PHILOSOPHY 289 Whole That Has Organismic Unity

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more

PHILOSOPHY 289 whole that has organismic unity. Thus Gill’s tical pattern (14 and throughout). This is put in project is something I approach sceptically. Even terms of two opposed positions, a middle path, more so because it turns out that reuniting the and the destruction of the rapprochement. All the disiecta membra that are supposed to constitute pairs of elements that served to characterize the exercise about Being is not enough. In sections of the exercise in Plato’s own descrip- practice, Gill imports huge amounts of machinery tions of it (and his summaries of the results in the from elsewhere: she has (in chapter 7) to interrupt instance he composes) are dropped from Gill’s her discussion of the crucial bit of the Sophist in description of her pattern. In fact, it is necessary order to develop and then apply a controversial for Gill to transition away from the architectonic interpretation of a passage in the Philebus. In structure suggested by Plato if her texts about many cases she relies – sometimes tacitly, Being are to fit her pattern. Yet she transitions so sometimes explicitly – on doctrines of Aristotle’s far from Plato’s descriptions to her own that I (not just his reports of doctrines of Plato or the query her claim that the texts she will reassemble Academy, but his own views on the metaphysical really do constitute a new round of the structure of sensible individuals, on actuality and Parmenides exercise. potentiality, and on the agent and patient of Even for readers for whom Gill is not credible change). Gill remarks correctly, ‘Plato does not as a hedgehog, she will still be interesting as a fox. leave his audience to their own devices … The There is much of interest in this book for those of audience must pay attention to signals of various us who do not agree with her architectonic claim. kinds in the text, which urge them to make a She treats very important passages, and her discus- connection with something said before’ (12). So sions of many are intricate and interesting. I the question for each reader is whether, as we do believe that each of them should be judged on its that, the interpretation offered in this book is own merits. The process of doing this is one that confirmed or disconfirmed. The intellectual readers may profitably undertake for themselves. activity involved in responding to Gill’s sugges- CONSTANCE MEINWALD tions thus amounts to the valuable and difficult University of Illinois at Chicago activity of doing philosophy with Plato. [email protected] Gill represents her project as grounded in the adjuration in the Parmenides to repeat the exercise demonstrated there with variations in the subject: HORKY (P.S.) Plato and Pythagoreanism. she proclaims repeatedly that the structure of the Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. Pp. Parmenides exercise provides the backbone of her xxi + 305. £47.99. 9780199898220. book (at 3 and throughout). Because of this, I find doi:10.1017/S007542691500107X it very awkward that she does not respect Plato’s own lengthy and granular description of the In spite of the title, the author is aware of the fact exercise at Parmenides 135d7–36c8. Given her that his project does not provide a comprehensive interpretation of the terms appearing in this account of all the ways Pythagoreanism might passage (chapter 2), Plato’s description must be have influenced Plato’s philosophy. His book is an seriously miscomposed. For Plato’s description so important contribution to the history of the mathe- interpreted (a) mentions only half the sections of matic Pythagoreans, in the light of a great number argument that are produced in the demonstration of testimonia. that is given explicitly to illustrate the method, (b) In the first half of his work, Horky presents describes less than the full contents of each section sound evidence that shows that Pythagoras and his it does mention and (c) emphasizes through followers had a rival group of ‘pretenders’, who, tedious repetition a distinction that does not point according to Isocrates and Plato, practised their to anything important about the demonstration’s way of life in order to achieve fame. However, results. In being committed to a reading of this key Timaeus of Tauromenium believes that the text in which these methodological remarks do not ‘exoterics’ who published the Pythagorean secrets adequately describe the demonstration that is did so in order to denunciate the oligarchical given to illustrate them, Gill seems to me to Pythagoreans and to defend the democratization of violate a basic interpretative constraint. arcane Pythagorean knowldege. Horky suggests Instead of finding an adequate interpretation that ‘there might be some overlap’ between of the description of the exercise in Plato’s text, Aristotle’s mathematic Pythagoreans and Timaeus’ Gill manufactures her own description of a dialec- ‘exoteric’ Pythagoreans (123). He also thinks that Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. University of Athens, on 25 Sep 2021 at 16:22:16, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S007542691500107X 290 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Aristotle’s division into acousmatic and mathe- brilliant fire’ who is credited with passing down matic Pythagoreans, ‘reflects actual division within dialectics to human beings, is likely to be the community’, against L. Zhmud’s arguments for Hippasus, while Pythagoras ‘must remain a a much later dating in the first century AD possible referent’ (259). As for ‘the forefathers’, (Pythagoras and the Early Pythagoreans, Oxford he understands that the term refers to Philolaus 2012, 174). Horky proposes that Iamblichus and Archytas. However, it seems difficult to excerpted a section from Aristotle’s lost works on understand how Pythagoras could be a referent of the Pythagoreans that accounts for the different Prometheus here if Horky agrees with W. Burkert pragmateiai of both groups which, he proves, were (Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism, available in Athens a generation before Aristole Cambridge MA 1972) and C.A. Huffman was writing, on the basis of the testimonia of (Philolaus of Croton: Pythagorean and Isocrates, Aeschines and Antisthenes (95), and Presocratic. A Commentary on the Fragments and concludes that the mathematicians are the same as Testimonia with Interpretive Essay, Cambridge the ‘so-called’ Pythagoreans of Metaphysics A, 1993) that he is not an early mathematician who used demonstration and established developing limiters and unlimited things (229). relationships of ‘similarity’ between numbers and On the other hand, in my view, the reference to the perceptibles. In his view, the methodological ‘brilliant fire’ does not need to be taken literally. fissure is due to the intellectual revolution of Be that as it may, the deep examination of Hippasus of Metapontum in the fifth century. Plato’s ‘heurematographical resources’ gives In the second half of his book Horky focuses sufficient support for Horky’s thesis that Plato on Plato’s testimonia. He argues that in the changed from a critical view of the mathematic Cratylus Philolaus is taken as ‘an antecedent to Pythagoreans in the Republic towards a much Plato’s argument that ontological stability is a more positive view of his antecessors, as he necessary condition for the possibility of happened to value their mathematic demonstra- knowledge’, while Epicharmus is rejected as a tions ‘by appeal to sensible objects’ in the representative of the fluxism employed by Philebus and Timaeus. Cratylus (167–68). In conclusion, this book turns out to be an One of the merits of the book is the convincing essential tool for anyone interested in the history argument that Philolaus anticipated Plato’s theory of mathematic Pythagoreanism. of participation in the Cratylus and that Plato BEATRIZ BOSSI obtained from him the vocabulary and rudimental Universidad Complutense de Madrid conceptualization of subsistent entities and the [email protected] concept of classification of essential properties. The author believes that Philolaus’ view that things in the cosmos could not have come to be if their LEROI (A.M.) The Lagoon: How Aristotle being did not pre-exist is essential to the Invented Science. London: Bloomsbury development of Plato’s theory of the Forms in the Circus, 2014. Pp. 501, illus. £25. 97814088- Phaedo (185) where ‘Plato sought to improve on, 36200. and not simply to reject, Philolaus’s unclear doi:10.1017/S0075426915001081 demonstrations’ (199). Though Horky is persuaded that Socrates seeks to prove the immortality of the This is an extraordinary book. Bringing to our soul through, in part, a metaphysical analysis of the awareness a fecund lagoon on the island of Philolaic ‘proper kinds’ (the Forms of the Even and Lesbos, Leroi attempts to uncover numerous the Odd) (186) the argument remains obscure. aspects of Aristotle’s biological investigations In the final chapter, the author examines the there. The volume tries to be many things at once way Plato camouflages his critical developmental – a smart coffee-table book, an accessible intro- responses to his competitors (Sophists such as duction to Aristotle’s biology for a general Protagoras and Hippias and the mathematic audience, a contribution to scholarship in the field Pythagoreans Philolaus and Archytas) by using of the history of zoology and a personal account of ‘heurematographical myths’ in the Protagoras, a deeply felt intellectual connection. This is what Republic, Phaedrus, Statesman, Philebus and makes the book so singular but what also leads to Timaeus. After a long and detailed examination of some of its difficulties. Like the elephant’s trunk the meaning of Philebus 16e5–d4, Horky (137–40), although fantastically versatile, there is concludes that the ‘Prometheus along with a most a limit to how many functions it can serve.
Recommended publications
  • New Candidate Pits and Caves at High Latitudes on the Near Side of the Moon

    New Candidate Pits and Caves at High Latitudes on the Near Side of the Moon

    52nd Lunar and Planetary Science Conference 2021 (LPI Contrib. No. 2548) 2733.pdf NEW CANDIDATE PITS AND CAVES AT HIGH LATITUDES ON THE NEAR SIDE OF THE MOON. 1,2 1,3,4 1 2 Wynnie Avent II and Pascal Lee ,​ S​ ETI Institute, Mountain View, VA, USA, V​ irginia Polytechnic Institute ​ ​ ​ 3 4 ​ and State University Blacksburg, VA, USA. M​ ars Institute, N​ ASA Ames Research Center. ​ ​ Summary: 35 new candidate pits are identified ​ in Anaxagoras and Philolaus, two high-latitude impact structures on the near side of the Moon. Introduction: Since the discovery in 2009 of the Marius Hills Pit (Haruyama et al. 2009), a.k.a. the “Haruyama Cavern”, over 300 hundred pits have been identified on the Moon (Wagner & Robinson 2014, Robinson & Wagner 2018). Lunar pits are small (10 to 150 m across), steep-walled, negative relief features (topographic depressions), surrounded by funnel-shaped outer slopes and, unlike impact craters, no raised rim. They are interpreted as collapse features resulting from the fall of the roof of shallow (a few Figure 1: Location of studied craters (Polar meters deep) subsurface voids, generally lava cavities. projection). Although pits on the Moon are found in mare basalt, impact melt deposits, and highland terrain of the >300 Methods: Like previous studies searching for pits pits known, all but 16 are in impact melts (Robinson & (Wagner & Robinson 2014, Robinson & Wagner 2018, Wagner 2018). Many pits are likely lava tube skylights, Lee 2018a,b,c), we used imaging data collected by the providing access to underground networks of NASA Lunar Reconnaissance Orbiter (LRO) Narrow tunnel-shaped caves, including possibly complex Angle Camera (NAC).
  • The Presocratic Philosophers 240

    The Presocratic Philosophers 240

    XV The Ionian Revival (a) A few depressing facts If the Eleatics are right, scientists may as well give up their activities: a priori ratiocination reveals that the phenomena which science attempts to understand and explain are figments of our deceptive senses; the scientist has little or nothing to investigate—let him turn to poetry or to gardening. Fortunately few Greeks reasoned in that way; and some of the brightest gems of Greek philosophical science were polished in the generation after Parmenides. Empedocles, Anaxagoras, Philolaus, Leucippus, Democritus, Diogenes of Apollonia, all pursued the old Ionian ideal of historia despite the pressure of the Eleatic logos. And these neo-Ionian systems contain much of interest and much of permanent influence. How far they were genuine answers to the Eleatic metaphysics, and how far they were obstinate attempts to follow an out-moded profession, are questions which I shall later discuss. First, I shall offer a brief and preliminary survey of the main neo-Ionian systems which will, I hope, indicate the connexions between these men and their early models, show the respects in which their new systems must lead to conflict with Elea, and uncover the novelties of thought and argument by which they hoped to win that conflict. This section, however, will concern itself primarily with a few issues of chronology. I begin with Anaxagoras: his dates are remarkably well attested, and we know he lived from 500 to 428 BC (Diogenes Laertius, II.7=59 A 1); between his birth in Clazomenae and his death in Lampsacus he enjoyed a thirty-year sojourn in Athens, during which time he is said to have ‘taught’ Pericles and Euripides (e.g., Diogenes Laertius, II.10; 12=A 1) and to have been condemned on a charge of impiety brought against him by Pericles’ political opponents (e.g., Diogenes Laertius, II.
  • Chapter Vii., the Pythagoreans

    Chapter Vii., the Pythagoreans

    CHAPTER VII., THE PYTHAGOREANS 138. ThePythagoreanSchool 139. Philolaus 140. PlatoandthePythagoreans 141. The"FragmentsofPhilolaus" 142. TheProblem 143. AristotleontheNumbers 144. TheElementsofNumbers 145. TheNumbersSpatial 146. TheNumbersasMagnitudes 147. TheNumbersandtheElements 148. TheDodecahedron 149. TheSoula"Harmony" 150. TheCentralFire 151. TheAntichthon 152. TheHarmonyoftheSpheres 153. ThingsLikenessesof Numbers 138.ThePythagoreanSchool AFTER losing their supremacy in the Achaiancities, the Pythagoreans concentratedthemselves at Rhegion; but the school foundedthere did not maintainitself for long, andonly Archytas stayed behindinItaly. Philolaos andLysis, the latter of whom hadescapedas a young manfrom the massacre of Kroton, had already found their way to Thebes.1 We know from Plato that Philolaos was there towards the close of the fifthcentury, andLysis was afterwards the teacher of Epameinondas.2 Some of the Pythagoreans, however, were able to return to Italy later. Philolaos certainly did so, and Plato implies that he hadleft Thebes some time before 399 B.C., the year Sokrates was put todeath. Inthe fourthcentury, the chief seat of the school is the Doriancity of Taras, and we findthe Pythagoreans heading the opposition to Dionysios of Syracuse. It is to this period that the activity of Archytas belongs. He was the friendof Plato, andalmost realisedthe ideal of the philosopher king. He ruled Taras for years, andAristoxenos tells us that he was never defeatedinthe fieldof battle.3 He was also the inventor of mathematical mechanics. At the same time, Pythagoreanism hadtaken root inthe East. Lysis remainedat Thebes, where Simmias andKebes hadheardPhilolaos, while the remnant of the 206 Pythagoreanschool of Rhegionsettledat Phleious. Aristoxenos was personally acquaintedwiththe last generation of this school, and mentioned by name Xenophilos the Chalkidian from Thrace, with Phanton, Echekrates, Diokles, and Polymnastos of Phleious.
  • Meet the Philosophers of Ancient Greece

    Meet the Philosophers of Ancient Greece

    Meet the Philosophers of Ancient Greece Everything You Always Wanted to Know About Ancient Greek Philosophy but didn’t Know Who to Ask Edited by Patricia F. O’Grady MEET THE PHILOSOPHERS OF ANCIENT GREECE Dedicated to the memory of Panagiotis, a humble man, who found pleasure when reading about the philosophers of Ancient Greece Meet the Philosophers of Ancient Greece Everything you always wanted to know about Ancient Greek philosophy but didn’t know who to ask Edited by PATRICIA F. O’GRADY Flinders University of South Australia © Patricia F. O’Grady 2005 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. Patricia F. O’Grady has asserted her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identi.ed as the editor of this work. Published by Ashgate Publishing Limited Ashgate Publishing Company Wey Court East Suite 420 Union Road 101 Cherry Street Farnham Burlington Surrey, GU9 7PT VT 05401-4405 England USA Ashgate website: http://www.ashgate.com British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Meet the philosophers of ancient Greece: everything you always wanted to know about ancient Greek philosophy but didn’t know who to ask 1. Philosophy, Ancient 2. Philosophers – Greece 3. Greece – Intellectual life – To 146 B.C. I. O’Grady, Patricia F. 180 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Meet the philosophers of ancient Greece: everything you always wanted to know about ancient Greek philosophy but didn’t know who to ask / Patricia F.
  • Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans1

    Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans1

    Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans1 Historically, the name Pythagoras meansmuchmorethanthe familiar namesake of the famous theorem about right triangles. The philosophy of Pythagoras and his school has become a part of the very fiber of mathematics, physics, and even the western tradition of liberal education, no matter what the discipline. The stamp above depicts a coin issued by Greece on August 20, 1955, to commemorate the 2500th anniversary of the founding of the first school of philosophy by Pythagoras. Pythagorean philosophy was the prime source of inspiration for Plato and Aristotle whose influence on western thought is without question and is immeasurable. 1 c G. Donald Allen, 1999 ° Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans 2 1 Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans Of his life, little is known. Pythagoras (fl 580-500, BC) was born in Samos on the western coast of what is now Turkey. He was reportedly the son of a substantial citizen, Mnesarchos. He met Thales, likely as a young man, who recommended he travel to Egypt. It seems certain that he gained much of his knowledge from the Egyptians, as had Thales before him. He had a reputation of having a wide range of knowledge over many subjects, though to one author as having little wisdom (Her- aclitus) and to another as profoundly wise (Empedocles). Like Thales, there are no extant written works by Pythagoras or the Pythagoreans. Our knowledge about the Pythagoreans comes from others, including Aristotle, Theon of Smyrna, Plato, Herodotus, Philolaus of Tarentum, and others. Samos Miletus Cnidus Pythagoras lived on Samos for many years under the rule of the tyrant Polycrates, who had a tendency to switch alliances in times of conflict — which were frequent.
  • The Concept of Presocratic Philosophy Its Origin, Development

    The Concept of Presocratic Philosophy Its Origin, Development

    © Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. CHAPTER 1 ~ Presocratics: Ancient Antecedents The term “PresOcratIc” Is a modern creatIOn. The earlI- est attestation discovered so far is found in a manual of the univer- sal history of philosophy published in 1788 by J.- A. Eberhard (the addressee of a famous letter by Kant): one section is entitled “Pre- socratic Philosophy” (“vorsokratische Philosophie”).1 But the idea that there is a major caesura between Socrates and what preceded him goes back to Antiquity. In order to understand the modern debates that have developed around the Presocratics, it is indispensable to go back to these ancient Presocratics, whom by convention I pro- pose to designate “pre- Socratics” (in lowercase, and with a hyphen), in order to distinguish them from the “Presocratics,” the historio- graphical category to whose creation they contributed but under which they cannot be entirely subsumed. Even if undeniable simi- larities make the ancient “pre- Socratics” the natural ancestors of our modern Presocratics, the differences between the two groups are in fact not less significant, in particular with regard to the stakes involved in both of them. Antiquity knew of two ways to conceive of the dividing line be- tween what preceded Socrates and what followed him: either Soc- rates abandoned a philosophy of nature for the sake of a philosophy of man (this is the perspective that I shall call Socratic- Ciceronian, which also includes Xenophon), or he passed from a philosophy of things to a philosophy of the concept (this is the Platonic- Aristotelian tradition).
  • The Presocratics

    The Presocratics

    1 The Presocratics Preliminaries The writings of the Presocratics are substantial – the standard edition of their works (by Hermann Diels, 1922, revised by Walther Kranz, 1961) contains three large volumes – and so we are immediately faced with the problem of text selection discussed in the Introduction. There is, in addition, another significant problem when it comes to the source material of Presocratic philosophy: it is fragmentary in nature. Further- more, the fragments are of two kinds (at least according to Diels): some (the “A” fragments) are reports about the Presocratics given by other ancient thinkers, while others seem to be original to the thinkers them- selves (“B”). Trying to defend a coherent interpretation of these fragments is a monumental challenge for a philological detective. The “A” fragments pose a unique difficulty. For example, several of the most extensive of them come from Aristotle. But, as one scholar, echoing the complaint made by Kingsley cited in the Introduction, says, “Aristotle focuses narrowly on exactly that aspect of [his predecessors’] theories which is of relevance to his own intellectual concerns” (Inwood The Presocratics 11 RTAC01 11 27/2/04, 3:07 PM 2001, p. 73). In short, Aristotle may not give us an objective or accurate account of the Presocratics. In this chapter, all my citations of the Presocratics will be from Diels and will be indicated by using his notation (for example, A12, B34). Unless mentioned otherwise in the notes, translations are my own. Before beginning, however, a small step backwards must be taken. The first author to be discussed in this book will not be a philosopher at all.
  • Women in Early Pythagoreanism

    Women in Early Pythagoreanism

    Women in Early Pythagoreanism Caterina Pellò Faculty of Classics University of Cambridge Clare Hall February 2018 This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Alla nonna Ninni, che mi ha insegnato a leggere e scrivere Abstract Women in Early Pythagoreanism Caterina Pellò The sixth-century-BCE Pythagorean communities included both male and female members. This thesis focuses on the Pythagorean women and aims to explore what reasons lie behind the prominence of women in Pythagoreanism and what roles women played in early Pythagorean societies and thought. In the first chapter, I analyse the social conditions of women in Southern Italy, where the first Pythagorean communities were founded. In the second chapter, I compare Pythagorean societies with ancient Greek political clubs and religious sects. Compared to mainland Greece, South Italian women enjoyed higher legal and socio-political status. Similarly, religious groups included female initiates, assigning them authoritative roles. Consequently, the fact that the Pythagoreans founded their communities in Croton and further afield, and that in some respects these communities resembled ancient sects helps to explain why they opened their doors to the female gender to begin with. The third chapter discusses Pythagoras’ teachings to and about women. Pythagorean doctrines did not exclusively affect the followers’ way of thinking and public activities, but also their private way of living. Thus, they also regulated key aspects of the female everyday life, such as marriage and motherhood. I argue that the Pythagorean women entered the communities as wives, mothers and daughters. Nonetheless, some of them were able to gain authority over their fellow Pythagoreans and engage in intellectual activities, thus overcoming the female traditional domestic roles.
  • GPA + Footnotes

    GPA + Footnotes

    Greek phiiill osophy up ttto Ariiistttotttll e N Kazanas, Omilos Meleton, Athens: May/September 2003. IIIntttroductttory... 1... It is generally thought that Greek “philosophy” began in Ionia, on the eastern shores of the Aegean Sea, with Thales of Miletus c 585 BC. (All dates hereafter will be before the Common Era except where stated as CE, and with references to modern studies, eg “(So-and-so 1985: 10)”, where the second number denotes the page). Philosophy means simply ‘love of wisdom’ and Thales was certainly not the first Greek to love ‘wisdom’. Several definitions can be given to ‘wisdom’ (as we shall see hereafter) but one of them must include the discovery, or the search for knowledge, of the ways in which the whole human organism functions at its best and of the conditions in the natural and man- made environment where men can live in comfort and happiness; and this implies an understanding of the highest causes, of the origin and purpose of human life and of its relation to the rest of the world. Now at Miletus, on many islands and the mainland, long before Thales, Greeks had made good use of their natural environment transforming parts of it so that they could live comfortably in their city-states: they were cultivating many plants for food, decoration and medicines and had domesticated animals for their milk, flesh and hide and also for transport; they used wheeled vehicles and ships for transport on land and on water (and for fishing); they exchanged goods and services among themselves and traded with other city-states and large empires like Lydia on Asia Minor (modern Turkey) or Egypt, where they had established a commercial centre at Naucratis on the Nile delta; they had sent numerous colonists to settle along the shores of the Black Sea, in Southern Italy and further west (Boardman 1980); they also had religion, ethical codes and laws, which regulated the relations among citizens and also relations with the invisible Powers they believed in and called “gods”.
  • The Wisdom of Noble Simplicity

    The Wisdom of Noble Simplicity

    The Εὐηθέστεροι Myth: the Wisdom of Noble Simplicity L. M. J. Coulson A Thesis Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Classics and Ancient History School of Philosophical and Historical Inquiry Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences The University of Sydney November 2016 Statement of Originality This is to certify that to the best of my knowledge, the content of this thesis is my own work. This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or other purposes. I certify that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work and that all the assistance received in preparing this thesis and sources have been acknowledged. L. M. J. Coulson November 2016 i Acknowledgements Throughout this undertaking it has been my great good fortune and privilege to have the gracious and generous support of my family, supervisors and colleagues. On November 5, 2012 Professor Eric Csapo and I met for the first time. At that meeting Eric suggested the apparently paradoxical use of εὐήθεια in Ancient Greece as a postgraduate research topic. This thesis is a direct consequence of his suggestion, encouragement and forbearance. Eric’s erudition in the Classics’ disciplines is extraordinary and gives constant cause for admiration. Professor Rick Benitez is officially designated as my auxiliary supervisor. However, he has been far more that that, especially in the last year of this project when the depth of his Platonic scholarship and generous support made an invaluable contribution to the completion of this thesis. I am grateful for the opportunity to have worked closely with these exceptional scholars.
  • Pythagoras and the Early Pythagoreans

    Pythagoras and the Early Pythagoreans

    Revista Archai E-ISSN: 1984-249X [email protected] Universidade de Brasília Brasil McKirahan, Richard ZHMUD. L. (2012). PYTHAGORAS AND THE EARLY PYTHAGOREANS. OXFORD, OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Revista Archai, núm. 13, julio-diciembre, 2014, pp. 161-164 Universidade de Brasília Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=586161983019 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative desígnio 13 jul/dez 2014 resenhas ZHMUD. L. (2012). PYTHAGORAS AND THE EARLY PYTHAGOREANS. OXFORD, OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS * Richard McKirahan McKIRAHAN, R. (2014). Resenha. ZHMUD, L. Pythagoras * Pomona College, and the Early Pythagoreans. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Los Angeles. With an unsurpassed command of primary ma- 2012. Pp. xxiv, 491, Archai, n. 13, jul - dez, p. 161-164 terials and meticulous scholarship Professor Zhmud DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1984-249X_13_15 gives us a thorough treatment of Pythagoreanism through the fifth century, occasionally ranging into the Pythagoreans of the fourth century as well. He presents a careful treatment of the source material on Pythagoras’ life and activities, and takes up the rarely discussed problem of who are to count as Pythagoreans. He proceeds to discuss all things (allegedly) Pythagorean, including metempsycho- sis and vegetarianism, politics and the nature of Pythagorean ‘societies’, mathematici and acusma- tici, number theory and numerology, geometry and harmonics, cosmology and astronomy, (surprisingly) medicine and the life sciences, and he concludes by examining Pythagorean views on the soul and the doctrine that all is number.
  • Sources for the Philosophy of Archytas

    Sources for the Philosophy of Archytas

    Ancient Philosophy 28 (2008) ©Mathesis Publications 1 Sources for the Philosophy of Archytas Archytas of Tarentum: Pythagorean, Philosopher and Mathematician King. By Carl Huffman. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Pp. xv + 665. $175.00 (cloth). ISBN 0521837464. Monte Ransome Johnson Although Archytas of Tarentum was one of the most important philosophers of the classical period, he has, like a second-rate scholar, become consigned to the oblivion of footnotes. Awkwardly, these are often footnotes to Pythagoreanism and fifth century philosophy. Yet he wrote and influenced fourth (not fifth) cen- tury philosophy; and it is an open question to what extent, or in what sense, and even whether, Archytas was really a Pythagorean. The source of the difficulties is to be found in the cruel, irrational, and occa- sionally fraudulent history of textual transmission. According to Huffman, only four genuine fragments of Archytas survive. Paucity of genuine material is a common problem in early Greek philosophy. But there is a further, special prob- lem with Archytas: the number of dubious fragments (or spurious fragments, as they are considered by Huffman) attributed to him in antiquity. While the gen- uine fragments in Huffman’s edition amount to just 73 lines, the standard edition of later Pythagorean material accumulates over 1300 lines under the name ‘Archytas’ (The Pythagorean Texts of the Hellenistic Period Collected and Edited by H. Thesleff [Åbo, 1965] 2-48). As I will argue at the end of this essay, there is hope, although it is not inspired by Huffman, that more of the material collected by Thesleff can be counted as evidence of Archytas’ thought, or at least cannot be ruled out as paraphrasing his words; they should at any rate be included in a complete edition of his philosophy.