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Mythic Mothers and Dead Dolls: Subversive Terministic Screens and the Myth of Sex Trafficking

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Mythic Mothers and Dead Dolls: Subversive Terministic Screens and the Myth of Sex Trafficking THE DEPARTMENT OF RHETORIC BATES COLLEGE Mythic Mothers and Dead Dolls: Subversive terministic screens and the myth of sex trafficking A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Rhetoric Bates College In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts By Karla Marie Cook Lewiston, Maine April 11, 2014 1 THE DEPARTMENT OF RHETORIC BATES COLLEGE Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my advisor, Jan Hovden, for her patience and support during this challenging process, for always encouraging me to think more critically, and for helping me develop as a scholar and writer. Thank you also to my academic advisor Stephanie Kelley-Romano, for the years of support and guidance. Thank you to my professors in Denmark for inspiring me to pursue this topic, and for giving me the amazing opportunity to speak directly to several anti-trafficking groups in Amsterdam and Sweden about their advertising initiatives in Eastern Europe. Thank you to my friends, for their humor and support throughout these past four years, for showing critical interest in my work at every dinner conversation, and for pushing me to constantly re-answer the question: what exactly is rhetoric? Finally, thank you to my amazing family, for their love and endless supply of Starbucks cards. 2 THE DEPARTMENT OF RHETORIC BATES COLLEGE For Nat and Tom 3 THE DEPARTMENT OF RHETORIC BATES COLLEGE Table of Contents INTRODUCTION............................................................................................... 5 CHAPTER I: A BRIEF HISTORY...................................................................... 10 CHAPTER II: LITERATURE REVIEW............................................................. 28 CHAPTER III: THEORY..................................................................................... 48 CHAPTER IV: METHODOLOGY...................................................................... 54 CHAPTER V: ANALYSIS OF LILJA 4-EVER.................................................... 55 EASTERN EUROPE AS A DYSTOPIA.................................................. 56 NATURAL NURTURERS........................................................................ 62 DESIRE TO LEAVE................................................................................. 65 MISGUIDED WOMEN............................................................................ 70 DEAD DOLLS.......................................................................................... 76 DRAWING CONCLUSIONS ABOUT LILJA 4-EVER............................ 78 CHAPTER VI: WHAT DOES IT ALL MEAN?................................................... 79 WORKS CITED.................................................................................................... 85 4 THE DEPARTMENT OF RHETORIC BATES COLLEGE INTRODUCTION On November 16, 2003, a group of young women gathered in a village meeting place in rural Moldova to watch a screening of a Swedish art-house drama, Lilja 4-ever, created by controversial auteur Lukas Moodysson. The event marked the first efforts of the Lilja 4-ever Campaign, a sex trafficking awareness initiative aimed at informing women in Eastern Europe about the potential dangers of migration. Created by the International Organization for Migration, an intergovernmental organization with 151 member states, in collaboration with La Strada International, one of the largest anti-trafficking coalitions in Europe, the Lilja 4-ever Campaign hosts screenings and discussions of Moodysson's film throughout rural and urban Moldova.1 Released in 2002, just a year prior to the launch of IOM's initiative, Lilja 4-ever tells the story of sixteen year-old Lilja (played by Russian actress Oksana Akinshina), a young girl with the lofty hope of escaping her dead-end existence in an unnamed post- Soviet country.2 Moodysson based the film on the true story of Danguolė Rasalaitė, a Lithuanian teenager who was forced into sex work in Sweden before committing suicide in 20003. Little about Rasalaitė is known, but Moodysson borrowed from her experience to create his own fictionalized account of sex trafficking in Scandinavia. Moodysson's Lilja dreams of traveling abroad, a dream which seems to become a reality when she falls 1 "IOM Marks One Year of Lilya 4-Ever in Moldova." IOM Moldova. The International Organization for Migration, 16 Nov. 2004. Web. 30 Mar. 2014. 2 Lilja 4-ever. Dir. Lukas Moodysson. Prod. Lars Jönsson. Perf. Oksana Akinshina and Artyom Bogucharsky. Sonet Film, 2002. Film. 3 Greco, Frederico. "Lukas Moodysson: Director of Lilja 4-ever." Cineuropa Magazine. N.p., 2003. Web. 30 Mar. 2014. 5 THE DEPARTMENT OF RHETORIC BATES COLLEGE in love with Andrei, a Russian man who claims to work in Sweden. Andrei promises Lilja he can find her a job picking vegetables abroad. She eagerly agrees to follow him back to Sweden, but is met instead by an abusive pimp and imprisoned in a small apartment. Forced into the sex trade without means of escape, Lilja's resolve slowly dies away. She eventually throws herself from a highway overpass bridge, ending her suffering in the same manner as Rasalaitė. Through based on Rasalaitė's experience, Lilja 4-ever does not show a statistically accurate portrayal of the female migratory experience from Eastern Europe to countries within the E.U. Globalization has caused a significant increase in international female labor market participation. Female migration from Eastern Europe to wealthier nations within the E.U. in search of employment has become more common. For example, women from Eastern Europe represent 50% of the total immigrant population in Italy, and outnumber men from Eastern European countries by 45-80%, depending on the country of origin. Women from Eastern Europe represent one of the largest and fastest- growing migrant population groups within the E.U.4 A model created by sociologists Blangiardo and Menonna predicts that these numbers will only increase between 2014 and 2030, with women remaining the largest group migrating from Eastern Europe to the E.U.5 Two of the main reasons behind this clear migration trend of women from Eastern Europe are the economic and cultural factors which place women at a distinct disadvantage in Eastern European labor markets.6 Unable to attain work at home, women 4 Montanari, Armando and Staniscial, Barbara. “Female Migration in a Changing World. Eastern Europeans in Central Italy,” Espace Populations Sociétés 49 (2009): 227-241. 5 Montanari, Armando and Staniscial, Barbara. 227-241. 6 Montanari, Armando and Staniscial, Barbara. 227-241. 6 THE DEPARTMENT OF RHETORIC BATES COLLEGE see the E.U. as a place of opportunity and growth. Though sex trafficking and other forms of human trafficking are significant issues related to female migration, they do not represent the average experiences of female migrants leaving their home countries to find work abroad. In 2005 alone, 191 million migrants left their home countries to find work abroad. Of this figure, 94.7 million (49.6%) were female migrants. According to the United Nations, an estimated 900,000 women are trafficked into sex work worldwide each year.7 That means that of the estimated 94.7 million women who left their home countries, 900,000 were trafficked into sex work.8 This figure is not insignificant, but it also by no means represents the majority of female migrants worldwide. IOM's Lilja 4-ever Campaign presents Lilja's tragic narrative as the standard experience of female migrants. Statistics indicate that most women who migrate from home are not trafficked into sex work, though Lilja's story depicts sex trafficking as the natural and inevitable result of deciding to leave home. IOM's campaign has shown the film to an estimated 60,000 women in Moldova since 2003. Though the education and income levels of the women in attendance vary, the film often serves as the only source of information about migration and human trafficking that these women have. The fictional film is presented as an accurate portrayal of failed female migration, despite the statistical inaccuracies present in this assumption. Government organizations and NGOs have spent money producing ad campaigns aimed at informing women about the 7 "Human Trafficking: The Facts." United Nations Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafficking. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, n.d. Web. 8 "Women and Men Migrant Workers: Working towards Equal Rights and Opportunities." International Labor Organization. Decent Work, n.d. Web. 7 THE DEPARTMENT OF RHETORIC BATES COLLEGE dangerous and signs of sex trafficking. Advertising campaigns aimed at informing women in Eastern Europe about the signs and dangers of sex trafficking rely upon narratives about migration which end inevitably in death. These narratives problematically omit the diverse socio-economic, political, and historical contexts under which women decide to migrate. Instead, the narrative is reduced to a simple progression which draws a simple conclusion: women who migrate from home die abroad. Though campaigns like the Lilja 4-ever Campaign claim to promote safe female migration and empower young women to know the signs of sex trafficking, they have the subversive effect of discouraging any form of female migration. When used as an educational tool in IOM's campaign, Lilja 4-ever functions as a myth to suture the social disruptions caused by globalization by encouraging women to remain home. Globalization has created an unprecedented wave of female migration to the E.U., particularly from former-Soviet
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