The Relationship Between Sonority and Glottal Vibration

The relationship between sonority and glottal vibration

Megan L. Risdal, Ann Aly, Adam J. Chong, Pat Keating, Jesse Zymet

CUNY Phonology Forum — 2016 Sonority Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Introduction

I Sonority and the sonority hierarchy have been an important basis underlying explanations for various phonological phenomena (e.g., assimilation, phonotactics of syllable structure).

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 2/31 I Some have suggested that sonority may be related to:

I degree of constriction (e.g., Hankamer and Aissen, 1974) I While others have related sonority to:

I voicing (e.g., Nathan, 1989)

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Phonetics of Sonority Searching for a Physical Basis of Sonority

I How it manifests phonetically and how to quantify it is currently unresolved (Eduard, 1881; Heﬀner, 1950; Fletcher, 1972; Parker, 2002).

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 3/31 I While others have related sonority to:

I voicing (e.g., Nathan, 1989)

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Phonetics of Sonority Searching for a Physical Basis of Sonority

I How it manifests phonetically and how to quantify it is currently unresolved (Eduard, 1881; Heﬀner, 1950; Fletcher, 1972; Parker, 2002). I Some have suggested that sonority may be related to:

I degree of constriction (e.g., Hankamer and Aissen, 1974)

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 3/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Phonetics of Sonority Searching for a Physical Basis of Sonority

I How it manifests phonetically and how to quantify it is currently unresolved (Eduard, 1881; Heﬀner, 1950; Fletcher, 1972; Parker, 2002). I Some have suggested that sonority may be related to:

I degree of constriction (e.g., Hankamer and Aissen, 1974) I While others have related sonority to:

I voicing (e.g., Nathan, 1989)

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 3/31 I Source scale: No source (NS) < turbulence only (TS) < breathy voice (periodic source + glottal source) < modal voice (periodic source) I Aperture scale: explosive stops < voiced implosives < fricatives < nasals < liquids and glides < vowels

I The two parameters are considered to be completely separate.

I The two scales are combined additively to determine a segment’s sonority.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Phonetics of Sonority Two Scales of Sonority

I Miller (2012) uses both of these parameters:

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 4/31 I Aperture scale: explosive stops < voiced implosives < fricatives < nasals < liquids and glides < vowels

I The two parameters are considered to be completely separate.

I The two scales are combined additively to determine a segment’s sonority.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Phonetics of Sonority Two Scales of Sonority

I Miller (2012) uses both of these parameters:

I Source scale: No source (NS) < turbulence only (TS) < breathy voice (periodic source + glottal source) < modal voice (periodic source)

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 4/31 I The two parameters are considered to be completely separate.

I The two scales are combined additively to determine a segment’s sonority.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Phonetics of Sonority Two Scales of Sonority

I Miller (2012) uses both of these parameters:

I Source scale: No source (NS) < turbulence only (TS) < breathy voice (periodic source + glottal source) < modal voice (periodic source) I Aperture scale: explosive stops < voiced implosives < fricatives < nasals < liquids and glides < vowels

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 4/31 I The two scales are combined additively to determine a segment’s sonority.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Phonetics of Sonority Two Scales of Sonority

I Miller (2012) uses both of these parameters:

I The two parameters are considered to be completely separate.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 4/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Phonetics of Sonority Two Scales of Sonority

I Miller (2012) uses both of these parameters:

I The two parameters are considered to be completely separate.

I The two scales are combined additively to determine a segment’s sonority.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 4/31 I Other measures, F1 and duration, depend only on the ﬁlter.

I He reports that intensity exhibits the strongest (positive) correlation with the sonority hierarchy and duration exhibits the least (see also Gordon, this conference).

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Phonetics of Sonority Phonetic Correlates of Sonority

I Parker (2002) also took into account both voicing and degree of constriction in several of the phonetic correlates he measured (e.g. intensity, peak intraoral air pressure and peak total air ﬂow) which depend simultaneously on both source and ﬁlter.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 5/31 I He reports that intensity exhibits the strongest (positive) correlation with the sonority hierarchy and duration exhibits the least (see also Gordon, this conference).

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Phonetics of Sonority Phonetic Correlates of Sonority

I Other measures, F1 and duration, depend only on the ﬁlter.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 5/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Phonetics of Sonority Phonetic Correlates of Sonority

I Other measures, F1 and duration, depend only on the ﬁlter.

I He reports that intensity exhibits the strongest (positive) correlation with the sonority hierarchy and duration exhibits the least (see also Gordon, this conference).

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 5/31 I With no oral constriction → air ﬂows freely and voicing is easy.

I With a complete oral constriction → glottal airﬂow stops and voicing stops (Ohala, 1983; Westbury and Keating, 1986).

I In between these two extremes, voicing should vary dep. on the degree of the oral constriction.

I It has also been suggested that the way the vocal folds vibrate probably varies, too.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Glottal Source-Vocal Tract Interactions Glottal Source-Vocal Tract Interactions

I Voicing requires airﬂow through the glottis.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 6/31 I With a complete oral constriction → glottal airﬂow stops and voicing stops (Ohala, 1983; Westbury and Keating, 1986).

I In between these two extremes, voicing should vary dep. on the degree of the oral constriction.

I It has also been suggested that the way the vocal folds vibrate probably varies, too.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Glottal Source-Vocal Tract Interactions Glottal Source-Vocal Tract Interactions

I Voicing requires airﬂow through the glottis.

I With no oral constriction → air ﬂows freely and voicing is easy.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 6/31 I In between these two extremes, voicing should vary dep. on the degree of the oral constriction.

I It has also been suggested that the way the vocal folds vibrate probably varies, too.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Glottal Source-Vocal Tract Interactions Glottal Source-Vocal Tract Interactions

I Voicing requires airﬂow through the glottis.

I With no oral constriction → air ﬂows freely and voicing is easy.

I With a complete oral constriction → glottal airﬂow stops and voicing stops (Ohala, 1983; Westbury and Keating, 1986).

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 6/31 I It has also been suggested that the way the vocal folds vibrate probably varies, too.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Glottal Source-Vocal Tract Interactions Glottal Source-Vocal Tract Interactions

I Voicing requires airﬂow through the glottis.

I With no oral constriction → air ﬂows freely and voicing is easy.

I With a complete oral constriction → glottal airﬂow stops and voicing stops (Ohala, 1983; Westbury and Keating, 1986).

I In between these two extremes, voicing should vary dep. on the degree of the oral constriction.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 6/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Glottal Source-Vocal Tract Interactions Glottal Source-Vocal Tract Interactions

I Voicing requires airﬂow through the glottis.

I With no oral constriction → air ﬂows freely and voicing is easy.

I With a complete oral constriction → glottal airﬂow stops and voicing stops (Ohala, 1983; Westbury and Keating, 1986).

I In between these two extremes, voicing should vary dep. on the degree of the oral constriction.

I It has also been suggested that the way the vocal folds vibrate probably varies, too.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 6/31 I Glottal excitation (rate of glottal closing) varies (Fant, 1997; Stevens, 2000; Bickley and Stevens, 1987).

I Degree of glottal constriction (amount of glottal ﬂow) varies (Fant, 1997; Stevens, 2000; Bickley and Stevens, 1987).

I Suggests that tighter oral constriction → breathier voicing.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Glottal Source-Vocal Tract Interactions Previous evidence: eﬀects of oral constriction on voicing

I Voicing amplitude varies (Sol´e,2015).

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 7/31 I Degree of glottal constriction (amount of glottal ﬂow) varies (Fant, 1997; Stevens, 2000; Bickley and Stevens, 1987).

I Suggests that tighter oral constriction → breathier voicing.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Glottal Source-Vocal Tract Interactions Previous evidence: eﬀects of oral constriction on voicing

I Voicing amplitude varies (Sol´e,2015).

I Glottal excitation (rate of glottal closing) varies (Fant, 1997; Stevens, 2000; Bickley and Stevens, 1987).

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 7/31 I Suggests that tighter oral constriction → breathier voicing.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Glottal Source-Vocal Tract Interactions Previous evidence: eﬀects of oral constriction on voicing

I Voicing amplitude varies (Sol´e,2015).

I Glottal excitation (rate of glottal closing) varies (Fant, 1997; Stevens, 2000; Bickley and Stevens, 1987).

I Degree of glottal constriction (amount of glottal ﬂow) varies (Fant, 1997; Stevens, 2000; Bickley and Stevens, 1987).

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 7/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Glottal Source-Vocal Tract Interactions Previous evidence: eﬀects of oral constriction on voicing

I Voicing amplitude varies (Sol´e,2015).

I Glottal excitation (rate of glottal closing) varies (Fant, 1997; Stevens, 2000; Bickley and Stevens, 1987).

I Degree of glottal constriction (amount of glottal ﬂow) varies (Fant, 1997; Stevens, 2000; Bickley and Stevens, 1987).

I Suggests that tighter oral constriction → breathier voicing.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 7/31 I Measured strength of glottal excitation ∆ψ: An acoustic measure of the relative amplitude of impulse-like excitation derived from the instant of signiﬁcant excitation of the vocal-tract system during production of speech (Murty and Yegnanarayana, 2008).

I Result: [z] < [r] < [n,N] < [G] < [l].

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Mittal et al. Mittal et al. (2014)

I Six geminate voiced consonants: [r, z, G, l, n, and N].

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 8/31 I Result: [z] < [r] < [n,N] < [G] < [l].

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Mittal et al. Mittal et al. (2014)

I Six geminate voiced consonants: [r, z, G, l, n, and N].

I Measured strength of glottal excitation ∆ψ: An acoustic measure of the relative amplitude of impulse-like excitation derived from the instant of signiﬁcant excitation of the vocal-tract system during production of speech (Murty and Yegnanarayana, 2008).

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 8/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Mittal et al. Mittal et al. (2014)

I Six geminate voiced consonants: [r, z, G, l, n, and N].

I Result: [z] < [r] < [n,N] < [G] < [l].

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 8/31 Our Study 1. Does voicing vary across segment types, and if so; 2. Do these distinctions depend on degree and type of constriction? 3. Do these diﬀerences among voiced segment types correlate with standard notions of sonority?

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Our Study Our Study: Questions

I Replicate and extend Mittal et al. (2014) with more consonants and adding vowels, focusing more explicitly on:

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 10/31 2. Do these distinctions depend on degree and type of constriction? 3. Do these diﬀerences among voiced segment types correlate with standard notions of sonority?

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Our Study Our Study: Questions

I Replicate and extend Mittal et al. (2014) with more consonants and adding vowels, focusing more explicitly on:

1. Does voicing vary across segment types, and if so;

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 10/31 3. Do these diﬀerences among voiced segment types correlate with standard notions of sonority?

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Our Study Our Study: Questions

I Replicate and extend Mittal et al. (2014) with more consonants and adding vowels, focusing more explicitly on:

1. Does voicing vary across segment types, and if so; 2. Do these distinctions depend on degree and type of constriction?

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 10/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Our Study Our Study: Questions

I Replicate and extend Mittal et al. (2014) with more consonants and adding vowels, focusing more explicitly on:

1. Does voicing vary across segment types, and if so; 2. Do these distinctions depend on degree and type of constriction? 3. Do these diﬀerences among voiced segment types correlate with standard notions of sonority?

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 10/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

The Study Design Segments (21 total)

I Including 5 of 6 segments from (Mittal et al., 2014). We eliminated [N] because no diﬀerence between it and [n] was reported. Consonants

I Approximants: [j, w, l, ô]

I Trill & Tap: [r, R] Vowels

I Nasal: [n] I Front unround: [i, e, a]

I Fricatives: [D, z, G, K] I Front round: [y, ø]

I Aﬀricates & Stop: [Ã, gG, d] I Back round: [o, u]

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 11/31 I Electroglottography (EGG) signal: the Contact Quotient (CQH ) as a measure associated with amount of vocal fold contact during phonation.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

The Study Design Our Dependent Measures

I Acoustic signal: Strength of glottal Excitation (SoE), the same dependent measure, ∆ψ, reported in Mittal et al. (2014).

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 12/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

The Study Design Our Dependent Measures

I Acoustic signal: Strength of glottal Excitation (SoE), the same dependent measure, ∆ψ, reported in Mittal et al. (2014).

I Electroglottography (EGG) signal: the Contact Quotient (CQH ) as a measure associated with amount of vocal fold contact during phonation.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 12/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

The Study Design Electroglottography (EGG) & Contact Quotient

I Contact Quotient (CQH ): the proportion of a complete vibratory cycle from an inferred point of closure to an inferred point of opening.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 13/31 I All speakers were linguists trained in phonetics and ﬂuent speakers of English (8 native speakers of North American English).

I Participants produced consonants (3 reps [aCa]) and vowels (3 reps [wV]) for a total possible 63 tokens per speaker or 819 overall.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

The Study Design Participants & Procedure

I 13 participants (6 males and 7 females) contributed data for the present study.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 14/31 I Participants produced consonants (3 reps [aCa]) and vowels (3 reps [wV]) for a total possible 63 tokens per speaker or 819 overall.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

The Study Design Participants & Procedure

I 13 participants (6 males and 7 females) contributed data for the present study.

I All speakers were linguists trained in phonetics and ﬂuent speakers of English (8 native speakers of North American English).

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 14/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

The Study Design Participants & Procedure

I 13 participants (6 males and 7 females) contributed data for the present study.

I All speakers were linguists trained in phonetics and ﬂuent speakers of English (8 native speakers of North American English).

I Participants produced consonants (3 reps [aCa]) and vowels (3 reps [wV]) for a total possible 63 tokens per speaker or 819 overall.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 14/31 I Only fully-voiced portions of segments were analyzed. I The ﬁrst voiced closure of the trill with at least 3 pulses was segmented. I Aﬀricates were treated as a voiced closure (stop) and a voiced release (fricative) separately. I Stop releases were not included.

I Using VoiceSauce for SoE (Shue et al., 2011) and EggWorks for CQH (Tehrani, 2012) software. I Missing values and outliers were excluded leaving 744 tokens for analysis. We report on speaker normalized values of CQH and SoE.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

The Study Design Segmentation & Measurement

I Tokens were segmented using Praat TextGrids from onset through voiced duration.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 15/31 I The ﬁrst voiced closure of the trill with at least 3 pulses was segmented. I Aﬀricates were treated as a voiced closure (stop) and a voiced release (fricative) separately. I Stop releases were not included.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

The Study Design Segmentation & Measurement

I Tokens were segmented using Praat TextGrids from onset through voiced duration.

I Only fully-voiced portions of segments were analyzed.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 15/31 I Aﬀricates were treated as a voiced closure (stop) and a voiced release (fricative) separately. I Stop releases were not included.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

The Study Design Segmentation & Measurement

I Tokens were segmented using Praat TextGrids from onset through voiced duration.

I Only fully-voiced portions of segments were analyzed. I The ﬁrst voiced closure of the trill with at least 3 pulses was segmented.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 15/31 I Stop releases were not included.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

The Study Design Segmentation & Measurement

I Tokens were segmented using Praat TextGrids from onset through voiced duration.

I Only fully-voiced portions of segments were analyzed. I The ﬁrst voiced closure of the trill with at least 3 pulses was segmented. I Aﬀricates were treated as a voiced closure (stop) and a voiced release (fricative) separately.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 15/31 I Using VoiceSauce for SoE (Shue et al., 2011) and EggWorks for CQH (Tehrani, 2012) software. I Missing values and outliers were excluded leaving 744 tokens for analysis. We report on speaker normalized values of CQH and SoE.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

The Study Design Segmentation & Measurement

I Tokens were segmented using Praat TextGrids from onset through voiced duration.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 15/31 I Missing values and outliers were excluded leaving 744 tokens for analysis. We report on speaker normalized values of CQH and SoE.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

The Study Design Segmentation & Measurement

I Tokens were segmented using Praat TextGrids from onset through voiced duration.

I Using VoiceSauce for SoE (Shue et al., 2011) and EggWorks for CQH (Tehrani, 2012) software.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 15/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

The Study Design Segmentation & Measurement

I Tokens were segmented using Praat TextGrids from onset through voiced duration.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 15/31 Results & Analysis Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Descriptives & Analysis Method Missing Tokens: Evidence for Voicing Diﬃculty

5 Difference from Expected Count (n=39)

d_cl ʁ ʤ_rel z ɾ l j y i o a gɣ_cl gɣ_rel ɣ ð r n ɹ w u ø e Phone

Figure: Segments eliminated due to lack of voicing. L −→ R = decreasing constriction degree.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 17/31 I Following this, we take a closer look at several within-category distinctions.

I Null hypothesis: no diﬀerence in CQH or SoE across voiced segments, with the exception of voiced fricatives.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Descriptives & Analysis Method Analyses

I First we examine overall trends between CQH & SoE and voiced segments and discuss our ﬁndings as they relate to sonority.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 18/31 I Null hypothesis: no diﬀerence in CQH or SoE across voiced segments, with the exception of voiced fricatives.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Descriptives & Analysis Method Analyses

I First we examine overall trends between CQH & SoE and voiced segments and discuss our ﬁndings as they relate to sonority.

I Following this, we take a closer look at several within-category distinctions.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 18/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Descriptives & Analysis Method Analyses

I First we examine overall trends between CQH & SoE and voiced segments and discuss our ﬁndings as they relate to sonority.

I Following this, we take a closer look at several within-category distinctions.

I Null hypothesis: no diﬀerence in CQH or SoE across voiced segments, with the exception of voiced fricatives.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 18/31 CQH : Consonants

stop trill nasal glide manner fricative tap liquid vocalic

2 Higher CQ = glottis is more closed

1 H 0

-1 Scaled CQ

-2

-3 gɣ_cl gɣ_rel ɣ ð r n ɹ w d_cl ʁ ʤ_rel z ɾ l j V Phone

Figure:CQ H across all consonants, collapsing vowels into a single category. L −→ R = decreasing constriction degree. Strength of Excitation: Consonants

stop trill nasal glide manner fricative tap liquid vocalic 3

0 Scaled SoE

-1

-2 gɣ_cl gɣ_rel ɣ ð r n ɹ w d_cl ʁ ʤ_rel z ɾ l j V Phone

Figure: SoE across all consonants, collapsing vowels into a single category. L −→ R = decreasing constriction degree. The relationship between CQH and SoE I CQH makes distinctions among obstruents and SoE among sonorants.

1.5 manner y a stop a fricative ø a trill 1.0 a tap i a nasal ou a liquid e a glide a vocalic 0.5 n l a 0.0 j ɹ Mean Scaled SoE -0.5 gɣ_relr ɣ ð ɾ w ʁ ʤz_rel -1.0 d_cl gɣ_cl -1.0 -0.5 0.0 0.5 Mean Scaled Contact Quotient

Figure: Scaled CQH by Scaled SoE by segment. Size of symbol indicates standard deviation. I Conditional inference trees work by recursively partitioning observations into subsets of the data which are signiﬁcantly diﬀerent with respect to an outcome variable (Hothorn et al., 2006).

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: CQH and SoE Conditional Inference Tree

I Do CQH values discriminate among voiced sounds along the sonority hierarchy?

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 22/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: CQH and SoE Conditional Inference Tree

I Do CQH values discriminate among voiced sounds along the sonority hierarchy?

I Conditional inference trees work by recursively partitioning observations into subsets of the data which are signiﬁcantly diﬀerent with respect to an outcome variable (Hothorn et al., 2006).

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 22/31 CQH : All Segments I V > liquids/glides + [gG] (cl) > non-dorsal fricatives/tap/trill + [d] (cl) > dorsal fricatives

segments p < 0.001

gɣ_cl, n, l, ɹ, j, w, V d_cl, gɣ_rel, ʁ, ɣ, ʤ_rel, ð, z, r, ɾ

segments segments p < 0.001 p < 0.001

V gɣ_cl, n, l, ɹ, j, w d_cl, gɣ_rel, ʤ_rel, ð, z, r, ɾ ʁ, ɣ

Node #1 (n = 266) Node #2 (n = 201) Node #3 (n = 213) Node #4 (n = 50)

2 2 2 2

1 1 1 1

0 0 0 0

-1 -1 -1 -1

-2 -2 -2 -2

-3 -3 -3 -3

Figure:CQ H across all segments. I Vowels, on the whole, have the highest CQH and SoE values, indicating strongest voicing energy and least breathy voicing. I Compared to nasals, liquids and glides, voiced obstruents also have lower CQH and SoE values - less energy in voicing and breathier voicing.

I In broad terms, the trends reﬂect diﬀerences along the sonority hierarchy.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: CQH and SoE

Interim Summary: The relationship between CQH and SoE

I A range of values of both measures is observed across segments of diﬀerent constriction degrees.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 24/31 I Vowels, on the whole, have the highest CQH and SoE values, indicating strongest voicing energy and least breathy voicing. I Compared to nasals, liquids and glides, voiced obstruents also have lower CQH and SoE values - less energy in voicing and breathier voicing.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: CQH and SoE

Interim Summary: The relationship between CQH and SoE

I A range of values of both measures is observed across segments of different constriction degrees. I In broad terms, the trends reflect differences along the sonority hierarchy.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 24/31 I Compared to nasals, liquids and glides, voiced obstruents also have lower CQH and SoE values - less energy in voicing and breathier voicing.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: CQH and SoE

Interim Summary: The relationship between CQH and SoE

I A range of values of both measures is observed across segments of different constriction degrees. I In broad terms, the trends reflect differences along the sonority hierarchy.

I Vowels, on the whole, have the highest CQH and SoE values, indicating strongest voicing energy and least breathy voicing.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 24/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: CQH and SoE

Interim Summary: The relationship between CQH and SoE

I A range of values of both measures is observed across segments of different constriction degrees. I In broad terms, the trends reflect differences along the sonority hierarchy.

I Vowels, on the whole, have the highest CQH and SoE values, indicating strongest voicing energy and least breathy voicing. I Compared to nasals, liquids and glides, voiced obstruents also have lower CQH and SoE values - less energy in voicing and breathier voicing.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 24/31 I In particular, liquids and rhotics diﬀered across languages (e.g., Egyptian Arabic, Hindi, Mongolian, Malayalam). I Other contrasts may pattern diﬀerently cross-linguistically, for example sibilants versus other fricatives.

I This motivates us to examine some within-category diﬀerences. 1 I Linear mixed eﬀects models in R predicting CQH /SoE values.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Analyses: Within Segment Types

I Cross-linguistically, the sonority hierarchy is stable at each level; however, there is some variation within levels (Jany et al., 2007).

1Speaker as random intercept. P-values obtained using likelihood ratio tests. Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 25/31 I Other contrasts may pattern diﬀerently cross-linguistically, for example sibilants versus other fricatives.

I This motivates us to examine some within-category diﬀerences. 1 I Linear mixed eﬀects models in R predicting CQH /SoE values.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Analyses: Within Segment Types

I Cross-linguistically, the sonority hierarchy is stable at each level; however, there is some variation within levels (Jany et al., 2007).

I In particular, liquids and rhotics diﬀered across languages (e.g., Egyptian Arabic, Hindi, Mongolian, Malayalam).

1Speaker as random intercept. P-values obtained using likelihood ratio tests. Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 25/31 I This motivates us to examine some within-category diﬀerences. 1 I Linear mixed eﬀects models in R predicting CQH /SoE values.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Analyses: Within Segment Types

I Cross-linguistically, the sonority hierarchy is stable at each level; however, there is some variation within levels (Jany et al., 2007).

I In particular, liquids and rhotics diﬀered across languages (e.g., Egyptian Arabic, Hindi, Mongolian, Malayalam). I Other contrasts may pattern diﬀerently cross-linguistically, for example sibilants versus other fricatives.

1Speaker as random intercept. P-values obtained using likelihood ratio tests. Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 25/31 1 I Linear mixed eﬀects models in R predicting CQH /SoE values.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Analyses: Within Segment Types

I Cross-linguistically, the sonority hierarchy is stable at each level; however, there is some variation within levels (Jany et al., 2007).

I This motivates us to examine some within-category diﬀerences.

1Speaker as random intercept. P-values obtained using likelihood ratio tests. Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 25/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Analyses: Within Segment Types

I Cross-linguistically, the sonority hierarchy is stable at each level; however, there is some variation within levels (Jany et al., 2007).

I This motivates us to examine some within-category diﬀerences. 1 I Linear mixed eﬀects models in R predicting CQH /SoE values.

1Speaker as random intercept. P-values obtained using likelihood ratio tests. Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 25/31 I The trill has a significantly lower CQH value (breathier) compared to [d] and [R] which aren’t significantly different.

I That is: [r] < [d] = [R] on CQH values. I Trills pattern like voiced fricatives which is not surprising as their contact intervals are often more like voiced fricatives than like stops.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Trill, tap, and [d]

I We were interested in examining segments that involved full closures, but are nonetheless in diﬀerent parts of the sonority hierarchy.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 26/31 I That is: [r] < [d] = [R] on CQH values. I Trills pattern like voiced fricatives which is not surprising as their contact intervals are often more like voiced fricatives than like stops.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Trill, tap, and [d]

I We were interested in examining segments that involved full closures, but are nonetheless in diﬀerent parts of the sonority hierarchy.

I The trill has a significantly lower CQH value (breathier) compared to [d] and [R] which aren’t significantly different.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 26/31 I Trills pattern like voiced fricatives which is not surprising as their contact intervals are often more like voiced fricatives than like stops.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Trill, tap, and [d]

I We were interested in examining segments that involved full closures, but are nonetheless in diﬀerent parts of the sonority hierarchy.

I The trill has a significantly lower CQH value (breathier) compared to [d] and [R] which aren’t significantly different.

I That is: [r] < [d] = [R] on CQH values.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 26/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Trill, tap, and [d]

I We were interested in examining segments that involved full closures, but are nonetheless in diﬀerent parts of the sonority hierarchy.

I The trill has a significantly lower CQH value (breathier) compared to [d] and [R] which aren’t significantly different.

I That is: [r] < [d] = [R] on CQH values. I Trills pattern like voiced fricatives which is not surprising as their contact intervals are often more like voiced fricatives than like stops.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 26/31 I We compared the dorsal, non-sibilant fricatives [K] and [G] (n = 59) to the coronal, non-sibilant [D] (n = 34) and the coronal, sibilant [z] (n = 38) to tease this apart.

I Place: Dorsal fricatives (non-sibilants) have lower CQH values than coronal [D] (non-sibilant) and [z] (sibilant) → breathier voicing.

I Sibilance: no significant effect on model fit.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Place (dorsal/coronal) versus Sibilance

I Mittal et al. (2014) attributed a difference between dorsal, non-sibilant [G] and coronal, sibilant [z] in SoE to a place of articulation effect rather than an effect of sibilance.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 27/31 I Place: Dorsal fricatives (non-sibilants) have lower CQH values than coronal [D] (non-sibilant) and [z] (sibilant) → breathier voicing.

I Sibilance: no significant effect on model fit.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Place (dorsal/coronal) versus Sibilance

I Mittal et al. (2014) attributed a difference between dorsal, non-sibilant [G] and coronal, sibilant [z] in SoE to a place of articulation effect rather than an effect of sibilance.

I We compared the dorsal, non-sibilant fricatives [K] and [G] (n = 59) to the coronal, non-sibilant [D] (n = 34) and the coronal, sibilant [z] (n = 38) to tease this apart.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 27/31 I Sibilance: no significant effect on model fit.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Place (dorsal/coronal) versus Sibilance

I Mittal et al. (2014) attributed a difference between dorsal, non-sibilant [G] and coronal, sibilant [z] in SoE to a place of articulation effect rather than an effect of sibilance.

I We compared the dorsal, non-sibilant fricatives [K] and [G] (n = 59) to the coronal, non-sibilant [D] (n = 34) and the coronal, sibilant [z] (n = 38) to tease this apart.

I Place: Dorsal fricatives (non-sibilants) have lower CQH values than coronal [D] (non-sibilant) and [z] (sibilant) → breathier voicing.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 27/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Place (dorsal/coronal) versus Sibilance

I Mittal et al. (2014) attributed a difference between dorsal, non-sibilant [G] and coronal, sibilant [z] in SoE to a place of articulation effect rather than an effect of sibilance.

I We compared the dorsal, non-sibilant fricatives [K] and [G] (n = 59) to the coronal, non-sibilant [D] (n = 34) and the coronal, sibilant [z] (n = 38) to tease this apart.

I Place: Dorsal fricatives (non-sibilants) have lower CQH values than coronal [D] (non-sibilant) and [z] (sibilant) → breathier voicing.

I Sibilance: no significant effect on model fit.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 27/31 Strength of Excitation: Vowels I We tested the relationship between voicing across vowels and intrinsic aperture using scaled SoE and scaled F1 as an indicator of vowel height/aperture.

3 y o y i i o y ui 2 e e o y iyy y e e e e yy a e eo oe øø y ø y vowels a e o i ø yyyy i a y ooøe ø øø eøe uy yyui y ouøøøou uyuyyiy ii a u a e ø øø øøeøoø øø ø u yiuui i i aa e o ooøoø o uuu u i yiu i a i 1 a i eoeøøy u uiui u o ø i u uøøø u ii a ø a a e o uu u iii iii a a oe oo ø ouo uøuui y a o a ea ø o yu iyi e a ø ø e iy a e aa a aa a eeoo o a o y i i o e e a aee u ø y a a o e i u i 0 a e e e y y e Scaled Strength of Excitation aa e o e a e eo ou ui aa a a u i a a a e u a o a a o -1 3 12 -10 Scaled F1 (reversed)

Figure: Strength of Excitation versus scaled F1 (reversed). I Backness (F2): Does not contribute signiﬁcantly to model ﬁt for SoE.

I Roundness: Unrounded vowels have lower SoE values (less strong voicing) than round vowels.

I These eﬀects are in the opposite direction from the prediction based on the idea that rounding/height decrease vowel aperture.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Vowels: [i, e, a, y, ø, o, u]

I Height (F1): SoE - High vowels > Mid vowels > Low vowels.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 29/31 I Roundness: Unrounded vowels have lower SoE values (less strong voicing) than round vowels.

I These eﬀects are in the opposite direction from the prediction based on the idea that rounding/height decrease vowel aperture.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Vowels: [i, e, a, y, ø, o, u]

I Height (F1): SoE - High vowels > Mid vowels > Low vowels.

I Backness (F2): Does not contribute signiﬁcantly to model ﬁt for SoE.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 29/31 I These eﬀects are in the opposite direction from the prediction based on the idea that rounding/height decrease vowel aperture.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Vowels: [i, e, a, y, ø, o, u]

I Height (F1): SoE - High vowels > Mid vowels > Low vowels.

I Backness (F2): Does not contribute signiﬁcantly to model ﬁt for SoE.

I Roundness: Unrounded vowels have lower SoE values (less strong voicing) than round vowels.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 29/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Results: Within Segment Types Vowels: [i, e, a, y, ø, o, u]

I Height (F1): SoE - High vowels > Mid vowels > Low vowels.

I Backness (F2): Does not contribute signiﬁcantly to model ﬁt for SoE.

I Roundness: Unrounded vowels have lower SoE values (less strong voicing) than round vowels.

I These eﬀects are in the opposite direction from the prediction based on the idea that rounding/height decrease vowel aperture.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 29/31 I Found a signiﬁcant diﬀerence in voicing dep. on place of articulation but not sibilance.

I The reversal in expected SoE values among vowels is also observed among sonorants (nasal > liquids > approx.).

I Place vs. Sibilance:

I Vowels: The expected relationship between vowel height (and roundness) and SoE is not borne out; however —

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Summary Summary: Within Categories

I Compared to tap [R] and stop [d], the trill [r] has the lowest CQH values meaning it patterns more like a fricative.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 30/31 I The reversal in expected SoE values among vowels is also observed among sonorants (nasal > liquids > approx.).

I Found a signiﬁcant diﬀerence in voicing dep. on place of articulation but not sibilance. I Vowels: The expected relationship between vowel height (and roundness) and SoE is not borne out; however —

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Summary Summary: Within Categories

I Compared to tap [R] and stop [d], the trill [r] has the lowest CQH values meaning it patterns more like a fricative. I Place vs. Sibilance:

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 30/31 I The reversal in expected SoE values among vowels is also observed among sonorants (nasal > liquids > approx.).

I Vowels: The expected relationship between vowel height (and roundness) and SoE is not borne out; however —

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Summary Summary: Within Categories

I Compared to tap [R] and stop [d], the trill [r] has the lowest CQH values meaning it patterns more like a fricative. I Place vs. Sibilance:

I Found a signiﬁcant diﬀerence in voicing dep. on place of articulation but not sibilance.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 30/31 I The reversal in expected SoE values among vowels is also observed among sonorants (nasal > liquids > approx.).

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Summary Summary: Within Categories

I Compared to tap [R] and stop [d], the trill [r] has the lowest CQH values meaning it patterns more like a fricative. I Place vs. Sibilance:

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 30/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Summary Summary: Within Categories

I Compared to tap [R] and stop [d], the trill [r] has the lowest CQH values meaning it patterns more like a fricative. I Place vs. Sibilance:

I The reversal in expected SoE values among vowels is also observed among sonorants (nasal > liquids > approx.).

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 30/31 I Generally speaking, the tighter the constriction → the breathier the voicing

I Only at the broadest level: Vowels > approximants > obstruents I A number of reversals within each broad manner class.

I Yes! Null hypothesis can be rejected. 2. Do these distinctions depend on degree and type of constriction?

3. Does that variation reﬂect distinctions made by (phonological) sonority?

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Conclusion & Future Directions Conclusions

1. Does voicing vary across segment types, and if so;

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 31/31 I Generally speaking, the tighter the constriction → the breathier the voicing

I Only at the broadest level: Vowels > approximants > obstruents I A number of reversals within each broad manner class.

2. Do these distinctions depend on degree and type of constriction?

3. Does that variation reﬂect distinctions made by (phonological) sonority?

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Conclusion & Future Directions Conclusions

1. Does voicing vary across segment types, and if so;

I Yes! Null hypothesis can be rejected.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 31/31 I Only at the broadest level: Vowels > approximants > obstruents I A number of reversals within each broad manner class.

I Generally speaking, the tighter the constriction → the breathier the voicing 3. Does that variation reﬂect distinctions made by (phonological) sonority?

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Conclusion & Future Directions Conclusions

1. Does voicing vary across segment types, and if so;

I Yes! Null hypothesis can be rejected. 2. Do these distinctions depend on degree and type of constriction?

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 31/31 I Only at the broadest level: Vowels > approximants > obstruents I A number of reversals within each broad manner class.

3. Does that variation reﬂect distinctions made by (phonological) sonority?

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Conclusion & Future Directions Conclusions

1. Does voicing vary across segment types, and if so;

I Yes! Null hypothesis can be rejected. 2. Do these distinctions depend on degree and type of constriction?

I Generally speaking, the tighter the constriction → the breathier the voicing

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 31/31 I Only at the broadest level: Vowels > approximants > obstruents I A number of reversals within each broad manner class.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Conclusion & Future Directions Conclusions

1. Does voicing vary across segment types, and if so;

I Yes! Null hypothesis can be rejected. 2. Do these distinctions depend on degree and type of constriction?

I Generally speaking, the tighter the constriction → the breathier the voicing 3. Does that variation reﬂect distinctions made by (phonological) sonority?

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 31/31 I A number of reversals within each broad manner class.

Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Conclusion & Future Directions Conclusions

1. Does voicing vary across segment types, and if so;

I Yes! Null hypothesis can be rejected. 2. Do these distinctions depend on degree and type of constriction?

I Generally speaking, the tighter the constriction → the breathier the voicing 3. Does that variation reﬂect distinctions made by (phonological) sonority?

I Only at the broadest level: Vowels > approximants > obstruents

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 31/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

Conclusion & Future Directions Conclusions

1. Does voicing vary across segment types, and if so;

I Yes! Null hypothesis can be rejected. 2. Do these distinctions depend on degree and type of constriction?

I Generally speaking, the tighter the constriction → the breathier the voicing 3. Does that variation reﬂect distinctions made by (phonological) sonority?

I Only at the broadest level: Vowels > approximants > obstruents I A number of reversals within each broad manner class.

Sonority & Glottal Vibration — CUNY 2016 January 14, 2016— Slide 31/31 Introduction & Background Our Study Results Summary References

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Conclusion & Future Directions Stevens, K. (2000). Acoustic Phonetics. Current Studies in Linguistics Series. MIT Press. Tehrani, H. (2012). Eggworks. http://www.linguistics.ucla.edu/faciliti/sales/software.htm. Westbury, J. and Keating, P. (1986). On the naturalness of stop consonant voicing. Journal of Linguistics, 22:145–166.

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