a political agenda. This aspect of their framing could prove

influenced by a general antipathy toward Islam, even from within Muslim majority majority Muslim within from even Islam, toward antipathy general a by influenced

Unveiled Islamic farIslamic right and comparable to a Nazi swastika that Namazieby is supported and could Communist Party of Iran provide ready evidence that the campaign against Islamic authority Islamic against campaign the that evidence ready provide Iran of Party Communist - Lucas Lucas in The The question of who gets Namazie’s Namazie’s status as a member of both the Muslim Council of ex One aspect of their framing which could prove problematic is the framing of the Islamic veil as veil Islamic the of framing the is problematic prove could which framing their of aspect One

- modern popular the phenomenon.modern approaches culture

the present case. As is the question of who gets to define what constitutes a legitimate voice, and the voice, and to case. As is the what legitimate who constitutes a question of define the present gets two are interconnected. The secular women’s rights activists wish to frame secul of religious communities. of religious campaign campaign against sharia councils, and religion in the public sphere more broadly, as resistance from an below, and not as issue the Western state ofarrogantly dismissing the sincerely held beliefs For For all of the political baggage of Namazie, she, Patel, Manea, and others like them may ultimately fr They society. broader and academia in both discourse, multicultural to challenge a provide Islam in the public sphere is ideologi Islam authority figures have too much sway is inconsequential. It could, however, be mobilized against the against mobilized be however, could, It inconsequential. is sway much too have figures authority framing efforts of the activists and Manea, as it supports Modood’s claim that the campaign against communities. This is not meant to be a moral judgment of her antipathy intentions toward religion and the political agenda came before or after the beli Worker part in is Britain in way necessarily a sign of oppressive Islamism can be challenged by readily available developments in the in developments available readily by challenged be can Islamism oppressive of sign a necessarily while the clothing brand H&M recently diversity themed campaign (Monica Sarkar 2016). This means that the claim that veiling is of social control. American Muslim journalist Noor Tagouri was recently in recently control. Muslim Noor Tagouri was featured interviewof social American journalist in an (Anna individuality her manifest to hijab the wear to choice her discussing Playboy an an act which untenable, even as they and groups like make make the same conceptual leap as those denouncing minority women fighting for human rights as “imperial feminists,” in that paper well personal the as paper as experiences of the used as a form of control from religious authorities. However, in making this claim, they seem to the flag the of flag the Hélie function of this paper has been to draw attention to and mitigate thisasymmetry. to and mitigate draw to attention has been this paper of function inside their own communities not are co

ISSUE 1 | LEVIATHAN | FALL 2017 uccess ms to them religion, religion, but rather

wing wing groups and the - against wing wing discourse could help them -

d academically, and the West is currently Even Even though this overlap begins and ends with mony. mony. At the same time, there exists an entrenched ould always give way to human rights. They draw a

hege ngoing ngoing case to avoid the tautology that framing research political political religion, albeit Namazie has expressed views about

- ownership could prove illuminating, to investigate whether it will - religious religious ideology which is concerned with rooting out even symbolic - secular secular human rights. Their framing appears to rest primarily on the latter, struggling against

for ocus ocus on documenting transgressions within minority communities and direct right. - s stands their own discourse of “cultural relativism,” “essentialism,” and “gender ed appear to be a dominant discourse which has difficulty separating culture and ethnicity, ests of their own. This will likely not be helped by their stark rejection of religious clothing, religious of rejection stark their by helped be not likely will This own. their of ests further research into issue

As this paper has engaged with an o Still, their f Compounding Compounding this is the overlap between the goals of radical right

religious accommodation can be construed as as accommodation form be of racism. a construed can religious does does inde this may make it harder yet for campaigners like the activists and Manea, as their skepticism of clear clear line between political and non Islam and religion in general which do more than hint at a generalized animosity. Given that there and and hence follows Okin’s view that culture sh may may depend on whether they define their goals not in negative terms, as in positive terms, as based based on successful framing efforts can suffer from, it is not possible to make any clear conclusions s Their succeed. to going are Manea and activists the of efforts framing the not or whether to as away from the far away where actually be possible to wrest ownership of the issue of orthodox in patriarchy minority communities seeing a political turn toward nationalism. In these times, it could prove destabilizing for multicultural multicultural for destabilizing prove could it times, these In nationalism. toward turn political a seeing discourse, and the political left, to reject the secular minority women’s rights perspective. This is terms terms like “native informant” and “imperial Multiculturalism is feminist” already embattled both politically seem an quite ready to take their place. carve carve out an independent identity. If they succeed, applying the same delegitimizing ter that might be applied to actual xenophobes will become too strenuous to work, although arguably engagement engagement with both academic multicultural discourse and left religious representation in sphere. the public religious best inter best which points toward an anti governmentally sanctioned public manifestations of Islam, such as sharia and religious schools, they sharia and such as religious manifestations sanctioned public of governmentally Islam, the against enemy the with working Toms, Uncle or informants native merely as dismissed being risk proponents proponents of universal secular human rights. Against Against thi work. their as well case as apartheid,” discourse discourse working against them, in the form of a vocabulary which can delegitimize such framing, marking supporters of it with labels such as “colonialists,” “Islamophobes,” and “imperialists.” actually actually being the ones minority communities as no less legitimate than religious voices from those same communities. To do so they seek to frame themselves not as ofembracers colonialism and Western hegemony, but as 117

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118 l by Faith to Faithless into question, this is only only is this question, into

ral academia in any ral broad academia in sense, but any own painful experiences with religious

out how best to create policies benefiting the people within these must contend with the available facts about the people to which these ral ral research should not be dismissed out of hand, nor should its contributions to our

ly, ly, it must be stressed that the purpose of this paper has not been to delegitimize

Insofar as multiculturalism as an academic discourse is intended for guiding how to implement implement to how guiding for intended is discourse academic an as multiculturalism as Insofar Final

minorities, risks losing credibility in the long run. in the credibility minorities, risks losing increasing increasing stock of available facts documenting oppression within minority communities, simultaneously while theorizing ab do so as well, when they come forward and describe their authority within their own communities. Any academic discourse which fails to appreciate this actual actual implementation of sharia law as basis for her critique. The peopleyoung in authority authority in Muslim communities in Britain, OLA increases the available facts, as does Pate sharing what she has learned working in SBS, and so does Manea by using her documentation of policy policy in the real world, it policies apply. By collecting testimonies about negative experiences with sharia and religious themselves. frictions in minority communities may cast some multicultural prescriptions multicultural some cast may communities minority in frictions part of a healthy academic development, where theories are modified as new findings present of multicultu understanding of the importance of minority rights. While increasing awareness of the internal rather that which has drawn the ire of a particular social movement. Even if multiculturalism is going going is multiculturalism if Even movement. social particular a of ire the drawn has which that rather years by produced wealth theoretical the policy, for basis a as and theory academic an as vogue of out multicultural discourse as a whole, but rather to investigate a critique of a particular branch of it from from it of branch particular a of critique a investigate to rather but whole, a as discourse multicultural angle. an interesting hasIt not goal to been my multicultucover

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