Sex, Trump, and Constitutional Change
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Trump Lawyer Seeks to Block Insider Book on White House
The Washington Post Politics Trump lawyer seeks to block insider book on White House By Josh Dawsey and Ashley Parker January 4 at 9:30 AM A lawyer representing President Trump sought Thursday to stop the publication of a new behind-the-scenes book about the White House that has already led Trump to angrily decry his former chief strategist Stephen K. Bannon. The legal notice — addressed to author Michael Wolff and the president of the book’s publisher — said Trump’s lawyers were pursuing possible charges including libel in connection with the forthcoming book, “Fire and Fury: Inside the Trump White House.” The letter by Beverly Hills-based attorney Charles J. Harder demanded the publisher, Henry Holt and Co., “immediately cease and desist from any further publication, release or dissemination of the book” or excerpts and summaries of its contents. The lawyers also seek a full copy of the book as part of their investigation. The latest twist in the showdown came after lawyers accused Bannon of breaching a confidentiality agreement and Trump denounced his former aide as a self-aggrandizing political charlatan who has “lost his mind.” It marked an abrupt and furious rupture with the onetime confidant that could have lasting political impact on the November midterms and beyond. The White House’s sharp public break with Bannon, which came in response to unflattering comments he made about Trump and his family in a new book about his presidency, left the self-fashioned populist alienated from his chief patron and even more isolated in his attempts to remake the Republican Party by backing insurgent candidates. -
The Conservative Pipeline to the Supreme Court
The Conservative Pipeline to the Supreme Court April 17, 2017 By Jeffrey Toobin they once did. We have the tools now to do all the research. With the Federalist Society, Leonard Leo has reared a We know everything they’ve written. We know what they’ve generation of originalist élites. The selection of Neil Gorsuch is said. There are no surprises.” Gorsuch had committed no real just his latest achievement. gaffes, caused no blowups, and barely made any news— which was just how Leo had hoped the hearings would unfold. Leo has for many years been the executive vice-president of the Federalist Society, a nationwide organization of conservative lawyers, based in Washington. Leo served, in effect, as Trump’s subcontractor on the selection of Gorsuch, who was confirmed by a vote of 54–45, last week, after Republicans changed the Senate rules to forbid the use of filibusters. Leo’s role in the nomination capped a period of extraordinary influence for him and for the Federalist Society. During the Administration of George W. Bush, Leo also played a crucial part in the nominations of John Roberts and Samuel Alito. Now that Gorsuch has been confirmed, Leo is responsible, to a considerable extent, for a third of the Supreme Court. Leo, who is fifty-one, has neither held government office nor taught in a law school. He has written little and has given few speeches. He is not, technically speaking, even a lobbyist. Leo is, rather, a convener and a networker, and he has met and cultivated almost every important Republican lawyer in more than a generation. -
The First Amendment, the Public-Private Distinction, and Nongovernmental Suppression of Wartime Political Debate Gregory P
Working Paper Series Villanova University Charles Widger School of Law Year 2004 The First Amendment, The Public-Private Distinction, and Nongovernmental Suppression of Wartime Political Debate Gregory P. Magarian Villanova University School of Law, [email protected] This paper is posted at Villanova University Charles Widger School of Law Digital Repository. http://digitalcommons.law.villanova.edu/wps/art6 THE FIRST AMENDMENT, THE PUBLIC -PRIVA TE DISTINCTION, AND NONGOVERNMENTAL SUPPRESSION OF WARTIME POLITICAL DEBATE 1 BY GREGORY P. MAGARIAN DRAFT 5-12-04 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................... 1 I. CONFRONTING NONGOVERNMENTAL CENSORSHIP OF POLITICAL DEBATE IN WARTIME .................. 5 A. The Value and Vulnerability of Wartime Political Debate ........................................................................... 5 1. The Historical Vulnerability of Wartime Political Debate to Nongovernmental Suppression ....................................................................... 5 2. The Public Rights Theory of Expressive Freedom and the Necessity of Robust Political Debate for Democratic Self -Government........................ 11 B. Nongovernmental Censorship of Political Speech During the “War on Terrorism” ............................................... 18 1. Misinformation and Suppression of Information by News Media ............................................ 19 2. Exclusions of Political Speakers from Privately Owned Public Spaces. -
Republican Goveners Association America 2024 Namun 2019
REPUBLICAN GOVENERS ASSOCIATION AMERICA 2024 NAMUN 2019 Table of Contents Table of Contents 1 Letter from the Chair 4 Letter from the Director 5 Introduction 6 Definitions 6 Historical Background I: Federalism 7 Federalism in the United States 7 Federalism in the Constitution 7 Federalism in Reality 8 Federalism in Jurisprudence 8 Federalism and Presidentialism 9 Federalism and the Congress 10 Moving Forward: A New Federalist Framework? 12 Historical Context II: Contemporary American Politics 12 Donald Trump 12 2016 Election 13 Russian Interference in the 2016 Election and Wiki Leaks 13 2018 Congressional Elections 13 2020 Presidential Election 14 2022 Congressional Elections 14 2024 Presidential Election 14 Timeline 15 Issues 16 Overview 16 Republicans 16 Democrats 16 Economy 17 Healthcare 17 Repealing and Replacing Obamacare 18 Immigration 19 Race 19 Task of the Committee 20 2 www.namun.org / [email protected] / @namun2019 The State of Affairs 20 Call to Action 20 Questions to Consider 20 Sources 21 Appendices 23 Appendix A: 2016 Electoral Map 23 Appendix B: 2024 Electoral Map 23 Appendix C: “The Blue Wall.” 23 Appendix D: Total U.S National Debt 24 Appendix E: Intragovernmental Debt 24 Appendix F: Public Debt 25 Appendix G. Ideology Changes in the Parties 26 Bibliography 27 3 www.namun.org / [email protected] / @namun2019 Letter from the Chair Dear Delegates, It is with great pleasure that I welcome you the Republican Governors of America 2024. I’d like to thank you for expressing your interest in this committee. My name is Michael Elliott and I will be the chair for this committee. -
The Civil War in the American Ruling Class
tripleC 16(2): 857-881, 2018 http://www.triple-c.at The Civil War in the American Ruling Class Scott Timcke Department of Literary, Cultural and Communication Studies, The University of The West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago, [email protected] Abstract: American politics is at a decisive historical conjuncture, one that resembles Gramsci’s description of a Caesarian response to an organic crisis. The courts, as a lagging indicator, reveal this longstanding catastrophic equilibrium. Following an examination of class struggle ‘from above’, in this paper I trace how digital media instruments are used by different factions within the capitalist ruling class to capture and maintain the commanding heights of the American social structure. Using this hegemony, I argue that one can see the prospect of American Caesarism being institutionally entrenched via judicial appointments at the Supreme Court of the United States and other circuit courts. Keywords: Gramsci, Caesarism, ruling class, United States, hegemony Acknowledgement: Thanks are due to Rick Gruneau, Mariana Jarkova, Dylan Kerrigan, and Mark Smith for comments on an earlier draft. Thanks also go to the anonymous reviewers – the work has greatly improved because of their contributions. A version of this article was presented at the Local Entanglements of Global Inequalities conference, held at The University of The West Indies, St. Augustine in April 2018. 1. Introduction American politics is at a decisive historical juncture. Stalwarts in both the Democratic and the Republican Parties foresee the end of both parties. “I’m worried that I will be the last Republican president”, George W. Bush said as he recoiled at the actions of the Trump Administration (quoted in Baker 2017). -
The Donald Trump-Rupert Murdoch Relationship in the United States
The Donald Trump-Rupert Murdoch relationship in the United States When Donald Trump ran as a candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, Rupert Murdoch was reported to be initially opposed to him, so the Wall Street Journal and the New York Post were too.1 However, Roger Ailes and Murdoch fell out because Ailes wanted to give more positive coverage to Trump on Fox News.2 Soon afterwards, however, Fox News turned more negative towards Trump.3 As Trump emerged as the inevitable winner of the race for the nomination, Murdoch’s attitude towards Trump appeared to shift, as did his US news outlets.4 Once Trump became the nominee, he and Rupert Murdoch effectively concluded an alliance of mutual benefit: Murdoch’s news outlets would help get Trump elected, and then Trump would use his powers as president in ways that supported Rupert Murdoch’s interests. An early signal of this coming together was Trump’s public attacks on the AT&T-Time Warner merger, 21st Century Fox having tried but failed to acquire Time Warner previously in 2014. Over the last year and a half, Fox News has been the major TV news supporter of Donald Trump. Its coverage has displayed extreme bias in his favour, offering fawning coverage of his actions and downplaying or rubbishing news stories damaging to him, while also leading attacks against Donald Trump’s opponent in the 2016 presidential election, Hillary Clinton. Ofcom itself ruled that several Sean Hannity programmes in August 2016 were so biased in favour of Donald Trump and against Hillary Clinton that they breached UK impartiality rules.5 During this period, Rupert Murdoch has been CEO of Fox News, in which position he is also 1 See e.g. -
Tiered Balancing and the Fate of Roe V. Wade: How the New Supreme Court Majority Could Turn the Undue-Burden Standard Into a Deferential Pike Test
TIERED BALANCING AND THE FATE OF ROE V. WADE: HOW THE NEW SUPREME COURT MAJORITY COULD TURN THE UNDUE-BURDEN STANDARD INTO A DEFERENTIAL PIKE TEST By Brendan T. Beery* In one of the more noteworthy uses of his much-ballyhooed “swing vote”1 on the U.S. Supreme Court, Justice Anthony Kennedy sided with Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Sotomayor, and Kagan in striking down two Texas laws that restricted access to reproductive- healthcare facilities. The laws did so by imposing toilsome admitting privileges and surgical-facility standards that clinics had difficulty abiding. 2 The proposition that a woman has an unenumerated constitutional right to terminate a pregnancy, at least before the point of fetal viability, won the day in 1973.3 But, as 2018 fades into 2019, no judicial precedent is more endangered than the one that has evolved in a triumvirate of cases: Roe v. Wade,4 Planned Parenthood v. Casey,5 and Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt,6 save perhaps the principle * Professor of Law, Western Michigan University Thomas M. Cooley Law School; B.A., Bradley University, 1995; J.D., summa cum laude, Thomas M. Cooley Law School, 1998. The author wishes to thank his friend and colleague, Professor Daniel R. Ray, for his assistance in conceptualizing this essay. The author also thanks the editors and staff of the Kansas Journal of Law & Public Policy for their incisive feedback, professionalism, and hard work. 1 See Caitlin E. Borgmann, Abortion, the Undue Burden Standard, and the Evisceration of Women’s Privacy, 16 WM. & MARY J. WOMEN & L. 291, 292 (2010). -
Presidential Administration Under Trump Daniel A
Presidential Administration Under Trump Daniel A. Farber1 Anne Joseph O’Connell2 I. Introduction [I would widen the Introduction: focusing on the problem of what kind of president Donald Trump is and what the implications are. The descriptive and normative angles do not seem to have easy answers. There is a considerable literature in political science and law on positive/descriptive theories of the president. Kagan provides just one, but an important one. And there is much ink spilled on the legal dimensions. I propose that after flagging the issue, the Introduction would provide some key aspects of Trump as president, maybe even through a few bullet points conveying examples, raise key normative questions, and then lay out a roadmap for the article. One thing to address is what ways we think Trump is unique for a study of the President and for the study of Administrative Law, if at all.] [We should draft this after we have other sections done.] Though the Presidency has been a perennial topic in the legal literature, Justice Elena Kagan, in her earlier career as an academic, penned an enormously influential 2001 article about the increasingly dominant role of the President in regulation, at the expense of the autonomy of administrative agencies.3 The article’s thesis, simply stated, was that “[w]e live in an era of presidential administration.”, by 1 Sho Sato Professor of Law at the University of California, Berkeley. 2 George Johnson Professor of Law at the University of California, Berkeley. 3 Elena Kagan, Presidential Administration, 114 HARV. L. REV. 2245 (2001). -
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 02/16/2021 11:18:01 AM
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 02/16/2021 11:18:01 AM 02/12/21 Friday This material is distributed by Ghebi LLC on behalf of Federal State Unitary Enterprise Rossiya Segodnya International Information Agency, and additional information is on file with the Department of Justice, Washington, District of Columbia. Lincoln Project Faces Exodus of Advisers Amid Sexual Harassment Coverup Scandal by Morgan Artvukhina Donald Trump was a political outsider in the 2016 US presidential election, and many Republicans refused to accept him as one of their own, dubbing themselves "never-Trump" Republicans. When he sought re-election in 2020, the group rallied in support of his Democratic challenger, now the US president, Joe Biden. An increasing number of senior figures in the never-Trump political action committee The Lincoln Project (TLP) have announced they are leaving, with three people saying Friday they were calling it quits in the wake of a sexual assault scandal involving co-founder John Weaver. "I've always been transparent about all my affiliations, as I am now: I told TLP leadership yesterday that I'm stepping down as an unpaid adviser as they sort this out and decide their future direction and organization," Tom Nichols, a “never-Trump” Republican who supported the group’s effort to rally conservative support for US President Joe Biden in the 2020 election, tweeted on Friday afternoon. Nichols was joined by another adviser, Kurt Bardella and by Navvera Hag, who hosted the PAC’s online show “The Lincoln Report.” Late on Friday, Lincoln Project co-founder Steve Schmidt reportedly announced his resignation following accusations from PAC employees that he handled the harassment scandal poorly, according to the Daily Beast. -
The Rise of Talk Radio and Its Impact on Politics and Public Policy
Mount Rushmore: The Rise of Talk Radio and Its Impact on Politics and Public Policy Brian Asher Rosenwald Wynnewood, PA Master of Arts, University of Virginia, 2009 Bachelor of Arts, University of Pennsylvania, 2006 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Virginia August, 2015 !1 © Copyright 2015 by Brian Asher Rosenwald All Rights Reserved August 2015 !2 Acknowledgements I am deeply indebted to the many people without whom this project would not have been possible. First, a huge thank you to the more than two hundred and twenty five people from the radio and political worlds who graciously took time from their busy schedules to answer my questions. Some of them put up with repeated follow ups and nagging emails as I tried to develop an understanding of the business and its political implications. They allowed me to keep most things on the record, and provided me with an understanding that simply would not have been possible without their participation. When I began this project, I never imagined that I would interview anywhere near this many people, but now, almost five years later, I cannot imagine the project without the information gleaned from these invaluable interviews. I have been fortunate enough to receive fellowships from the Fox Leadership Program at the University of Pennsylvania and the Corcoran Department of History at the University of Virginia, which made it far easier to complete this dissertation. I am grateful to be a part of the Fox family, both because of the great work that the program does, but also because of the terrific people who work at Fox. -
Art, Argento and the Rape-Revenge Film
University of Edinburgh Postgraduate Journal of Culture and the Arts Issue 13 | Autumn 2011 Title The Violation of Representation: Art, Argento and the Rape-Revenge Film Author Alexandra Heller-Nicholas Publication FORUM: University of Edinburgh Postgraduate Journal of Culture and the Arts Issue Number 13 Issue Date Autumn 2011 Publication Date 6/12/2011 Editors Dorothy Butchard & Barbara Vrachnas FORUM claims non-exclusive rights to reproduce this article electronically (in full or in part) and to publish this work in any such media current or later developed. The author retains all rights, including the right to be identified as the author wherever and whenever this article is published, and the right to use all or part of the article and abstracts, with or without revision or modification in compilations or other publications. Any latter publication shall recognise FORUM as the original publisher. FORUM | ISSUE 13 Alexandra Heller-Nicholas 1 The Violation of Representation: Art, Argento and the Rape-Revenge Film Alexandra Heller-Nicholas Swinburne University of Technology Considering the moral controversies surrounding films such as I Spit on Your Grave (Meir Zarch, 1976) and Baise-Moi (Virginie Despentes and Coralie Trinh-Thi, 2000), the rape-revenge film is often typecast as gratuitous and regressive. But far from dismissing rape-revenge in her foundational book Men, Women and Chain Saws: Gender in the Modern Horror Film (1992), Carol J. Clover suggests that these movies permit unique insight into the representation of gendered bodies on screen. In Images of Rape: The ‘Heroic’ Tradition and Its Alternatives (1999), art historian Diane Wolfthal demonstrates that contradictory representations of sexual violence co-existed long before the advent of the cinematic image, and a closer analysis of films that fall into the rape-revenge category reveals that they too resist a singular classification. -
Radiocorrieretv SETTIMANALE DELLA RAI RADIOTELEVISIONE
RadiocorriereTv SETTIMANALE DELLA RAI RADIOTELEVISIONE ITALIANA numero 10 - anno 90 8 marzo 2021 Reg. Trib. n. 673 del 16 dicembre 1997 MANESKIN TRIONFO ROCK ©Maurizio D'Avanzo NELLE LIBRERIE E STORE DIGITALI Nelle librerie e store digitali 2 TV RADIOCORRIERE 3 3 Nelle librerie PERCHE’ SANREMO e store digitali È SANREMO Sanremo è finito. Viva Sanremo. Come ogni anno ci sono vincitori e vinti, ci sono critiche e commenti, applausi e fischi, anche in questa edizione da remoto. Poi ci sono loro. I dipendenti di questa azienda, a volte bistrattata, ma sempre presenti, con forza, capacità e soprattutto con tanta dignità. E allora grazie a tutte, ma proprio tutte, le maestranze della Rai che ancora una volta hanno messo in campo tutto quello che potevano lavorando anche in condizioni di grandissima difficoltà. Grazie a chi ha lasciato per settimane i propri affetti, in questo periodo non era facile, per trasferirsi a lavorare in una città molto diversa da quella glamour e festante degli anni passati. Un lavoro certosino, meticoloso come sempre, solo come quello che i tecnici e giornalisti Rai sanno fare quando sono chiamati a giocare finali. Questo Festival ha portato rispetto e forse non lo ha ricevuto del tutto. Non era facile calarsi con garbo in un periodo fatto di sofferenze e paure. Cercare di entrare nelle case degli italiani spaventati. Per una settimana si è provato a far riscoprire quel desiderio di normalità misto a fiducia. Cinque serate di evasione, di riflessione, ma anche di speranza che il mondo della musica, dello spettacolo, possano tornare quanto prima a regalare emozioni.