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Dante and Francesca Da Rimini: Realpolitik, Romance, Gender Author(S): Teodolinda Barolini Source: Speculum, Vol

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Dante and Francesca Da Rimini: Realpolitik, Romance, Gender Author(S): Teodolinda Barolini Source: Speculum, Vol Medieval Academy of America Dante and Francesca da Rimini: Realpolitik, Romance, Gender Author(s): Teodolinda Barolini Source: Speculum, Vol. 75, No. 1 (Jan., 2000), pp. 1-28 Published by: Medieval Academy of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2887423 . Accessed: 05/04/2013 12:40 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Medieval Academy of America is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Speculum. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.59.161.75 on Fri, 5 Apr 2013 12:40:19 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Dante and Francescada Rimini: Realpolitik,Romance, Gender By Teodolinda Barolini Whilewe are accustomed toDante's appropriations and revisions ofhistory, the caseof Francesca da Rimini(Inf. 5.73-142) is ratherdifferent from the norm, sincein her case no trace remains of the historical record that the poet could have appropriated.There is no completelyindependent documentation ofFrancesca's story;we areindebted for what we know to Danteand to hiscommentators. A fourteenth-centurychronicler ofRimini, Marco Battagli, alludes in passing to the event,but his history was writtenin 1352,thus postdating by three decades Dante'sdeath in 1321.1Two factors come into play when we assessBattagli's chronicleas an independentverification ofFrancesca's story: on the one hand, he is anindisputable authority regarding Rimini and the Malatesta;2 on the other, he knewDante's poem.3 Therefore, Battagli's passing and indirect reference (towhich weshall return in due course) serves at best as plausiblyindependent confirmation ofan occurrenceabout which the contemporary historical record is silent.That silenceis brokenby Dante.4 By reintegrating history-including thesilence of history-into our readingof canto 5, we restorea contextin whichto remember thatin the case of Francescada RiminiDante is the historianof record:in effect he saved Francescafrom oblivion, giving her a voice and a name. Technically,we know that Dante is the transmitterof the littlethat we know 1 Marco Battagliwas born in Riminiin the firstdecade of the fourteenthcentury and died before 1376; his chronicle,Marcha (thetitle derives from the author's Christian name), compiles events from creationto 1354 and was writtenbetween 1350 and 1354. The last book containsthe chapter"On theOrigins of the Malatesta" ("De originedominorum de Malatestis"),written, according to itseditor, in 1352; see Marcha, ed. Aldo FrancescoMassera, RerumItalicorum Scriptores 16/3 (Citta di Castello, 1913), p. xxiii. Battagli'ssentence on Paolo's death elicitsfrom Massera the followingcomment: "E' questa la notiziapiut antica della tragediache ci rimanga,eccezion fatta dei commentatoridell'Inferno, in fontistoriche" (p. 31). I would like to take this opportunityto thankBenjamin Kohl forsteering me towardBattagli and forproviding valuable feedbackas I workedon thisessay. 2 Accordingto Massera, Battagli'schapter on the Malatesta "costituiscela piuiantica ed autorevole fontedi storia malatestianae municipale" (p. xlvii). For more on Battagli,see Massera's lengthy preface. 3Regarding Battagli's"assai vasta e varia cultura,"0. Banti notes that "in essa hanno larga parte (come appare spesso dalle espressionie dai concetti)la Bibbia e le operedell'Alighieri"; see Dizionario biograficodegli Italiani,7 (Rome, 1965), p. 208. 4 Indeed, we mightwell wonder how we can feel sure that the storyas a whole is not Dante's invention.While he obviouslyinvented the materialfor which only one of the murderedprotagonists could have vouched,the bare factsof Francesca'sadultery and murdermust have occurred,given that the commentatorswho followDante fillin key details-like the protagonists'names-that he omits fromInferno 5 and thatFrancesca's family, well acquaintedwith Dante and his poetry(Guido Novello da Polenta,Francesca's nephew and Dante's host in Ravenna, even triedhis hand at Dante-inspired love lyrics),never denied his account. On Dante and the Polenta family,and forGuido da Polenta's poetry,see Corrado Ricci, L'ultimorifugio di Dante (1891; repr.Ravenna, 1965). Speculum 75 (2000) 1 This content downloaded from 128.59.161.75 on Fri, 5 Apr 2013 12:40:19 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2 Dante and Francescada Rimini about Francesca da Rimini.Francesco Torraca, whose 1902 essay on Inferno5 has not been surpassedin historicalrichness, clearly states as much ("Del fatto, nessuna cronaca contemporanea,nessun documentoci ha conservatomemoria; primo,e solo narratorecontemporaneo, Dante" ),5 and thepoint is repeatedin the Enciclopedia dantesca'sarticle on Francesca ("II raccontodantesco resta l'unica testimonianzaantica intornoal drammadi adulterioe di morteconsumato alla cortemalatestiana, ignorato dalle cronachee dai documentilocali coevi o poste- riorin")6Similarly, when we begin to wonder about the historicityof Francesca, we discoverthe existence of a specializedbibliography on thehistorical Francesca of greaterudition. But it rarelyintersects with the much largerliterary bibliog- raphyon Inferno5, and its findings-includingthe fundamentalfact that there is no historicalrecord of theevents narrated in thecanto-are rarelyfactored into literaryreadings. Torraca's clarityabout the silence of the historicalrecord has not informedsubsequent readings of the canto. This essay attemptsto recuperatethe significanceof the factthat Dante is the historianof recordwith respect to Francescada Riminiarid to integratethe im- plicationsof thisunderstanding, as well as theimplications of a historicizedFran- cesca, into our criticalresponse to Inferno5. My subtitleoutlines the parameters of my reading:realpolitik, because Dante viewed Francesca's life as politically determined,her death the resultof the pragmaticmatrimonial politics that gov- erneddynastic alliances;7 romance, because Dante injectedromance into France- sca's essentiallypolitical story, as a way of highlightingthe tensiornbetween her 5"Il canto V dell'Inferno,"originally published in Nuova antologia,1902, repr.in Studidanteschi (Naples, 1912), pp. 383-442, citationp. 409. 6 AntonioEnzo Quaglio, "Francescada Rimini,"in Enciclopediadantesca (henceforth ED), 6 vols. (Rome, 1970-78), 3:1. A dramaticaccount of thelacuna in two major chroniclesof the late duecento, by PietroCantinelli and Salimbeneda Parma, is offeredby Nevio Matteiniin Francescada Rimnini: Storia,mito, arte (Bologna, 1965): Il Chronicondi Pietro Cantinelli?Tace. Il Cantinelli,nato probabilmentea Faenza intornoal 1243 e morto,forse, nel 1306, ci porgel'illustrazione storica piu autenticadella Divina Commedia. "I personaggidanteschi" -scrive il Torracanella prefazione- "sono qui una fol]a.... Perl'ultimo trentenniodel secolo XIII Bologna e la Romagna non hanno un'altracronaca propriaaltrettanto ampia, abbondante,ordinata ed esatta." Fra i Polentanivi compaiono: Guido Minore,Bernardino, Lamberto,Ostasio, Guido Riccio, Albericoe Geremia.Fra i Malatesti:il "Mastin vecchio,"Gian- ciotto, Malatestino,Ramberto e il figlioGiovanni. Di Francesca e Paolo neppure i nomi sono ricordati. E Salimbeneda Parma? Tace anch'egli.Fra' Salimbene,che visse dal 1221 al 1289, assistettea diversifatti notevolissimi ed avvicin6personalita della Chiesa e della politica,uomini di toga t-di armi. Soggiorn6in Romagna, soprattuttoa Ravenna, per cinque anni. La prima data che ricorre nella sua Cronicae il 21 luglio 1283; l'ultima1'8 settembre1287.... Parla di Guido da Montefeltro e di Tebaldello Zambrasi,di Malatesta da Verucchioe dei Manfredi,dei Traversarie degliAccarisi, di Guido Minore e di Guido Riccio. Di Paolo e Francescanulla. (Pp. 57-58) 7This point is clearlymade by the distinguishedRomagnol historianAugusto Vasina in his entry "Malatesta" in the Enciclopediadantesca: "Persiio dietroil drammadi Paolo M[alatesta] e di Fran- cesca da Polenta (If V 82-138) e ben presenteuna rigidalogica dinastica,tesa, mediantel'unione fra Giovanni(Gianciotto) M[alatesta] e Francesca,a finidi tirannide.In realtatale politicamatrimoniale, senza dubbio all'origine di quella tragedia, era destinata a rassodare un'alleanza familiarefra M[alatesta] e Polentaniproprio nel momentopiu criticodella loro ascesa al dominiosignorile, rispet- tivamentesu Riminie su Ravenna" (ED 3:782). This content downloaded from 128.59.161.75 on Fri, 5 Apr 2013 12:40:19 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Dante and Francescada Rimini 3 roleas pawnof thestate and herdesire for personal fulfillment (romance is the genre,in fact,that makes possible the focus on personaldesire); gender, because thechoice of romanceas themodality for this particular narrative, a narrative foundedon dynasticmarriage, is a choicethat necessarily brings us to gender. Ultimately,I hope to throwlight on the ways in whichFrancesca's story, as told by Dante, is a genderedstory, one in which unusual value is placed on the per- sonhood of the dynasticwife.8 The keyfact of Francesca da Rimini'slife is a dynastic-political-fact: Francesca was born into a familythat aspired to dominionover Ravenna (and achievedit, 'in 1275); she marriedinto a familythat aspired
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