Costa Rican democracy: its character and evolution

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Authors Walker, James Hess, 1930-

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Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/317896 COSTA RICAN DEMOCRACY: ITS CHARACTER AND EVOLUTION

by James H.-Walker

A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT

In Partial Fulfillment of the- Requirements For the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

1 9 6 5 STATEMENT BY AUTHOR

This thesis has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College when in his judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission must be obtained from the author.

SIGNED: z

APPROVAL BY THESIS DIRECTOR

This thesis has been approved on the date shown below:

). A. GOMEZ Professor of Government ACKNOWLEDGMENTS!

The.writer wishes to express his sincere appreciation to Dr. R. A. Gomez for his guidance

during the preparation of this thesis and for his

patience and encouragement throughout the past year. I am also deeply grateful to my wife, Edwina, whose many sacrifices helped make the completion of this work possible.

iii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

LIST OF TABLES . .. . vi

ABSTRACT ooooooooooeoo vii

Chapters

I. AN APPRAISAL OF DEMOCRACY . . .. . , 1

E I e O t ZL OP S e o e o o e e < 8 Political Parties «.»»», 10 Interest Groups « « . . » , 12 education o » o « o o * o < 13 Executive, Legislative and Judicial Branches . . , . , 14 Constitution . » . . . , . , 15 Civil Liberties . , . . . , 16 Economics . , , = » » . , 16 Civic Culture 17 Social Problems „ « « « . . , 20 Summary ...... 21

II. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN­ COSTA RICA O © O O O O © 25 Geography. . . 25 Economic . . . 29 Land Tenure . . 33 Demography . . 36 Educational System 38 Summary . . 40

iv V

-TABLE. OF CONTENTS — Continued

Chapter ' .. . . . Page

III. . COSTA RICAN POLITICAL DYNAMICS . . 43

Political History ...... 43 Political, Parties ...... 56 Interest Groups ' ...... 61 - Campaigns and Elections . . . . 64 Communications Media ..... 68 Civic Culture ...... 69 Social Problems - ...... 71 Summary ...... 73 IV. POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS ...... 78

Political Geography ...... 78 The Executive Branch . . . . . 81 The Legislative Branch .... 83 The’ Judicial Branch ...... 85 Autonomous Agencies ...... 86 The. Constitution . . . . . 89 Summary ...... 90 V. CONCLUSION ...... ' 92

Democratic Evolution ..... 92 Democratic Character . . . . . 98 Summary ...... 101

LIST OF REFERENCES 102 LIST OF TABLES

Table. . Page

I. RATINGS. OF COSTA RICAN DEMOCRACY . . 1 II. CRITERIA ASSOCIATED WITH DEMOCRACY . 22 III. CENTRAL AMERICAN NATIONAL INCOME l .. 32 IV. COSTA RICAN LAND TENURE - . . . 35

V. POLITICAL DIVISION OF COSTA RICA .. . 79

(

vi ABSTRACT

The purpose of. this thesis is to describe the character and trace the evolution of Costa Rican democracy. While the exact definition of democracy is elusive, there does exist considerable consensus about some of the identifying criteria associated with democracy. Such criteria as the state of economic attainment, educational level, activities of political parties, conduct of elections, operation and con­ struction of the executive-judicial-legislative branches, the character of the civic culture and the treatment of social problems are all relevant in de­ termining the status of democracy.

Us:ing these criteria as guidelines we find that in Costa Rica democracy is enhanced by economic development which has resulted in the attainment of the highest per capita income in Central America and a comprehensive education program responsible for raising the literacy rate to 80 percent. A study of Costa Rica' political history reveals a relatively peaceful evolution to democracy fostered by enlightened leader­ ship, widespread land ownership ,• and ethnic, lingual, and religious homogeneity.

vii Vlll

Today the government reflects the historic development of the Costa Rican people’s commitment to the. principles of democracy. Adequately safe­ guarded civil rights, free and active political partici­ pation, and responsible treatment of social problems ' are manifestations of a high degree of correlation between political processes in Costa Rica and demo­ cratic norms. Because of this, the continued democratic maturation of Costa Rica seems assured.' CHAPTER I

AN APPRAISAL OF DEMOCRACY

Costa Rica is considered one of the most democratic and politically advanced nations in Latin America„ As the following table demonstrates9 there seems to be a consensus concerning the validity of this claim:

TABLE I

RATINGS OF COSTA RICAN DEMOCRACY

Date Authority Rating Given

Leslie Lipson Only clearly democratic country in Latin America^ 19 39 Russell Ho Fitzgibbon Second most democratic and Kenneth F. Johnson nation in Latin America^ I9 60

Hubert Herring Costa Rica with Uruguay most soundly democratic of all Latin American States0 196 2 James L» Busey . Among the most democratic republics of the hemisphere^ 1964

^Leslie Lipson, Democratic Civilization (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964) 9 p 0 84» ! "

1 2

.TABLE I--Continued

^Russell H. Fitzgibbon, and Kenneth F, Johnson, "Measurement of Latin American Political Change," American Political Science Review, LV (September, 1961), 518.

CA„ Custis Wilgus (ed.), The Caribbean: Its Political Problems (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1962), p. 254.

^Martin C. Needier (ed.), Political Systems of Latin America (Princeton: D, Van Nostrand and Co., Inc., 1964), p. 113.

Even John D. Martz, who in rather sobering terms describes Costa Rica’s undemocratic tendencies, admits that "Costa

Rica is well ahead of its sister republics in many fields,

notably political maturity and liberty."^

If we accept the plausibility of Costa Rica’s ndemocratic reputation, what is to be gained by investi­

gating an already widely accepted fact about which there is little contention? Primarily the answer lies in the

very fact that Costa Rica is accepted as a democratic

country which is rare for a Latin American country. The

vast majority of the Latin American nations, although

committed to.democratic principles ever since the wars for independence, have not realized the full attainment of

1 John D. Martz, Central America: The Crisis and the Challenge (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 19 59), p. 211. democracyo At the least9 an investigation of the charac­ ter and evolution of Costa Rican- democracy should con­ tribute to a deeper understanding of the problems a

Latin American nation faces in its quest for representative government. Also, an investigation of this type should reveal whether the reputation gained by Cqsta Rica is fully justified. As a by-product some insight may be gained into the cultural prerequisites present in Costa

Rica which fostered its democratic attainment. If Costa

Rica has in fact succeeded in attaining democracy where so many others' in the same political culture have failed, surely the.reasons for this success merit some consider­ ation, for the prescription of democracy as a cure for the ills which afflict Latin America is being challenged by other ideologies.. The applicability of the democratic solution must.be demonstrated or it is liable to be re­ placed by other systems which promise more revolutionary change.

In order to appraise the character of Costa Rican democracy we must establish a referent set of criteria which will guide our" investigation. To discover exactly the concept of democracy, if it is possible at all, is a task beyond the scope of this thesis. In fact, as Saul

Padover said: "... despite a voluminous literature on the subject, there exists no fully satisfactory or o comprehensive theory of democracy." However, while we

fully recognize the elusiveness of our.subject, if we are to discuss the character of Costa Rican democracy, we must develop some standards of comparison or guiding . precepts which can be utilized as a basis for analyzing Costa Rica’s political institutions and processes. The purpose of this chapter then, is to formulate some of the essential:elements of democracy about which some con­ sensus exists and to develop some of the more contemporary notions pertaining to what conditions are conducive to the attainment of the democratic process.

Our task is complicated by the fact that democracy is a complex process within which there can exist a vast array Of processes and institutions operating in various Q combinations. ' -For when we deal with democracy, we are not only working with political, economic and social factors, 1 - but also with a variety of ideals, aspirations, tradition­ al practices and prejudices.^ For these reasons then, the

2Saul K. Padover, The Meaning of Democracy (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1963), p. 10. 3 Russell H. Fitzgibbon, and Kenneth F. Johnson, "Measurement of Latin American Political Change," American Political Science Review, LV (September, 19 61), 516.

B. Mayo, "How Can We Justify Democracy?," American Political Science Review, LVI (September, 1962), 3591 ' : : determination of a comprehensive concept of democracy is difficult, especially when more than the very basic assumptions and theories are considered. Because of the complexity of the problem I shall not attempt to formulate the concdpt of democracy, but rather a concept which, it is hoped, will represent at least a consensus of what is held to be the basic essen­ tials of democracy. Allowance must also be made for the unique characteristics of the Latin American environment.

Additionally, it is not the purpose of this chapter to resolve the debate or to discuss the merits of the "classical" approach to democracy as opposed to the

"contemporary" approach.^ If anything this chapter will lean, more toward those essentials for democracy which the contemporary approach champions due to their more pragmatic character.

Due to the aforementioned complexity of democracy it is difficult to formulate a comprehensive definition of the term. However, we might consider Joseph

Schumpeter's definition as a starting point. Mr.

Schumpeter defines democracy as "that institutional - arrangement for arriving at political decisions in which individuals acquire the power to decide by means of a

^Lane Davis, "The Cost of Realism: Contemporary Restatement of Democracy," Western Political Quarterly, XVII (March, 1964), 37. . competitive struggle for the people's vote =1,6 While

this definition does not resemble the more popular one of government of, by, and, for the peopleit does include these principles when it calls for a."competitive struggle for the people's vote." In fact, if we consider Schumpeter.'s definition in its broadest sense, we can

include within it almost all of the basic democratic

precepts. For example, the "institutional .arrangement"

should include provisions for regular elections at stated intervals in which a choice of candidates and platforms

is available.; there should be universal adult suffrage;

freely organized autonomous political parties; mechanisms for the implementation of majority rule along with safe­

guards for the protection of minority rights; a judi­

ciary which is independent of the executive and legisla­ tive branches and to which the people have ready access;

and there should be constitutional safeguards of civil liberties'such as speech, assembly, press, etc. In ad­

dition, to the institutional essentials, other fundamentals

c Joseph A. Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (New York: Harper £ Brothers Publishers, 1950), p. 269. 7 Leslie Lipson, The Democratic Civilization (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), p. 67; Padover, p. 10; and Dell Gilette Hitchner, and William Henry Harbold, Modern Government (New York: Dodd, Mead 8 Company, 1962), p. 121. r which bear on the problem of democracy are -the people, their culture, and geographic, historical and economic factors. Also, the necessary presence of. a spirit of nationalism or unity among the people is stressed as a democratic requirement«^ If democracy is to be fostered and sustained, the status of its preconditions is very important. Again, if modern democracy is to function, the educational system and literacy fate are important factor's. . The degree of urbanization: with its attendant fostering of an environment where a middle class can develop is important. Also the attitude of the people toward their government and each" other is certainly a factor in democratic attainment.®

Finally, one very important factor in the ability of a nation to attain democracy is how well it has dealt with the fundamental problems which afflict society. These problems include ethnic and political assimilation, the separation of church and state, and the equitable

— Robert M. Maclver, The Web of Government (New York: The Macmillan Co., 19477, p. 176. 9 Edward Shils, Political Development in the New States (s’GravenhageMoton S Company, 1962), p. 58. distribution of the franchise9 economic fruits and educational opportunities,"^

Elections

One of the basic tenets of democracy is the belief in the equality of man which is based on the in- n trinsic value of the individual personality. There follows from this belief the concept of the right of popular control of the government, for the consent of the governed is necessary in a democracy. Thus, voting be­ comes one of the.fundamental mechanisms of democracy.

The manner in which the transfer of power from one politi­ cal,group to another is accomplished is therefore a sure indicator for evaluating a nation’s democratic attain- ment. 12 Put simply, popular democratic government can be . defined as that system in which the people choose the key government officials through periodic, free, com- , petitive and honest elections. By this process, the people grant the government legitimacy and the government is

10 W, W, Pierson (ed,), "The Pathology of Democracy in Latin America," American Political Science Review, XLIV (March, 1950) , 124. '11 John D, Lewis,^"Elements of Democracy," American Political Science. Review, XXXIV (June, 1940), 469, 12 Mayo, p, 55 6, made responsive to the people's desires«, The people grant the government power to rule 9 and yet the government remains responsive to the people; both of these objects are accomplished through the electoral system.

In the electoral system suffrage should be as close to universal as possible, and the elections must be held at reasonable intervals. The election campaigns must be conducted in an atmosphere of freedom where .civil liberties are guaranteed and the government maintains a policy of strict neutrality in relation to the support of candidates

A genuine choice of candidates and platforms must be offered the .people 9 and this will normally, include choice of a representative element of government such as a legislature. 15

13 Gabriel A. Almond, and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963), p. 476. 14 • C. W„ Cassenellj, The Polities of Freedom: An Analysis of the Modern Democratic State (Seattle: University of Washington Press.,. 1961) , p. 10.

15 Ernest S, Griffith, et al., "Cultural Pre­ requisites to a Successfully Functioning Democracy: A Symposium,". American Political Science Review, L (March, 1956) , 101. ■3D The balloting should be conducted in a secret and uncoerced manner. The voter and candidates must believe that the elections is honest and that the outcome is in doubt. .This fosters a willingness on the part of the losers to accept the outcome without serious protest; also the loser must not feel that his defeat means a

complete loss of influence, for the rights of the minori­ ty must b e ■guaranteed,

Finally, the elected officials who, due•to the electoral/process, can be expected to be responsive to popular needs must be in ascendance over all other elements of the government. If there is a controlling group which‘

is not subject, at least indirectly, to the electoral process, then there is no democracy. 17

Political Parties

■ i - . If the goal of the electoral institutions is to furnish the electorate with the means to make a choice between competing groups, then it is the role of political parties in a modern democracy to articulate these choices and select the candidates,

16 John P. Roche, and Murray S. Stedman, Jr., The Dynamics of Democratic Government (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1954), p. 10.

17Cassenelli, p. 16. 11 An essential contribution to democracy in general and the electoral system in particular is made by the political party; in fact, the political party is an inte­ gral part of ...the modern, .democratic state. The parties’ main contribution to the electoral system is its nomina­ tion of candidates., conduct of campaigns, and articulation

of the issues in a meaningful way for presentation to the ' 18 people. Parties simplify the process of making a choice

for the people by defining and explaining the alterna­

tives , They prevent chaos during election time by

providing a mechanism for the organization and control of

the politically active segment of the populace,

While political parties seem to function best in a homogeneous society, they also contribute to stability

' and homogeneity by their function of assimilating cleavage and attenuating the various demands on government and channeling them into a disciplined organization. The effect is dichotomous, the demands are enhanced and elicit more

attention from the government while at the same time the chaos that could result from the independent articulation

of needs presented directly to the government by many un­ disciplined groups is avoided. The party, then, acts as a

catalyst where many of the conflicting demands are mingled.

18_ . . Ibid., p. 21,

19Ibid., p. 32. 12 This process works best when the political party includes a cross section from the many diverse segments of the popu­ lation, for then the party rather than intensifying a demand will dilute the demand as it synthesizes the competing demands of the various groups in its membership .20

The conclusion that can be drawn from this is that

a two-party system is probably the best in a democracy, but"

the importance of this lessens in a society which is homo­ geneous in values and culture<; Regardless of the number of

parties in a system, parties are an essential element of the democratic process and must be permitted freedom of ex­ pression, organization, and competition by the governmental

Interest Groups

J While they do not nominate candidates, interest

groups are closely related to political parties insofar as purpose is concerned. The presence of a number' of associ­

ations and groups within a society indicates political

freedom and sophistication. These groups, by channeling

demands, focus the attention of the politician on, felt

needs and help him to prepare a responsive program. Again

on Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man; The Social Base of Politics (Garden City: Doubleday S Company, Inc., 1960) , p. 31.

^Maclver, p. 213 . if the conduct of these groups and also the political .parties is restrained, and tolerant, policy formulation is aided and the democratic environment is enhanced.

Education

The educational system is one of the most important contributors to the formulation of a democratic environment.

Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba stress the importance of education as a factor affecting the democratic environment 0 ' . in their five-nation study.2 2 They found that the politi­ cal contributions of education were: 1. That the educated person is more aware of the governmental processes and is more interested in politics.and electoral campaigns. 2. That the educated person is more aware of■ political problems and more likely to have an opinion on these problems and be more willing to discuss them. 3. Most importantly, that the educated man.is more likely to feel that he can influence the govern­ ment by political participation.23

Education does not make a man democratic but it does teach him political processes such as group relations, parliamentary procedure, and civic responsibility. Edu­ cation also contributes to a characteristic of toleration.

22 Almond and Verba, p. 3 81.

23Ibid. - 14 In addition to all the subtle effects of education, the mere fact.;.of its contribution to increased literacy is '■ most important? The literate citizen is more informed

and therefore more capable of making rational decisions in a modern democracy. He is more capable of expressing his needs' and better able to judge the merits of opposing platforms» It has also been found that, the quality of education is mtire important than either income or occu­ pation as it pertains' to enhancing the.individual’s propensity for political participation,^

Executives Legislative and Judicial Branches

The exact form and function of the executive 9

legislative and. judicial branches of the government is not an important consideration for our purposes. The manner in which the government actually functions is important, however, due to the critical need of sub-, jecting the whole to effective controls. There must be an _effective system of checks and .balances .in.operation, coupled with a real separation of powers. Finally, the whole administrative apparatus - must be directly or in­ directly subordinated to offices which are subject to the elective control of the people.

The function of the judiciary is very important.

It must be free from either executive or legislative

^ L i p s e t , p. 56. 15 influence or control. It must be readily accessible to the people9 and it must create an attitude of trust by its just arbitration between citizens and between citizen 2 5 and states. To maintain this trust, the judges must be

actively conscious of their unique apolitical, arbi-

trational role, and the public must recognize and respect

that role. The. court must not let its independent status

allow it to become in any way dominant in relation to the

other branches of government for it must foster a sense of ' cooperation among the various governmental branches and

itself.

Constitution

While it is true that the constitution of a

country does not necessarily reflect the actual political processes, the content of a constitution can still be con­

sidered as a democratic indicator. This is because a constitution will at least give an indication of the

aspirations and commitment..of a people, even if it does

not reflect actual practice. Also, the closer the consti­

tution reflects the actual form of government, the more

reliable an indicator it becomes. In any case, a consti­

tution, written or unwritten, is an essential feature of

9 5 Roche and Stedman, p. 3 21.

26 Pierson, American Political Science Review, XLIV (March, 1950), 126. — ™ " 16 democracy due to the guarantees and procedures which it ' symbolizes„

Civil.Liberties

The civil rights' declared in the constitution are important not just for their form but for their applica­ tion. There is a very close correlation between the extent 27 of civil liberty and democracy. ' Democracy is predicated on certain individual rights; such personal liberties are freedom of speech9 freedom of' religion, freedom of assembly and association, and the right to private property, as well as freedom of the press. Civil liberties, then, are an important democratic indicator.

Economics

Economic attainment cannot be considered as a reliable indicator. However, it has been shown .that the average degrees of wealth, industrialization, urbanization, and level of education are usually higher in the democratic o q countries," This fact must not be construed as a cause and effect relation between economic gain and democracy, but rather we can deduct that the stabilizing effects of -economic, attainment, such as full employment, contribute

Ibid., p. 125.

^ L i p s e t , p. 50. 17 sustenance to an environment amenable to democracy. George Blanksten builds a strong case for the economic factor by emphasizing, the point that land reform, economic diversi­ fication, and industrialization at the least contribute to a political awakening of the citizen and open new horizons to him.29 Regardless of the contribution of economic well­ being to democracy,the salient factor is the distribution of what wealth there is.. As Leslie Lipson so aptly states it:

Democracy has been able to flourish in agrarian no less than industrial societies; in areas where usable resources are scarce , and in others blessed with abundance; in conjunction with either a low or high.volume of state activity. Two aspects to the economy are crucial to democracy, hamely, the internal distribution of whatever wealth . there is and the subordination of economic power q to a political conception of the public interest.

With these points in mind then, the economic character of a country can become a useful indicator.

Civic Culture

As. was .intimated in the section on constitutions, the forms and processes of democracy must res.t on a demo­ cratic cultural base if they are to be sustained. This

29 Gabriel • A. Almond, " and James S. Coleman ’ (eds.), The. Polities of Developing Areas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 19^0;, p. TTIT

Lipson, p. 5 71. 18 base, or "civic culture" as Almond and Verba identify it, must display certain characteristics or democracy will

' ■ 31 most likely fail, or, more probably, never take root. This civic culture is characterized by certain cultural patterns, and the more closely a. polity approaches these^characteristics^ the more likely that the polity will be democratic, Almond and Verba identified these charac­ teristic attitudes as: ,1. The presence of political activity, but not so much as to destroy government authority, 2, Active involvement and commitment to politics but.moderated, 3, Presence of political cleavage but it is held in check, 4,. That the above characteristics are a result of general social and interpersonal orienta­ tions . ^ 2

The central theme of the above points can be identified as a mode of tolerance and moderation. The contemporary expla­ nation of democracy holds that the requirement for active political participation by all citizens is outmoded. What is actually the case in democratic societies is that there is a mixture of the politically active and politically passive citizen. The balance of these types produces a mixed civic culture which is defined as one in which political activity, direct participation, and pragmatism

3^Almond and Verba, p, 49 8,

32Ibid,, p. 493, . . . 19 are blended with inactivity, allegiance to traditional values, and political unawareness.33 The need for this mixture is explained by the fact that the government, while it must be responsive to the active element and in fact needs the active element in order to learn what the people's desires are, must be allowed to conduct an effective program. The government's program will be more effective if the citizenry is passive and accepts and complies with government direction without protest .3i+ ,

This balance, then, keeps the government aware of popular aspirations and yet allows the government to effectively exercise its power. This balance is derived as stated from general social and interpersonal relations which are fostered by a homogeneous, sense of unity and values. While not a prerequisite for this sense of unity, ethnic homogeneity will contribute to its development and mitigate the lines of cleavage within the society . .. Some cleavage will of course be present, and in fact, benefi­ cial, but the sense of unity enjoyed in the culture will depend on the moderation of this conflict.

The fact that a democracy will best function in a mixed civic culture where there is political activity

q q Almond and Verba, p. 32.

34Ibid., p. 476.

} and inactivity and tolerance and moderation which are

fostered by national and social homogeneity9 thus becomes an important area of consideration in our appraisal of

Costa Rican democracy.

Social Problems

The civic culture develops best by a gradual process. The less stress involved in developing this sense of unity9 the less latent animosity it will harbor. The

factors of stress are considerably attenuated if the major social problems of society are faced and solved one at a time and are not given a chance to accumulate into an in­ surmountable problem. Seymour Lipset identified these major social■problems as: 1. The Church-State problem.

2. The admission of the lower strata into political activity by universal suffrage.

3. The equitable distribution of national income.35

Considering the Latin American setting of this study„ we should add a fourth and fifth problem which are those of

land tenure and civil-military relations. An investigation of the status of these questions in a society will help determine the stability of its civic culture. Where these problems are handled as they appear in an atmosphere of

3 5 Lipsets p. 83. 21 tolerance devoid of violent stress 9 democracy is fostered.36

Summary

The reader is reminded that the purpose of this chapter was not to formulate a theory of democracy but rather to synthesize some of the more prevalent concepts about democratic processes. The list of criteria de­ veloped is admittedly incomplete and subject to debate • but assuredly many of the criteria would appear in any study of democratic principles. Since this study deals with Costa Rica, some of the criteria have been slightly modified to allow for the character of the Latin American environment. Regardless of the fact that the criteria to be used are imprecise and vague 9 some qualitative appre­ ciation of Costa Rica’s democracy should be realized.

In the interest of clarity and focus in establish­ ing the criteria which will guide the analysis of Costa Rican democracy 5 the points discussed have been put in table form framed as a series of questions.

36 Griffith, et al., American Political Science Review9 L (March, 19 56), p. 10 2. TABLE II

CRITERIA ASSOCIATED WITH DEMOCRACY

1. .Economic:

a. Is the state of economic attainment such that it is an asset to the democratic environment? b. What means are utilized to assure distribution of the national wealth?

2 o Education: a. Is the educational system adequate and does it foster democratic acculturation? b„ Is the literacy rate high enough to foster widespread political participation?

3. Political Parties and Interest Groups: a„ Are political parties allowed to operate in complete freedom?

bo Are political parties autonomous?

Co Do the political parties ameliorate social cleavage by attenuating conflicting interests and articulating felt needs?

do Do the political parties furnish' effective" leadership?

4 o Elections:

a. Are honest, uncoerced, periodic elections conducted?

bo Is universal suffrage granted?

Co Is there open free competition for the vote and are real choices offered the voter?

22 23

5. Civic Culture:

a. How. homogeneous is the culture, in race, religion, and language? b» How. closely does the society resemble the definition of the mixed, civic culture? c. Does the civic culture grant legitimacy to the .government and does it foster unity and.tolerance? 6. Social Problems: \

a. How well has the society faced and solved the traditional problems of church-state relations, distribution of wealth, land ■ tenure, and civil-military control? bo. Have the problems been solved as they arise or have they been allowed to accumulate? 7. Executive-rLegislative-Judicial Branches : a. Are. the elective offices in ascendance over .non-elective branches?

b» Is there a real separation of powers and counterbalance of power between branches of government?.

c. Is the judiciary independent of executive and legislative control?

8 = Constitution:

a. Does the form of the Constitution match the substance of political reality?

bo Is majority rule institutionalized and are minority rights safeguarded?

Co Are civil liberties granted and enforced? : 24 It should be noted that the criteria in the table have ' been arranged in social, economic and institutional categories in order to facilitate the development of this thesis„

In the following chapters the first categories to be considered will be social and economic. The importance of these factors in creating an environment in which democratic preconditions can develop must be stressed. C/ After these causative elements have been discussed, the evolution of Costa Rica's political history will be outlined and finally the actual democratic character and resultant political institutions will be described. All of these elements which identify and sustain

Costa Rican democracy will be compared with the criteria developed in the, preceding pages So that the true character of Costa Rica's democracy can be outlined. CHAPTER II

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN COSTA RICA

In order to appreciate the unique set of circum­ stances which has influenced Costa ,Rica? s democratic evolution it is necessary that we consider certain factors which have contributed to the democratic charac­ ter of the country. Therefore, this chapter will deal primarily with a short outline of Costa Rica’s geography, economy, land tenure system, demography, and educational system. In the summary those factors which most influ­ enced the evolution of democracy will be discussed in the light of the criteria developed in the preceding chapter.

Geography

After El Salvador, Costa Rica is the smallest country in Central America. Its area of approximately

20,00 0 square miles is comparable in size to the State of

West Virginia.^ It is bordered on the north by Nicaragua, and to the south by Panama, and it has both a Pacific and

■*" Thors ten V. Kalijarvi, Central America: Land of Lords and Lizards (Princeton: D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., 1962), p . 19.

...25 26 a Caribbean coastline. The dominant geographic feature of the country is a wide belt of highlands which extends from the northwest to the south. Superimposed on this fertile rolling highland are numerous mountains and volcanoes. Some of the mountains are more than 11,000 O feet in elevation. One of the most important volcanoes

is Irazu", located some ,32 miles northeast of the Capital, San Jose\ Since March of 19 6 3 this volcano has been in

almost constant activity and has caused considerable damage which has disrupted the economic life of a con­

siderable segment of the-populace; In the approximate center of the highland are

located two contiguous interment basins with a combined length of 75.miles by 3 5 miles in width, . The elevation

of these basins is between 3,000 and 4,000 feet, and the mean annual temperature is about 70 degrees Fahrenheit. The basins are very fertile due to the volcanic nature of the soil and the abundant rainfall. Because of these

factors, the Meseta Central, as the two basins are called, has become the most densely settled and cultivated area of

the country. The Meseta has, in fact, the greatest rural

o Preston E. James, Latin America (New York: The Odyssey Press, 1959), p. 707. 3 Franklin D. Parker, The Central American Republics (New York: Oxford University. Press, 1964) , p. 256. 27

population density of Latin America9 stime 1,500 persons

per square mile»^ This figure is more striking when compared with the over-all national population density of Costa Rica of some 55 persons per square mile,^ / On the Meseta are found the cities of San Jose, Heredia, Cartago, and Alajuela, The close proximity of these cities to one another (all within 30 miles of San

Jose), coupled with direct communications links from the

capital- to the Pacific and Caribbean seaports of Puntar-

enas and Puerto Limon, and the concentrated settlement pattern has tended to centralize the major activity of ■

the country in the Meseta Central,

To the east of the Meseta lies the Caribbean coastal region which is characterized by hot, humid, densely forested lowlands where the average annual rain­

fall exceeds 100 inches. This area was not effectively settled until the late 1800’s, and even today is partially isolated from the main stream of Costa Rican life by

geography. In 1871 the construction of a railroad from . Puerto Limon— today, the coast’s only major settlement—

to San Jose was begun. Negroes were imported to build the railroad,- and after its completion, they settled in

^James, p. 70 5,

5 ’ Parker, p. 256. 28 the area" to work the banana plantations which developed as a result of the availability of rail transport. To the west of the Meseta is the Pacific coastal region which is dryer and less isolated from the Meseta than the east coast. To the northwest is the Province of Guanacaste which includes most of the Peninsula of Nicoya. Here

Costa Rica's main ranching area is located. The port of

/ Puntarenas serves this area as well as San Jose9 and is the only major city on the west coast.®. To. the southwest is found the port of Golfito located on the Gulf Of Dulce which is formed by the Peninsula of Osa. .The United Fruit Company: C.UFCO) developed Golfito to serve the extensive banana plantations which the Company developed on the west coast after sigatoka disease forced it to abandon most of ' its plantations on the east coast. One would think that a country as small as Costa Rica with frontage on two oceans and adequate natural harbors would, not have a transportation problem9 but un- . fortunately this is not the case. The complete lack of navigable rivers 9 the rugged, terrain9 the dense evergreen forest, the excessive rainfall of the east coast 9 and the

inhospitable terrain along both borders have combined to n effectively isolate Costa. Rica, until the present century.

6 ■ ' James 9 p. 70 9„

7Fred A. Carlson9 Geography of Latin America (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc.,9 1952) , p. 35 8. 29

Economics

The one outstanding economic trait of Costa Rica throughout its history has been its poverty. What little / gold the settlers found was exhausted by the year 1600. 8 In fact, money was so scarce that by 1709 the Indian practice of using cacao beans as legal tender was quite 9 • widespread among the settlers. Because of its extreme poverty Costa Rica’s governors tried many means to improve the economy. Tobacco and cacao production was encouraged, transportation was improved, and a tax program which favored export products was enacted, but due to geographic isolation and monopolistic economic policies imposed by

Guatemala, these steps failed. Costa Rica became .an independent nation isolated from the outside world and dependent on a subsistence type agricultural economy which produced so little government income that schools 11 and other public services were completely lacking.

o James, p. 17.

^Ibid., p. 18.

■^Thomas' L. Karnes;, "The Origins of Costa Rican Federalism,” The Americas, XV (January, 1959) , 25 5.

■^Richard J. Houk, "The Development of Foreign Trade and Communications in Costa Rica rto the Construction of the First Railway,” The Americas, X (October, 1953), 199. ■ 30 The quest for economic improvement led to the early development of the.coffee industry which became and has continued to be the mainstay in the Costa Rican

economy to the present day. As early as 18 21 the economic

possibilities of coffee were realized and .the town council

of San Jose distributed free coffee seedlings and land for

cultivation to encourage coffee production. In 1831 it

was decreed that' public lands cultivated in coffee for five

years would.become the private property of the farmer. 12

Coffee became a success in Costa Rica because the excellent volcanic base soils yield a premium bean, and also the coffee bean was about the only crop which could withstand the. rigors of transport to the coastal ports without damage and spoilage. Today.Costa Rica is making

an intensive, .effort 9 through diversification, to reduce its economic dependence on coffee for it.has found that

the fluctuations in the world coffee price have seriously affected the economy.

The expansion of the coffee industry fostered an improved economic status for the country. The transporta­

tion system improved along with the developing export-

import trade, and, as mentioned, in 1871 work was begun

12Ibid., p. 201. on an eastern railroad. The completion of the railroad' from Puerto Limon to the Heseta at the end of the nineteenth.century was a boon to commerce. The railroad also fostered the development of the very important banana industry which, next to coffee, has become the nation’s second biggest export income producer. 13 The

United Fruit Company, which developed the banana industry became the biggest single factor in the Costa Rican economy and its economic power gave it a considerable

' 14 amount of political power. It has only been in recent years that the Costa Rican government has gained effective control over this foreign company which operated in a virtual autonomous status for years. Today Costa Rica’s economy must still be classed as underdeveloped.15 However, great strides are being made to diversify and improve the economy. The government is sponsoring farm programs and crop diversification is being encouraged. Light industrialization is also being fostered and foreign investment is actively being sought.

The government is cooperating wholeheartedly with the Alliance for Progress.

13 ■ Charles D. Kepner, Jr. , and Jay H. Sootljdlls The Banana .Empire (New York: The Vanguard Press, 1935), p. 34. ^ Ibid. , p. 3 41.

l^stacy May, et al., Costa Rica: A Study in Economic Development (New York: The Twentieth Century Fund, 1952), p. 29. . Once the poorest nation in .Central America9 Costa

Rica now has the highest per capita national income in this area as the table below demonstrates.

TABLE III

CENTRAL AMERICAN NATIONAL INCOME3 Value . Per Capita Country Year (In U. S. Dollars) Costa Rica 1961 291 El Salvador 1961 176 Guatemala ■ ’ 19 61 151 Honduras 1960 182 Nicaragua 1962 199

Donald S» Castro, Berl Golomb, and Christopher Bryer, Statistical Abstract of Latin America 196 3 (Los Angeles: University of California, 196 3), p„ 80,

Costa Rica also leads all Central American nations in per capita trade. In 1958 its trade was 85 dollars per person compared with the 38 dollar average per person for the other four Central American republics, 16 Although

Costa Rica has far to go, these figures do attest the success of the government's economic programs. Another important fact is that there is a better distribution of what income is available; thus, a wider segment of the

"^Parker, p, 281, ) 3 3 population is able to enjoy the fruits of Costa Rica's economic progress, for one out of every ten persons in the labor force owns property either in the form of a 17 farm or business.

Land Tenure

One of the main factors for the more widespread economic benefits in Costa Rica is the system of land tenure. Because of the scarcity of sedentary Indians thd ecomienda system did not succeed, therefore its successor, the hacienda, never attained any importance in Costa Rica. Also, the subsistence type of agriculture that developed due to the lack of world trade did not foster the develop­ ment of large slave-worked plantations.

The ownership of small, .private:, family farmed plots began during colonial times due to the shortage of labor. In 1841 Baurilo Carillo decreed that the village tierras ejidales, which were being individually farmed, should become private property. The law--was annulled in 1848 but later, purchase of this land by the user*was permitted.In 1909 a law was passed allowing families to claim up to 50 hectares of government land.

" ^ May, p. 26. ift Dana G. Munro, The . Five Republics of Central America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1918), p. 141.

^ I b i d . , p. 142. 34 Costa Rica’s small population coupled with the availability of arable land have delayed the development

of a land tenure problem. Today Costa Rica is faced with a land problem9 but it is fortunate in having had

the problem develop late in its history and it has con­ siderable national domain available to satisfy the demands for land. Since 1942 the government has been buying land

and giving its title to squatters. 2 0 The government-operated National Bank of Costa Rica has started a program of economic assistance to farmers, and since 1961 the Bank has been responsible for the national agrarian reform program which has as its objectives the raising of the rural standard of living by fostering the best use of the land. Also, while the right of private ownership is recognized, the development of 21 large holdings is being discouraged.

Today.the accidents of history have combined with

Costa Rica’s enlightened land tenure policies to create a nation of small land holders. This fact is especially important for Costa Rica is an agricultural country. Three-fourths of her labor force is engaged in agriculture

20 Oscar Chaves Esquivel, "Land Reform in Costa Rica," Americas, XV (January, 1963), 13. 91 . . Ibid., p. 15. 35 and they produce 90 percent of her exports. 2 2 Large ' estates (over 1,000 hectares) take up only one-third of the cultivated land and employ only 6 percent of the work no force <, As the following table demonstrates, the pattern of land ownership is quite widespread.

TABLE IV

COSTA RICAN

LAND TENURE'

Type of Tenure Area of Farms (Single System) (Percent)

Ownership 88 9 Rental ,3 Share-cropping ,1 Free use of.land •2 •Squatting o 6 Agricultural Colonies ,1 Other 1,3 (Mixed System^ Ownership and rental 3.4 Ownership and sharecropping 1.4 Other ■ 3.7

a0sear Chaves Esquivel, ”Land Reform in Costa Rica,",Americas, 'XV (January, 1963), 13,

22”Actividades Economicas," Atlas Estadistico de Costa Rica (San Jose: Casa Grafica, LTDA, 1953), p. 14, 23 Needier, p, 115. 36 Today9 79 percent of Costa Rica1 s..farmers produce 87 percent of the crops on farms of 200 hectares or less in

size,, 24 - . The sum total of these facts demonstrates that

Costa Rica is indeed unique in Latin America in its system of land tenure. Surely the economic stake the people have in the country, which is fostered by the wide­ spread land ownership pattern, has fostered a political interest in the people. As Dana G. Munro said: "It.is these small landholders who have made Costa Rica what she is today, and who offer the strongest guarantee for her future.

Demography

"The most remarkable demographic characteristic

of Costa Rica's 1,300,000 population is its homogeneity in race, language, and religion. It is reported that

9 7.6 percent of the populace is classified as white

.("including mestizo) , while only 1.9 percent is Negro,

and .3 percent Indian, 2 6 The country is overwhelmingly

24 . Ibid.

25 Munro, £>. 16 3, 26 •D On aid S. Castro, Berl Golomb, and Christopher Breyer, Statistical Abstract of Latin America 1963 (Los Angeles: University of California, 1963), p. 23. ■ . ' , 37 of the Roman Catholic f a i t h . ^7 Also, 97.4 percent of the population speaks Spanish.-28

There are several.reasons for this homogeneity. First, the earliest settlers were composed of family groups and Spanish women accompanied the very first. families. 2 9 Second, the Indians did not mix with the settlers as most of them either died or were driven into the forests. Third, the population grew very little by immigration. Its main growth is attributable to the natural increase of its original white Spanish settlers.30

The only area where notable immigration took place was along the Atlantic coast where Negroes were ■ imported to work on the railroad and in the banana plan-, tations. Until very recent times, however, the Negroes have been restricted by law to the Coast and therefore ■ have not effectively mixed with the population.

— 7 ■ Ibid., p . 22.

28Ibid., p . 24. O Q Edwin J. Foscue, ”Land Utilization in Costa Rica,” Scientific Monthly, LIII (November, 1941), 438.

88Leo Waibel, "White Settlement in Costa Rica,” Geographic Review, XXIX (October, 1939), 547.

- 31May, p. 24. : .. ' ■■ 38 Much credit' for the frugal 9 industrious 3 peace­ ful nature.. of the Costa Rican populace has been attri­ buted to the Galician background of the original settlers.

However 9 this point has often been contradicted and should be discounted. 3 2 . The fact, remains „ however 9 that the

Costa Rican nation is.inhabited by a remarkably stable and politically mature people.

Educational System

Another remarkable fact about the Costa Rican populace is its literacy. The government has traditionally fostered one of the best educational programs in Latin

America. As a result9 only 21.2 percent of the popula­ tion is classified as illiterate.3 3 The percentage is much less in the Meseta area where the populace is more urban. The history of Costa Rica’s advanced educational system can be said to have started in . 1814 when the Saint

Thomas School of Advanced Studies9 which was the fore- 3 4 runner of the University of Costa Rica9 was opened. ■

— — ’ Chester Lloyd Jones9 Costa Rica and Civiliza- zation in the Caribbean (Madison: University of Wisconsin 9 19 35), p. 35 5. r

Q ;Q "Castro, et al., p. 25.

3^Teodoro Marten, "City Within A City," Americas, XI (November, 1959), 14. 39 Although legislation providing for free education had existed since 1853it was ineffective due to the poverty of the nation® In factP the School of Advanced Studies wa;s closed in 18 8 8 to allow utilization of the meager funds.available for secondary education,^ ’

.From these destitute beginnings the Costa Rican educational sy stem has improved until , .in 196 3 3 approxi­ mately 25 percent of the national budget was expended on education as compared to only 3 percent on defense,3® As a result, there is now a primary school (first to fifth$ sixth9 or seventh grade) in every community which has over 30 school-age children, and every major town.has a kinder­ garten, ' In addition, there is a five-year high school in each provincial capital and the National University in San

Jose' as well as teacher training schools and a government training farm,3^

The University, while completely autonomous, receives a government subsidy which amounts to one-tenth of the governmental education budget. Because of this, students unable to do so, pay no fees,33

^Castro, et al. , p. 76.

3^Harry B „ Murkland, "Costa Rica: Fortunate Society," Current History, XXII (March, 1952), 142,

®®Marten, Americas, XI, 15. 40 Today, Costa Rica has the highest per capita consumption rate of newsprint in Central America, and the third highest literacy rate in Latin America.' 39

While these figures, do demonstrate the effectiveness of the education program, the school system is in need of much improvement. This, is especially true in the techni­ cal higher education levels due to the nation’s emphasis on economic improvement through technological improve­ ment and.light industrialization.

An immeasurable contribution of Costa Rica’s education system is its creation of a democratic myth.

Pride in the. country’s democratic achievements is taught in the schools which helps foster a commitment to democratic principles on the part of the people.

Summary

Costa Rica’s geographic isolation, which was initially a disadvantage, has proven to be an asset to her peaceful development. Internally, this isolation fostered a sense of independence and unity in the people and the government. Externally, the country's isolation and poverty discouraged outside interference and exploi­ tation, and as a result, Spain and Guatemala neglected

Costa Rica, thereby fostering a.spirit of local

39 ' Castro, et ai., p. 34. h Q self-government. Due to the concentrated pattern of colonial settlement, which has continued to the present, no regional rivalries developed and Costa Rica’s sense of unity was enhanced. Costa Rica’s poverty also contributed to her in­ dependent spirit and homogeneity. Due to the almost uni­ versal poverty, the people developed a self-reliant spirit and in their common ill-fortune they found a social leaven.

From the earliest times land has been readily available, and due to enlightened government policies which encouraged agriculture, land ownership has become widespread.

Although Costa Rica is classed as underdeveloped, she has.attained the highest per capita income in Central America. The combination of widespread land ownership and relatively high, per capita income has contributed to the political maturation of the populace, for as we dis­ cussed in Chapter I, economic attainment fosters an . environment where political awareness and participation are possible.

' . .The manner, in .which the national, income is being spent aTso demonstrates a responsive government. Govern­ ment spending for education, health, and social welfare

^Karnes,. The Americas, XV, 251. ' rose from 20 percent of the'budget in 19 38 to 45 percent in 1958»^^ In 1963 , 25 percent of the budget was expended on education9 3 percent on health9 and 11 per- 4 2 cent on social security. Distribution of the national income is also being fostered through tax laws9 land reform and an economic program designed-to create-more national wealth. 1 -

The contribution of education to democracy has been discussed?-.hut it is unfortunate that we can only describe.democratic educational manifestations in gener­ alities-. ' While Costa Rica’s educational system cannot be considered adequate9 in all respects9 it has created a highly literate populace and fostered a pride and aware­ ness in the nation’s political heritage. This awareness is attested to by the high rate of newsprint consumption in Costa Rica, It must be granted that the Intensive effort by the government in the field of popular education not only fosters democracy, but is a manifestation of it because of the government responsiveness which the edu­ cation program indicates, . .

41 Parker9 p. 279. 42 Castro9 et al, p., .76. CHAPTER III

COSTA RICAN POLITICAL DYNAMICS

In the preceding chapter we discussed some of the factors which have influenced Costa Rica’s political environmento The actual dynamics of Costa Rica's political processes will now be considered« In order to appreciate the contemporary political.scene we shall first outline the political history of the events which most influenced Costa Rica’s political development*

Political History

Discovered in 150 2 by Christopher Columbus 8 Costa Rica remained unconquered and virtually unexplored for the next 6 0 years = In 1563 the first permanent 1 settlement of Cartago was: established* The rich promise which the discoverer saw in the golden jewelry -of the Indians was never realized although during the 60 year period several entradas explored Costa Rica*

The Spanish explorers encountered Indians 9 but they were of a very low culture and warlike* The Spaniards

^Foscue, Scientific Monthly9 LIII, 430 *

43 defeated the Indians in war, but were not.too successful

in subjugating them and most of the. Indians retired into the forests and lived in isolation.^ The highest Indian

culture in all of Costa Rica was fouud.on the Peninsula of Nieoy.a, but since early Spanish settlement did not

take place in this region, these Indians were never

successfully exploited. Some gold.was collected by the

explorers and later by the settlersbut: this consisted of Indian ornaments and no rich mines.were ever developed. During the colonial period Costa Rica was a backward, poverty stricken area.which offered none of the types of wealth which the Spaniards coveted. In fact

the colony became thefsymbol.of starvation and death due

to the .•calamities which befell its early explorers and

settlers.^ ■ The privation of the settlers was so great

that the AUdiencia of Guatemala had to furnish them

supplies and pay the governor’s salary from outside sources

2 / Joaquin Vargas Goto, ”Doris and the Indians,” Americas, V (January, 195.3), 10..

3 - ; Philip L.. Wagner.., ’’Nicoya; :A Cultural Geography,” University of California Publications in Geography, XIII, No. 3 (19 5 8).,- 2,05. ; . : :

^Ricardo Fernandez Guardia. History of the Discovery and Conquest of Costa Rica (New Yorkf Thomas Y . Crowell Company, 1913), p. 113. • 45

in order to keep the settlers from abandoning the colony completely , 5 in 15-69 9 the, encomiendaand repartimiento systems were introduceds but due to the warlike nature of the Indians and their susceptibility to European diseases, the'systems'proved unsatisfactory and the settlers were forced to do their own labor.^ .' Due to the inhospitable nature of the region, the colony grew very slowly and experienced little immi­ gration. By 1572, there were only 55 Spanish families in all of- Costa Rica and the density of population changed very little for over a century. ? ...

' . .The colonial period of Costa . Rica can be charac­ terized .as one of extreme hardship'; where the settlers were forced into a subsistence type of economy'due to their isolation, lack of commerce, and the scarcity of labor.

As Chester L. Jones described the conditions of the settlers: "A more pitiful picture, than that of the people of Costa Rica, at the beginning of the.eighteenth century would be hard to imagine."® Beside barely being able to

5Ibid., p. 294.

6Ibid., p. 275. 7 , - Waibel, Geographic Review, XXIX, 542.

8 ■ Jones, p. 17. exist on the land*' the settlers were constantly harassed by hostile Indians, and by raids from the Atlantic coast

by the Mosquito Indians and pirates, the most notorious of

whom were Edward Mansfield and Henry Morgan. 9 ■ All of these factors contributed to a very limited growth of Costa Rica. In fact, at the end of the colonial period the

population of Costa Rica was only about 60,000 people, and the vast majority of the land was unoccupied.-^ In 1821

when the Captaincy General of Guatemala, declared itself

independent, Costa Rica became independent without experi­ encing" the civil strife so common throughout Latin America

during the revolutionary period. Without firing a shot,

Costa Rica was able to organize the first provisional

government of its own making. 11 The initial calm was broken'in 1823 when a civil war was fought over the

issues of whether to accept Mexican annexation, join New Granada, or become an independent nation. The republicans who favored independence were victorious, but to little avail, for in 1823, all parties agreed to join the United

Provinces of Central America.^2

9 • / Fernandez, p. 359.

"*-^Waibel, Geographic Review, X'XIX, 545.

11 Parker, p. 259.

12 Ibid., p. 260. 47 From 1824 to 1838 Costa Rica was a member of the United Provinces of Central America. From 18 3 8 to 1848 it was a member only nominally, and since 1848 it has been an entirely independent republic.-^

Before Costa Rica withdrew entirely from the Confederation, she was ruled from 183 8 to. 1842 by Braulio Carillo, a dictator. Under Carillo, Costa Rica experi­

enced stability and progress. The influence of the Church was curtailed when Carillo reduced the number of religious holidays because he felt that too in any feast days fostered 14 idleness and retarded economic development. . Of signifi­ cance is the fact that while Carillo's policies fostered the distribution of public lands into private hands, the latifundia did not develop.

During much of its early history, Costa Rica experienced the political struggles similar to the pattern throughout Latin America, but never was this turmoil as intense or ruinous as in other areas. In comparison with other Latin American countries the political strife and dictatorial dominance of the'ruling oligarchy in Costa

James L. Busey, "The Presidents of Costa Rica," The Americas, XVIII (July, 1961), 56. 14 • John F. Banhoh, S. J„, and Peter M, Dunne, S. J., Latin America: Ah Historical Survey (Milwaukee: The Bruce Publishing Co. , 1963)-, p. 549. 48 Rica was much, milder and did not generate lasting 1 5 enmities.

The year 1889 is significant in Costa Rica's political history because it marks the first time that there was widespread and free participation by the people in an election. Also, political parties, albeit person- "1 alistic ones, functioned for the first time. In all, a new era began in which popular political activity be­ came an influential factor in. the political' mi l i e u ' , of course the country was not transformed immediately into a democracy, but from that time on, public opinion and interest in politics were real factors to be considered by the politicians. ' The slow process of political democratic evo­ lution set in motion by the election of 1889 continued into the twentieth century. In 1902, a disputed election and, in 1917, a coup d'etat interrupted the process, but

■ progress continued, however haltingly. Certainly Costa

Rica has. had Its ruling oligarchy, corrupt administrations, personalism© tendencies, and political apathy, but all of

15 Jones, p. 22. ;

•^Busey, The Americas, XVIII, 67.

Jones, p . 24. j 49 these factors have not retarded the democratic evolution as much as they have in other Latin American countries. During the.19301s the depression which affected the country severely due. to the mono cultural- character of its economy fostered political interest. As a result three distinct political groupings became discernible.

One of the groups was made up of the ruling oligarchy— the wealthy conservative landowners, businessmen, and political bosses. This group was represented by the National Republican Party, The second group which was to reach its zenith during World War II was the Communist Party, Its main, support came from the working class, peasants and some intellectuals. Fortunately the ma­ jority of the intellectuals and students sought solutions to the country’s economic and political afflictions by a more democratic means. They formed clubs and discussion groups, such as the Center for the Study of National Problems 'and Democratic Action Groups,, ^ / In .1940 Dr. Rafael Calderon Guardia, candidate of the National Republican Party, was.elected President, His administration is noted for its liberal social reforms,

"^Harry Kantor, "The Struggle for Democracy in Costa Rica,11 South Atlantic Quarterly, LV (January, 1956) , 15, 50 the taint of corruption9 and its cooperation with Communistso The corruption9 communist influence9 and increasingly oppressive nature of the government gener- ated public opposition, and in 1942 9 Jo.se Figueres 9 a leader of the opposition 9 was exiled for making a radio speech critical of the government. In 1945 he was allowed to return by President Teodoro Pieado.,. who had been elected in 19 44. In 19479 it appeared as though a refined version of "Continuismo" was developing when the Picado "regime announced its support for former president 9 / Calderon9 who was a candidate for the 1948 presidential 19 / election. Although Calderon was popular personally9 opposition erystalized against him due to the dissatis­ faction of the people with the preceding two regimes.

The opposition presidential candidate of the National

Union. Party-9 Otilio Ulate 9 a newspaper' publisher 9 also be­ came the leader of the various factions such as Figueres1

Social Democratic Party9 opposed to the incumbent regime and its selected successor. ...The attacks of the opposition against the government culminated in a popular strike.

Forceful attempts by the government to.quell the strike failed and finally, after 8,000 women marched on the

President’s house in protest, an agreement was reached.

The government would guarantee free and honest elections,

19 Martz, p. 212. 51 and all parties agreed to abide by the decisions of.an impartial electoral committee which would arbitrate the election. - On.. February 8 , 1948, Otilio Ulate was proclaimed the legally elected president by the electoral committee..

Due to a technicality. Picado refused to honor the deci­ sion and' on March 1st, the legislature, annulled the election. During this time an attempt was made on Ulate’s life and he was arrested. These events aroused public , opinion and Ulate threatened to call another general strike.'21

: Within a short. • time fighting broke out between / ' the followers of Jose Figueres, who had supported Ulate during his. campaign, and government troops. With the weight of public support on his side, Figueres was soon victorious, although the short civil war cost some 2,000 2 2 lives, _0n .May 8, 1948, Figueres became provisional president of a ruling junta which was pledged to restore order and insure the succession of the legally elected government.23

20Ibid., p. 215.

21Ibid., p. 218, 2 2 Colin Rickards, Caribbean Power (London: Dennis Dobson Books Ltd., 1963), p . 175.

23Martz, p. 225. 52 The junta under Figueres ruled until November 8, 1949. ■ During that time peace and order were-restored,, and a counterrevolution was defeated. - The junta demon­ strated definite liberal progressive tendencies in its program; the banks were nationalized; a new constitution was adopted; the army was abolished;-" and a ten percent capital tax was assessed against the wealthy. 2 4 / When Jose Figueres voluntarily stepped out of power and turned the government over to Otilio Ulate, he ushered in an era of true democratic government with free and unrestricted (except fofi the Communist Party) partici­ pation by the. people. In stepping' down Figueres set an example worthy of note throughout Latin America. The succeeding regime of Otilio Ulate proved to be honest and efficient and was exceptionally successful, especially 2 5 in the economic field. ■ ' ^

As soon.as he had relinquished, the government,

Jose/ Figueres and the leaders of the Social Democraticz Party reorganized into a permanent ideological group called the National Liberation Party (PLN). The Party was to further the ideals for which the revolution had bean

24 Robert J. Alexander, Communism in Latin America (New- Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1957), p. 390. 25 Martz,. p. 234. fought6 Broadly, the PLN'proposed to abolish poverty by strengthening and perfecting the democratic system, in­ creasing production, lowering costs, stabilizing prices, especially.for export products, supporting a limited . degree of nationalization and government sponsored industry, and fostering land reform, education and hous­ ing programs, and designing a more equitable revenue, producing tax s y s t e m . 26

. The PLN nominated Figueres as its presidential candidate for the 19 5 3 election, Figueres was very popu­ lar, having gained fame as the fighting leader of the 19 4 8 revolution and for the reform measures he effected as president of the ruling junta. In fact,, his strength was so great that the four opposing parties formed a loose coalition to support one presidential candidate. Their tactic failed, however, as Figueres won the election with 27 a margin of over 50 ,000 votes. While Figueres diligently implemented his program of social and economic reform, he was only moderately successful. He did instigate needed reforms and he was successful in negotiating a favorable contract with the

United Fruit Company which gave the government 42 percent

2 6 . ' Harry Kantor, The Costa Rican Election of 1953 (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1958), p. 43,

"^Martz, p, 241, of the Company’s.earnings s but as a whole, his financial program was not a success» Also, he lost some of his

legislative,support when internal party dissension cul­ minated in a splinter faction breaking off. Furthermore, the country’s export trade position-deteriorated and some

corruption within the administration was uncovered. In

addition, the country’s foreign relations problems mounted especially with Nicaragua.

For 195 8, the Opposition having learned its lesson1 formed a strong coalition called the Movimiento Demo-

cratico Oposicionista (MDO) . The coalition was made .up of / the Partido Union Nacional (PUN)., the Republican Party (PRN) and the Democratic Party. All of these parties advocated a modification of the Figueres reform program,

criticized the economic plight of,the country, and wished

O O to restore the nationalized banks to private ownership.

The MDO chose as its presidential candidate the candidate

of the PUN, Mario Echandi who won the close fought but

fair election. The election to which UN observers were OQ, invited was noted for its calm. 1 The PEN candidate,

Francisco Orlich, lost by less than 10,000 votes. His

28 "Costa Rica," Hispanic American Report (December 1957) , p. 590.

99 . The New York Times (February 2, 19 58), p. 30. 55

defeat was due to the defection of the splinter group.3 0

Echandi'.s term was uneventful and Costa Rica continued its peaceful- development. In 1962 the PLN was determined to regain the presidency and renominated Francisco Orlich. The campaign revolved around the anti-communist issue since the revolu­ tion in Cuba had made "Castroism" an important political . issue in Costa Rica.

Orlich- won the election with over 40 percent of the vote. He won with a program that, besides its anti­ communism, promised to establish an office of economic planning which would improve the economy and encourage free enterprise, but nationalize selected industries if the step was necessary. In addition, he planned to con­ tinue agrarian reform and develop a social reform program. in conjunction with the Alliance for Progress.

President Orlich’s term lasts until 1966 so the full result of his tenure remains to be seen. In general, however, Costa Rica appears to be continuing peacefully toward the fulfillment of the social reform program which the PLN has advocated since its inception. The biggest

3 0 Frederick B. Pike (ed,,). Freedom and Reform in Latin America .(South Bend: University of Notre Dame Press, 1959), p. 111. ' 3 1 - Hispanic American Report (April, 1962), p. 123. 56 i. hindrance to the full implementation of the program seems . to be the PLN8 s failure to solve completely the economic

problems which assail the country.

Political Parties

In Chapter I the essential contribution to

democracy made by political parties was discussed, and in the preceding section the activities of Costa Rica's political parties were traced. Due to their importance we shall now investigate in more detail the activities and

organization of these parties. The law pertaining to political parties in Costa Rica in general encourages and fosters- the formation of

responsible parties and is designed to preserve the

freedom of action of the party. 3 2 As few as 2 5 persons

can form a party by officially declaring their intention

to do so and registering with the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (SET). To discourage interest groups from be­

coming political parties, the SET requires that a national

party must nominate candidates and establish branches at

q q national, province, cantonal, and district levels.

Parties may not be formed withiri less than 6 months of an

■ * ' ' 3 2 ~ ' James L. B u s e y Notes' on Costa Rican Democracy (Boulder: University.of Colorado Press, 1962), p. 29.

33Ibid., p. 28. election, and.while they.may campaign at any time, they may not sponsor public.demonstrations until two months prior to an election. Different party offices cannot be located within 200 meters of each other nor may two parties hold .rallies in the same town on the same day.

Parties are forbidden to use religious symbolism for political purposes and, uniquely, all participating political parties are guaranteed a subsidy by the govern­ ment, Payment is based on a percentage figure which is computed based on the number of votes,received in an Q h election. All of these regulations help foster active responsible party participation in elections. Today Costa Rica is classed as having a competi- 3 S tive multiparty political system,. Within this competitive system there are two broad categories of parties: the pragmatic parties which remain traditional in some respects, although the land-tenure and Church-

State issues are not major problems in Costa Rica, and the ideological parties which in company with the pragmatic parties still retain some personalistic tendencies. With­ in the ideological classification are found two of Costa

Rica’s parties: the Communist Party and an indigenous

34 Needier, p, 120,

^George %, Blanksten, "Political Groups in Latin America," American Political Science Review, LIII (March, 1959), 111. 58 social reform party similar to the Peruvian APRISTA

movement o- . The Communist Party, or PartWo Vanguardia

Popular (PVP) , has not been a deciding factor in Costa Rican politics since 1948, but it is important to con­

sider it since it is still active. The party roseXto

an influential position during the Calderon/ and Picado regimes, but its power was effectively broken in the

1948'revolution and it was outlawed and prohibited from participating in elections. In 1950 Manual Mora, the founder and present

leader.of the Communist Party who fled Costa"Rica after the revolution, returned and attempted to revitalize the

Communist movement. The party has concentrated its efforts in the labor field but strong competition from a government sponsored Catholic labor movement called Rerum

Novarum has limited its success.It has also tried to organize several front organizations, but again its attempts have been thwarted, in this case by the Electoral Tribunal. . . ..

The main reason for the lack of success of the Communist Party is the bad reputation it developed during

^Karl M. Schmitt,- and David D. Burks, Evolution or Chaos (New York: Frederick A, Praeger, Publisher, 1963), p. 126. 59 the 1948 revolution when it so violently supported the unpopular government 5 also 9 its militancy and its international tie's have contributed to its lack of support. More importantly, the other indigenous ideo­ logical party of Costa Rica, the National Liberation ' Party (PLN), has in its social reform program appealed more successfully to the people, Indeed it can be stated that the success of the PVP has been in inverse proportion.to the success of the PLN» It was demonstrated that Costa Rica's political history has revolved around the destiny of the PLN since

1949, the year it was formed. The party is dedicated to the implementation of a very comprehensive social reform program. The fact that it is effectively fulfilling the aspirations of the people is demonstrated by its being supported by about 50 percent of "the electorate and that it has won two out of the three elections held since its inception. 3 7

As demonstrated by its electoral support of 50 percent, the PLN is a wide based party and includes moder- ( ate conservatives and socialists■„ However, the party's real strength is found in the rural middle class (small and medium property Owners), the urban and rural

3 7Castro, et al. , p. 36, 60 proletariates and white collar workers and small business owners.38

Because of its wide appeal and its popular leader, Jose Figueres, the PLN will continue to be the most important single party in Costa Rican politics for at least as long as Figueres can, by his charismatic personality, keep the various inter-party factions united. . The remainder of Costa Rica's parties are prag­ matic ones— the oldest and most personalistic being the

Partido Republicano Nacional (PRN). It revolves around the former president (1940-1944), Rafael Calderon Guardia.

The PRN is completely ^ personalistic and has no fixed program or ideology. It has demonstrated a very flexible attitude in its politics by cooperating with the Communists during the 19 40-1948 period and then switching to the support of a conservative coalition of parties during the 1953 elections. Since 196 2 it has aligned itself with anti-communist conservative forces and is con- sidered as Costa Rica's second ranked major party.3 9 The last party of any significance is the Partido Union Nacional (PUN). It, too, is personalistic, but more

3 8 Letter from Major Vance Brown, U. S. Army Foreign Area Specialist 9 San Josd, Costa Rica, June 20, 1964.

39Castro, et al.p. 37. . 61

orthodox in its conservatism than.the PEN.- Its leader is Otilio Ulate who was president from 1949 to 1953„

Strangely- enough.Ulate owes the fact that he was able

to serve as president to Jose .Figueres 3. now his political

enemy, who by force of arms insured that; Ulate could assume the office to which he had been legally elected.

Today , Ulate* s PUN is part, of the conservative opposition

to Figueres * PLN, and has, when expedient, formed an • ’ / opposition coalition with Calderon's PRN:, the very party that in 1948 refused to recognize .Ulate as the legally

elected president, " ^ '

In addition to the ideological: and pragmatic parties discussed, ad hoc parties are persistently appear­

ing, but their strength and influence has been,..marginal.

They are, in -fact, interest groups which spring up for

an election and then disappear.

Interest Groups

Besides the quasi-political ad hoc parties >

mentioned above, there are definitely identifiable in­

terest groups' in Costa Rica, These can be classified as

institutional and associations! groups,^0

The major institutional interest group .is the

. Roman Catholic Church which is constitutionally the - State

ii n - ■- Almond and Coleman, p, 33, 62 Church of Costa Rica and is subsidized by the govern- , ment.^1 Religious freedom., however, .is a fact in Costa Rica and paradoxically San.,Jose has become a center of

Protestantism due■to.the presence in the city of a

Protestant seminary and missionary language school. it 9

There is no prolonged history, of Church-State conflict in Costa Rica. During the colonial period, the

Bishop of Costa Rica resided in Nicaragua and due to lack of interest.and poor communication, very little contact was maintained. In fa.ct.a period of 35 years during which no Bishop visited, Cost'a Rica has been recorded.We have already seen how Carillo limited the. Church's influence and. in 1835 the Assembly abolished the..tithe system..-1* In 18 50 Costa Rica was made a .Bishopric,, :a.."status for which the populace had petitioned for nearly 300 years.^5 in all, as J. Lloyd Mecham stated:, “The politico-ecclesiastical relations in-Costa Rica have been .the more intimate and harmonious of all the Central American Republics.1’1*®

41 . • J. Lloyd Mecham, Church and State in Latin America (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina . Press, 1934), p. 391. - 4 o Parker, p. 300.

^Karnes, The Americas , XV,. 262.

^Bannon and Dunne, p.' 549.

^Mecham, p. 389 . - 1*6Ibid. , p. 391...... 63 .

While officially neutral9 the Church is un-

officially very influential for the great majority of the populace is loyal to the Church, At the very least the Church acts as a veto group for its tacit support or opposition can affect the success of a program.^ The

Church’s participation in the labor movement in the afore­ mentioned Rerum Novarum is another manifestation of its unofficial 'political involvement. The other traditional institutional interest group in Latin America, the military, .was abolished in Costa Rica in 1949 and its successor, the Civil Guard, has remained uniquely apolitical. Even' when Costa Rica did have.a military, it was too weak to be a political factor',’ and' James.. Busey has noted that only three of, Costa Rica’S 47 presidents have been military men.^ During the transition from colonial to independent status the institutions of government, such as they were, were not destroyed and the military remained under civil control.

■ There are a great number of associational groups in Costa Rica representing occupational groups, such as

47 ' ' ' . . • ■ Kalman H. Silv.ert, Reaction and Revolution in . Latin America (New Orleans: The. Hauser Press, 19 61) , p. 31. ; ' ' vV: ’ ' '

1+ 8 ' Busey, The Americas, XVIII, 61. /

64 livestock, sugar and coffee growers1 associations, labor unions, industrial and businessmen's groups.49 pn addition, there are women's groups which are becoming more and more influential due to the voting power they received in 19 49 .• Student and teacher associations are also influential due to the official,emphasis which is placed on education and the fact that the greater portion of government positions is filled by graduates of the University of Costa Rica. The- United Fruit Company has historically been a very important influence in Costa Rica's political affairs, but today the Company's policies are more "en­ lightened" and the Costa Rican government has proven capable of maintaining a degree of hegemony over the Company.

Campaigns and Elections I The culmination of all the political activity is, of course, the political campaign and election. While campaign's are heated and highly competitive and every technique is used to gain public support, an atmosphere of enthusiasm prevails more than one of belligerency. The major political parties are very sophisticated in

49 . . Charles P. Loomis, et al., Turrialba (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1953), p. 222. their organization and conduct of the campaigns, rivaling

Western parties in this respect.^0

The development .of democracy is associated with the free debate of political issues and the resolving of - issues by the ballot rather than by force.^ James Busey in his study of Costa Rican presidents found that: 11 Whereas prior to 1889 9 violence determined executive control in about seven out of twenty-five instances, in the post 18 89 epoch only two out of twenty-one adminis- trations clearly secured control by the use of force." 5 2

This is not to say that elections in which force was not a determinant were all honest for Costa Rica has had its share of electoral corruption. However, as the revo­ lution of 1948 demonstrated, the people of Costa Rica will not tolerate a government which completely ignores their guarantees for a free election. The real reason the revolution was fought was to preserve the people's right to change their government by the electoral process.53

an tor, p. 63. - -

C *1 Maelver,p. 19 8.

52Busey, The Americas, XVIII, 60. 5 3 • ■ • Russell H. Fitzgibbon, "Revolutions in the Western Hemisphere," South Atlantic Quarterly, LV (July, 1956), 279. 66

Since the year 19 0 0 no Costa Rican executive has served more than one consecutive term of four years in

officeo From this we can see that the process of periodic change every four years is not only a consti­ tutional guarantee but an ingrained practice« The combination of the demand by the people for honest elections,the constitutional electoral guaran­ tees, and the conduct of the Electoral Tribunal have led to the evolution of honest, fair, competitive elections in Costa Rica. As Harry Kantor said about the 1953 election, which was observed by a .U. N. team: "If the holding of free elections is the mark of a democracy

o . » as most scholars seem to believe, then Costa Rica is a functioning democracy

The evolution to today’s universal, compulsory direct voting system has been rather recent. Prior to

1913,chief executives and the legislatures were selected by indirect vote. In 19 26 the secret ballot was intro­ duced along with voter registration, and in 1949 voting was made universal and compulsory.^

Election days (usually Sundays) take on the atmosphere of a happy fiesta. The polls are efficiently

54Kantor, p. 67.

S^Busey, The Americas, XVIII, 57. run by a special government agency and representatives from all parties observe the conduct- of the election in order to satisfy themselves that the voter is not coerced and that the electoral rules are being enforced. The voting process is simple; party color codes and simple choice mechanisms aid the less skilled voter for there is no literacy requirement,56 Finally, the knowl­ edge by all that the Supreme Electoral Tribunal will fairly hear all election protests insures the nonviolent conduct of the voting.

This active yet tolerant electoral participation by the people is a result of a political characteristic which has been described by John and Mavis Biesanz in these words: "The outstanding political trait of the

Costa Ricans is their all pervading, never flagging 5 7 interest in politics," This mass interest has been fostered by the education system which has not only . raised the literacy rate to one of the highest in Latin

America but has also strengthened the democratic tradi­ tions .of the country by instilling in the people a pride in their democratic, heritage,

^ Ibid, , p, 32,

John and Mavis Biesanz, Costa Rican Life (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944), p, 238, Communications Media

■ The media of mass communication has done much to foster this public political awareness. Although Costa

Rica’s newspapers (of which there are nine dailies) are • certainly biased, and can be criticized for their lack of

objectivity'and neutrality, they do articulate, the

political i s s u e s . 58 Newspapers print exchanges between

rival parties and groups or individuals, thereby attract­ ing public attention to the issues. Letters to the

government are published along with the government’s

answer which helps to articulate p o l i c y . 5 9

Costa Rica also has 3 7 radio stations and one government•directed television station.5 8 These channels

also contribute to maintaining the political interest of

the population.

Informal processes are very important too, due

to the homogeneity of the population. As one author has said: "The small size of Costa Rica together with its

relatively small population makes possible a situation in which the citizenry frequently have strong informal

ties through kinship and friendship with government policy

^^Maryin Alisky* "The Mass Media of Central America," Journalism Quarterly, XXXII (Fall, 1955), 481.

59Biesanz, p. 246. 60 Parker, p. 2 96. 69 makers o"6'L Informality prevails .and there is a tradi­ tion of the ready availability of the president.The people believe that their grievances will be heard by sympathetic government officials and that their electoral participation does influence the government.

Civic Culture

Costa Rica's civic culture certainly demonstrates many of the democratic characteristics discussed in

Chapter I. We have seen that there is a definite commit­ ment to political activity9 but that this activity is moderated by a sense of fair play and. a respect for democratic processes. Also, while definite social and economic cleavage exists, the resultant friction is attenuated: by a unique ethnic, lingual,. and religious homogeneity, and a far reaching educational system. Also the fact that the people realize that.the government is attempting to improve their lot mitigates violent tendencies.

It has also been established that too active a populace politically is in reality, a :detriment to the democratic process and that an effective polity contains

^Loomis, et al. , p. 222.

John Gunther, "Costa Rica A True Democracy," Current History, LII (December 24, 1940), 12. ' 70 a mlxtiare of active, semi-active and inactive people. While information of this type is not available for Costa Rica, some indication that this mixture does, in fact, exist can be gained by■ considering the results of a survey conducted at the University of Costa Rica.

In this survey Costa Rican students, who should predominantly represent the politically active segment of the populace, were questioned about their political participation. About 30 percent did not belong to a political party and had. not taken part in the last election. Twenty-three, percent classed themselves as inactive- politically, 45 percent as little active, and 32 percent as - active or very active.^ The ages of the students questioned were not given and, of course, the survey did not sample a representative cross section of the population, but it at least indicates the presence of a mixture of politically active and inactive citizens.

Another indicator of mixed activity is the fact that r .. only 29 percent of the population voted in the last election which could either indicate apathy, satisfaction, or both.^

^John T. McNelly, and Eugenio Fonseca, "Media Use and Political Interest at the University of Costa Rica," Journalism Quarterly (Spring., 1964) , p. 230.

^Castro, e t a l .., p. 36. 71

Regardless of the exact nature of Costa Rica’s ciyic culture we must admit in the light of historical fact that the people conduct their politics with more moderation than is customarily found in Latin America.

Social Problems

.We have already discussed the fact that,, a prompt, peaceful solution of major social problems con­ tributes to a country’s democratic environment. It only remains to discuss how Costa Rica has faced and solved its major problems. In discussing the Church we learned that there has never been a serious long lasting Church-State conflict in Costa Rica. Historically the government has been able to maintain its independence from Church influence. About all that can be said -is that on the few occasions of conflict the result has either been in favor of the government or a compromise has been reached.

In reality then Costa Rica has no Church-State problem and, therefore, has not inherited the enmities so often generated by such a conflict.

Costa Rica’s lower strata have never experienced difficulty in obtaining their political rights. The evo­ lutionary pattern of today's universal suffrage status resembles that of the Western Democracies. This peaceful 72 evolution was fostered by the ethnic and social homo­ geneity of the populace and the unifying aspects of the educational system. The government is actively sponsoring measures to ensure a more equitable distribution of the national incomes such as improved tax laws, encouraging labor unions«, establishing minimum wage laws 9 and improving the social security system. In addition the government distributes land for homesteading and has a program in force to obtain squatters title to their lands. In all it must be said that while distribution of income- is not satisfactory in Costa Rica, there is a definite program in being to improve the situation. The real problem, which is” also being attacked, is the small ( amount of national income which is available.

Finally we have seen that Costa Rica has never had a problem with its military; that its land tenure problem developed late; that’an adequate program aimed at its solution is in being; and that the economic domination by foreign investors has been brought under control. From all these factors we must conclude that Costa Rica has been rather fortunate in that many of the major problems, which in other nations have caused bloody political strife, have been mitigated by historical chance to the point where the issues involved are open to compromise, . 73

Summary •

In Costa Rica's political history we noted instances where important decisions were made which J helped guide the country toward democracy„ At the be­ ginning of the nineteenth century Carillo's land distribution policies fostered widespread ownership of small farms; in 1889 the government encouraged, political participation in elections; in 1948. Joss' Figueres led the people in a fight to preserve their, electoral rights 9 and in 19 4.9 Figueres at the height of his popular appeal voluntarily relinquished power and turned the government over to the legally elected regime; all of these instances indicate that Costa Rica has been fortunate in having a leadership which at critical times made decisions which aided.the development of democracy„ Rather than being subjected to rule by a series of caudillos, Costa Rica has historically been ruled by governments which in most cases could demonstrate a legitimate inheritance of power,

Costa Rica's political parties have also con­ tributed to the country's democratic character. It must

) ■ be granted that Costa Rican parties suffered in varying degrees from the weakness of personalismo with the re­ sultant failure to articulate meaningful platforms. While vestiges of personalismo persist today, we can see, 74 especially in the ideological parties, modern, sophisti­ cated organizations which articulate the issues, nominate candidates, and efficiently conduct campaigns. We have seen that Costa Rica has had political parties since 18 89 and that beginning in 19 30 some of these parties began to look for solutions to Costa Rica’s problems rather than just being satisfied with presenting popular candidates. Finally, in the popularity of the PLN program we have seen the success of the party’s search for, and articulation of the answers to the expectations of the people. To answer the question about the success of the parties in attenuating social cleavage and conflicting interest , we must again look to the PLN. We have seen the wide social base to which this party appeals and we have seen the adherence to it of moderate conservatives in the face of its social reform program. The reason for this is that the party needs the financial support of the con­ servatives and the conservatives realize the power of the PLN and want to remain in a position where they, can at least influence the course of social reform.The fact remains, however, that the PLN has successfully appealed to peasants, middle class landowners and the moderate conservative rich.

Brown, Letter, p. 1. 75 The pragmatic parties are not as diverse in their member­ ship base, but the charismatic appeal of the leading pragmatic party personality, Rafael Calderon, has cut across social class lines effectively too. Another uni­ fying factor of pragmatic groups is their opposition to

Jose/ Figueres and his ideals. In fact this divergence of opinion into two basic pro-con groups over the PLN reform program and the division of the political parties into opposing camps with the resultant nomination of two and not more than three strong presidential candidates ■ offers a glimmer of hope for the evolution of a two- party system in Costa Rica. Regardless of the final out­ come of the party maneuverings, the fact is that it demonstrates a- high degree of political freedom and absence of government interference. The same indications are given by the large number of interest groups in Costa Rica.

Even the fact that the Communist Party has been suppressed cannot be considered as too important an indi­ cator of lack of freedom for the circumstances are unique. The Communist Party demonstrated its militancy by refusing to lay down its arms in 1948,even after the government had surrendered. Certainly the government is justified in suppressing a group which advocates violence. Also, while the Communist Party cannot register as a party or 76 nominate candidates9 it does exist openly and it is not obstructed in its operations except for the afore­ mentioned limitationso The active competition by the political parties has shown that there is a very heated rivalry for the vote and that real choices of programs and candidates are

being offered the voter. While Costa Rican elections have suffered their share of fraud, the honesty of the

last three elections under universal suffrage has been uncontested. In fact, historically Costa Ricans govern­

ments have reflected a consensus of popular will.^

The moderating effect of Costa Rica’s homogene- vous civic culture has been•demonstrated. While there

have been occasional anomic demonstration's, more often

interest groups, political parties, and the press and radio have acted to temper violent political action because of the many articulation channels they offer.

Also the close ties of kinship and the traditional in­

formality of the government foster an atmosphere of

intimacy and tolerance.

Finally we should note that both by accident and

design the traditional social problems in Costa Rica have never become serious enough to disrupt the country’s

66Bus.ey, The Americas, XVIII, 57. \ ■ 77 democratic evolution. As a result civil strife over these issues has been minimal.

/ CHAPTER IV

POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS ' Costa Rica's political institutions in their design reflect a democratic.commitment and in their function indicate the character of the nation’s democra­ cy „ For,this reason an examination of the political institutions extant in Costa Rica today, which are a product of the country’s historic development will help us understand the country’s democratic character. Since the country’s political structure is very complex, only the major subdivisions of the government and the consti­ tution will be considered.

Political Geography

A glance at a political map of Costa Rica reveals that the country is divided into seven provinces, as shown in Table V,

78 TABLE V

POLITICAL DIVISION OF COSTA RICAa

Province' Capital

San Jose San Jose Alajuela Alajuela Cartago Cartago Heredia Heredia Guanacaste Liberia Puntarenas Puntarenas Limon Limon

From A. H. Keane 9 Central and South America, II, Central America and the West Indies'(London: Edward Stanford, 1911), 246.

It should be noted that with one exception,

Liberia, the provincial capitals take the same name as their provinces. These provinces should not be con­ sidered as units in a federal system, for Costa Rica is organized along unitary lines and the provinces are in reality administrative subdivisions of the central government. The provinces do not have legislatures or 80 or other organs of self-government and the■provincial governors are appointed by the president."*" The provinces are subdivided into cantons which in turn are divided into districts. In the canton is found the basic unit of local self-government, the municipal council.^ The council, or junta, is an elective body and has considerable power in local matters, however it is also subjected to the central government in two ways. First, the central government must approve council monetary actions and the central government is represented in each council by a jefe politico, the local police chief, who has the right of veto in certain areas' of council, action, but no vote.^ Districts are merely'administrative subdivisions of the canton and their only political function is to send voteless delegates to the municipal councils.^

^Needier, p. 121.

2 Parker, p. 258.

3 Loomisj et al., p. 219. n Needier, p. 121. Other than the local government agencies such as the municipal'councils9 the formal political structure of Costa Rica is divided into agencies of the central

government and autonomous institutions« The main sub­ divisions of the central government are the executive,

legislative, and judicial branches, while the main

autonomous institution is the Supreme Court of Elections 5

The Executive Branch

The executive branch is a highly complex organi­ zation which has influence in every facet of'the government organization, although■:there are effective

checks against-its power. The president appoints the governors of the provinces, the central government repre­ sentatives to the municipal councils, and the national

treasurer and his assistant. In addition, the president

appoints the ministers of the bureaucracy which, since

19 48, has-.: become quite extensive due to numerous re­ sponsibilities the government has assumed. Today, the

functions of the government touch almost every facet of Costa Rican life.®

Loomis,, et al. , p. 215. 6 Ibid., p. 216. 82

The president with two yice^preaidents is popularly elected for a four year term of office, To be directly elected a candidate must, receive a plurality of 40 percent of the vote, If i^o candidate receives a plurality, a runoff election is held between the two candidates who received the most votes. In case of a 7 tie, the older candidate becomes president. To guard, against the abuse of executive power several methods have been adopted. The president's appointive and controlling powers have been limited by the civil service merit system and the .operational independence of the various autonomous government c " agencies. The. president's role as policy maker is tempered by the fact that the legislature effectively controls the funding machinery. The.effectiveness of the electoral system and the constitutional prohibition which prevents a president from serving two consecutive terms in office are added safeguards. The executive's appointive and policy making powers are adequately controlled by these restraints. The result is an effective but responsive and accountable executive branch.

7 - Methods of Electing National Executives and National Legislatures in.Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean, Special Memorandum No. 23 (Washington: Institute for'-.the Comparative Study of Political Systems, 1964) , p. 2. X

83

The Legislative Branch

Costa Rica has a- unicameral legislature which at the present time consists of 5 7 Deputies who are nominated by the national parties'. . Deputies are directly elected by a system of proportional representation to four-year terms and cannot be re-elected withbut the passage of an intervening term.^ Of interest is the fact that in 19.53 three women were elected to the Assembly. During that same election a dozen women were elected to serve on various municipal councils in the provinces. This was due to the provisions of the constitution of 1949 whidh allowed women to run for political office for the first time.^

The .Assembly, or Asamblea Legislative, as it is calledy has. considerably moie influence than is normal for a Latin American^legislature. While it is true that most of the legislative program is originated by the executive 9. the Assembly has jurisdiction over the budget. The regular budget once passed by the Assembly cannot be vetoed by the president. The Assembly’a powers include the right to create sources of revenue9 establish policy

8 Ibid..

Q Ruth Brownlow, "The Woman's Vote in Costa Rica," Americas, VII (June, 1955), 3. 84 guidance for government agencies, enact regulative law, and.the right to approve the programs which the execu-

tive branch formulates« 10 To assist it in its legis­ ' lative functions a branch office of the Assembly, the '

Contraloria General de la Republica, or Office of Control, acts as an advisory body furnishing technical information

and reviewing legislation giving special attention to

fiscal matters.H

The legislature’s real ability to act as a viable power is enhanced,because it remains in session through­

out most of the year, even though it is only required to -■ ' , J . meet in regular sessions for six months of the year. 12

Even the; possibility that the executive might attempt to

govern by decree and suspend civil rights, which is constitutionally authorized, has been effectively limited. For when the legislature, is in session the right of sus­ pension is reserved to.it, and if it is not in session, suspension of civil rights is an automatic call to the Assembly to meet within 48 hours. The action of the

■■ . Loomis, et al., p. 216.

^Ibid. , p. 215.

12Needler, p. 121. 85 executive must then be approved by a two-thirds vote 13 of the legislatureo

The Judicial Branch

The highest judicial authority is vested in the Supreme Court 3 which since its inception has been remarkably free from external political influences, The court is made up of 17 magistrates who are elected to office by the legislative assembly for eight year terms = Automatic re-election is assured unless a two- thirds majority of the legislature opposes a judge’s re-election. ' The lesser court system consists of specialized civil, penal,, and labor courts. The judges of the lower courts are appointed by the Supreme Court.

The judiciary has been effectively insulated from executive control. The justices’ length of tenure coupled with the appointive power of the Supreme Court has isolated the entire judicial system from undue government influence. Also the Supreme Court can. by* a

,Busey, Notes . on Casta Rican Democracy, ■ p. V14 14 Needier, p. 12 2. 86 two-thirds vote declare unconstitutional acts of the executive and legislative branches.15

Autonomous Agencies

Autonomous government agencies 9 of which there are an ever increasing number9 are important in Costa Rica due to their character and mission. Although the head of an autonomous agency is usually appointed by the president9 in most cases the institution’s budget is controlled by the legislature; these agencies are meant to be as free as possible from political influence in order to maintain continuity of policy and organi­ zation during political fluctuations. One of the most important autonomous agencies is the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (SET) and the regional

Electoral Councils which it controls. This body rules on all electoral matters and can only be over-ruled by a two-thirds vote of the Assembly..and. then not during a period six months prior to9 and four months following an election .

• 15 Kantor, The Costa Rican ‘Elections . of 1953,' p. 2 0 . ' . ,, . . . 16' •' - , . Loomis 9 et al. 9 p.' 2-19. . 87 The SET is composed of three, members, and three

alternateso The term of office is for six years with

one member being elected every two years„ Furthermore, the terms cannot correspond with legislative, execu- tive or judicial terms.17 In its capacity as the sole agency with ultimate power in election matters and its control of all phases of balloting from the • registration-, of voters, to the supervision of the polls, and the verification of the vote counting, the. SET is a very powerful agency. The pervasive nature of the -SET’s duties is demonstrated by the following list of.constitutionally assigned duties:■ - - -

(1) to organize elections;

( -2 ) , to - appoint • the-members of - the electoral boards who administer electoral machinery;

(3) to have, the exclusive; right to interpret all constitutional provisions and < legislative acts dealing with electoral matters 5- • ' .

. (4) to act upon appeals from the decisions of the Civil Register and various electoral boards; (5) to investigate charges, by the political parties that government employees to . whom such activities are-.forbidden are active in politics, and to decide such cases;

17 Needier, p.„ 13 0 „ (6 ) to give the armed forces the instructions necessary to insure a free election; (7) to check the election returns and to make ' the decision as to who has been elected . president, vice-president, deputies, and members of the municipal councils,1 ° Since its,inception this, body has fostered and maintained its apolitical reputation and has administered Costa Rican elections in an efficient and just.manner. This , has been an important factor in attenuating the ferocity of. the electoral competition, for the political factions have come to realize that the SET is an effective court of appeals' and that it will insure that unbiased elections are conducted. Because of this, political parties realize that defeat does not mean their de­ struction and that it is in theirfown self-interest to abide by the decision of the Tribunal, It is for this reason that the SET can be credited with a very sub­ stantial contribution to the peaceful, democratic electoral process which is characteristic of Costa Rica,

Other autonomous agencies' are the National

Board of Production, which is responsible for the de­ velopment of industry and agriculture and maintaining

."*"^Kantor, The Costa Rican Election of 19 53 , p, 26. - : " ' a just relationship between the consumer.. and industry, and the Government Housing and Urban Planning Agency, which is in charge of an extensive program of low cost : . ' 19 housing construction and urban renewal.

An idea of the autonomous agency’s1 compre­ hensive involvement in Costa Rican life can be gained by considering the divergent fields of interest of other autonomous agencies such as the University of. Costa Rica, the Social Security Agency, the National

Institute of Insurance, and the National B a n k s . ^0

.; 1 The Constitution

The constitutional provisions for ensuring a system of balance between the various branches were demonstrated in the preceding section. When we consider the freedom of political action in Costa Rica we can correctly assume that the guarantees of the constitution are enforced. The widespread political party.and interest group activities, the free exchanges in the pressthe characteristic of widespread land ownership--

19 "Costa Rica Today," Latin American Report, IV. (November, 1960), 7. 20 1 Loomis, et al., p. 218. 90 all these factors demonstrate the presence of a high degree of civil liberty.

Summary

There is no doubt that Costa Rica’s national government is highly centralized And that power is concentrated in its hands vis-a-vis the provinces, cantons, and districts, but there are practical reasons for this and there is little danger from over-concen­ tration of power due to the myriad of formal and informal i checks on the government which the Costa Ricans have devised.

Geography and the country's concentrated settle­ ment pattern explain the centralization of governmentj indeed, decentralization ...would result in the creation of much superfluous local government machinery. The local,Municipal Councils function well and afford an adequate means for local representation. The question of the elective offices' ascendance over non-elective offices can only be resolved indirectly.

Surely the ease with which Costa Rica was able to abolish its military establishment is an indication of effective control. Little has been written about Costa Rica’s civil service, but it does have A reputation for honesty •; : 91 and apolitical conduct, and there is. 'no evidence that it is not. subordinate, to the elected officials „

'The various constitutional and organizational divisions of government powers and responsibilities haye assured a real separation of powers between the branches. The judiciary has been effectively insulated from undue government influence. Again we can only surmise that the decisions of.the judiciary are imple­ mented since, evidence to. the contrary is lacking.

An especially noteworthy- check on the government is the concentration of all electoral power in the autonomous Supreme Electoral Tribunal which has stripped the executive of., any means by which he could tamper with the elections. This step has. made all the elective offices truly responsive to the electoral will of the citizens and has greatly enhanced Costa Rica’s democratic character. . . CHAPTER V

• CONCLUSION

The concept of democracy is very complex; therefore, to identify its true essence is a difficult if not impossible task. Because of the multitude of factors which influence and sustain the development and existence of democracy, it behooves us in this final chapter to correlate the points discussed in the preceding pages in a concise manner in order to better demonstrate the character of Costa Rica's democracy and its development.

Democratic Evolution

The evolution of Costa Rica's-democracy will be more readily apparent if we chronologically trace those causal elements, or preconditions, which fostered demo­ cratic development in Costa Rica and indicate again their contribution. Some of the most important causal factors are found in.Costa Rica's colonial heritage. Because they were geographically isolated and economically destitute,

Costa Ricans developed a spirit of self-reliance and

„ 93 unity very early in their history.^ Many things influenced this nationalistic development.

Both the Church and the Spanish government evidenced a lack of concern for so inconsequential a colony and the Costa Rican governors and religious leaders appointed by the Crown quickly identified them­ selves with the people rather than with the distant and uninterested colonial government. Unity was also enhanced by the remarkable racial, religious, and lingual homogeneity of the people and their almost,uni^ versal poverty. Because there was little immigration, widespread kinship ties developed among the populace and the cleavage between peninsulares and oriollos, which caused turmoil in other parts of Latin America, never became troublesome in Costa Rica for what few peninsu­ lares there were soon,, if not from desire at least because of necessity, identified themselves with the people,. ^ Finally, we have noted that the hacienda system with its economically;stagnating effects, never de­ veloped and thereby the seeds for Costa Rica’s widespread family operated farm ownership system were sown. • .

1 Karnes, The Americas, XV, 256. ^Ibid. 94

When Costa Rica gained its independence it was able, thanks to its unique colonial development, to make the transition without undergoing the civil con­ flict so typical of the era. The country inherited from its colonial period a sense of nationality and self- reliance and the transition to independence barely ‘ .

y disturbed the existing governmentfor ^independence was won by default, not by bloody revolution. The.govern­ ment was not "destroyed and therefore^ ho "legitimacy vacuum," as Martin Needier describes "it, developed.^

A short civil war was fought in 1821, but its effect did not;challenge- the legitimacy of the government.. ,

Also, since fighting for independence was 'un­ necessary., Costa Rica did not develop a powerful mili­ tary establishment-and.the small force that existed remained subordinate to the civil government, a tra­ dition that was to continue with few exceptions until the military was abolished in 1949.

Finally, Costa Rica was spared the problem of serious regionalistic competition for power. While there was some heated debate about the best location for the

3 - Martin C. Needier, Latin American Politics (Princeton: D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc.. , 1963) , p. 35. 95

capital'and some discord arose between the leading

settlements, no unsolvable disputes developed. In summary then, Costa Rica entered the inde- , pendence. period as a small, poverty stricken, isolated nation, yet with a" spirit of- nationality which was in part fostered.by these; same disadvantages. Most importantly the colonial problems such as the Church- State conflict, land tenure .inequality, regionalism, military dominance, and criollo-peninsular conflicts were not.critical in Costa Rica and the people were able

to debate problems, for the most part,, within the, govern­ ment structure. Although from 1821 to 18 24 there was

some turmoil and a series of juntas governed, this phase passed quickly.1*' Even at this.early,period in history we can identify certain antecedents which facilitated

the development of democracy in Costa Rica, primarily

legitimacy and stability in government and a homo­ geneous society,

Costa Rica remained economically stagnant and isolated .until the development of the coffee industry

changed..the economic situation. ■ Then Costa Rica’s

economy and population, because of the coffee boom, be­

gan to grow and prosper. - The. government’s policies of

4 _ Busey, The Americas, XVIII, 56. land distribution enhanced the economic growth and the

educational program started in 1814 fostered the politi­

cal acculturation of the people. During its early years Costa Rica's politics were under the influence of an oligarchy, but there was stability in this authoritarian political system and presidential selections for the most part reflected some consensus, albeit of an indirect' nature, By 1889 Costa Rica had progressed to the point where popular participation in elections was encouraged and since that date,, it has become a real factor in the political scene. The fact that the year 1889 marks a watershed in

Costa Rican political development was illustrated by

James Busey who determined that violence, which has not been a factor in more than one-third of Costa Rica's regimes, since 1889 has been in evidence in only two periods , 1917-1919 and .1948-1949.5

In the 1930's the foundations for the political ideologies found in Costa Rica today were laid. While traditional conservatism continued to be a factor, a

democratic social reform movement and a communist ideology evolved. In 1948 these opposing forces col­

lided and the social reform movement was. victorious in

Busey, Notes on Costa Rican Democracy, p. 9. . 97 the revolution which ensued,' However the reform movement under'Jose/ Figueres- voluntarily transferred the power it had won through force of arms to the legally elected moderate conservative government of Otilio Ulate, This act reinforced Costa Rica’s demo­ cratic tradition and demonstrated that the people were willing to resort to arms to preserve the integrity of their democratic electoral system.

Since 19 49 Costa Rica’s elections have been un­ questionably honest and competitive-,-and have in every way. corresponded with the criteria for democratic elections deveJLope.d.in Chapter 1, Due to the popularity of polities in Costa Rica and the active participation by the people there is very little likelihood that the electoral system will not continue to improve.

In Costa Rica’-s . independence period we have seen the fruition of the colonial legacy. At several junctures in Costa Rica’s history, either by accident or by the design of her often enlightened leadership, a course has been taken which, while not the cause of democracy in itself, has contributed to its evolution and has in­ creased the probability that democracy would be served again when the next critical ‘point in history was reached. This feedback from liberal tendencies has eased and accelerated Costa Rica’s democratic evolution 98 in comparison with her neighbors. -. For there exists in Costa Rica., as elsewhere in the world, a demand for more equitable distribution of wealth, broader welfare and social security benefits, but in. Costa Rica these demands, because of historical traditions, are processed within the existing institutional framework in an atmos­ phere of moderation, tolerance, and compromise. In his study of Costa Rica's political development, James Busey discerned a pattern of alternating reform and conserva­ tive governments, and that almost always the transition from reform to conservative regime was accomplished within a democratic framework.^

Finally, credit must be given the educational system which has acted as a democratic foundation by fostering democratic traditions, contributing to the •V ; ■ < political awareness of the pdpulace, and developing civic - skillso ■' .

Democratic Character

To identify the true character of Costa Rica's democracy is a difficult task for the concept is subject

Needier, Political Systems of Latin America, p. 124. to considerable debate. Also it is a dynamic rather than a static phenomenon. As Robert Madver has said: "Democracy is a form of government that is never ■ ■7 completely achieved," However9 while democracy is constantly changing in character9 there-are certain traits which we can discuss and thereby obtain an appre­ ciation for it as it exists in Costa Rica, We should also consider the fact that, to appreciate Costa Rican democracy we must be cognizant of its cultural and historic foundation and not be too prone to contrast it

/ with sophisticated Western democracies, For in reality no two democracies are the same and each has its own personality,^

In Chapter I we developed criteria associated with democracy and throughout this thesis we have seen that there is a very close correlation between the cri­ teria and the political processes found in Costa Rica, Today Costa Rica has a constitutional democratic govern­ ment characterized by a high degree of responsiveness.

The manifestations of this are the extensive social

7 Mac -iver9 p, 175. 100 welfare„ land reform, public, education, and housing development programs fostered by the government.

While most policy originates in the executive branch, we have seen that the legislature is influ­ ential and that through periodic and honest elections both the executive and legislative branches have been subordinated to popular universal electoral control.

The active participation of a knowledgable populace is characteristic of Costa Rica. Also, their civil liberties and means of. public expression are constitu­ tionally and effectively guaranteed.

The active, free, competitive multiparty system in Costa Rica is characteristically democratic. With all due. allowance for the faults of personalismo and lack of sophistication, these parties do fulfill the requirements of articulating issues, disciplining the electorate, and offering a choice of candidates and platforms. The unique contribution of the. Supreme Electoral Tribunal in fostering political parties and insuring honest elections cannot be overemphasized.

Finally, we have seen that the form of the constitution is reflected in the substance of the political processes X and that, the responsive functioning of the government is. fostered by a commitment on .the part of the. people to democratic principles. 101

Summary

Costa Rican democracy is the product of a slow evolutionary process which occurred in a relatively stable society. This process of development is still in progress, but we can identify in it democratic mani­ festations and can foresee a continued commitment to peaceful social and economic reform in the future.

Undoubtedly Costa Rica suffers from serious economic disadvantages, but there is little cleavage generated by this fact and its'disadvantages are far outweighed by the many favorable historic circumstances which have fostered Costa Rica's democratic development.

Barring complete economic chaos, the future for demo­ cracy in Costa Rica is indeed bright. The prophetic - words of John and Mavis Biesanz written in 19 44 are still applicable today, and because of this I cannot think of a more fitting close to this thesis:

There are signs that promise much for the future— and whatever other direction Costa Rica's evolution may. take, we feel sure the Ticos (Costa Ricans) will try -to cling to the two values they cherish most deeply-- peace and democracy.^

^Biesanz, p, 25 3. LIST OF REFERENCES

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McNe.lly, John T. and Fonseca, Eugenio. "Media Use and .Political Interest at the University.of Cdsta Rica," Journalism Quarterly (Iowa City: Spring, 1964), 225-211. Murkland, Marry B „ "Costa Rica: Fortunate Society," Current History, XXII (March, 1952), 141-144.

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Unpublished Material

Brown, Major Vance, U. S. Army Foreign Area Specialist, San Jose, Costa Rica (June 20, 1964). Letter to- the author.