(ISSN 0043-6534) WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY

The State Historical Society of Wisconsin • Vol. 66, No. 4 • Summer, 1983

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'"V" THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF WISCONSIN RICHARD A. ERNEY, Director Officers WILLIAM C. KIDD, President WILSON B. THIEDE, Treasurer NEWELL G. MEYER, First Vice-President RICHARD A. ERNEY, Secretary MRS. L. PRENTICE EAGER, JR., Second Vice-President

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ON THE COVER: Retailers like Harry Rodin, who pumped Deep Rock gasoline at his Milwaukee service station in 1938, catered to an ever-increasing number of motorists while fighting for economic survival with cutthroat pricing and merchandising arrangements. [Wlli (W821) 562] Volume 66, Number 4 / Summer, 1983 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF

HISTORY (ISSN 0043-6534)

Published quarterly by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 816 State Street, Madison, "Dynamite for the Brain": The Growth and Decline Wisconsin 53706. Distributed of Socialism in Central and Lakeshore Wisconsin, to members as part of their 1910-1920 251 dues. (Annual membership, $15, or S12.50 for those over 65 James J. Lorence or members of affiliated societies; family membership, $20, or $ 15 for those over 65 or members of affiliated societies; "For Life, the Resurrection, and the contributing, $50; supporting, $100; sustaining, $200-$500; Life Everlasting": James J. Strang and patron, $500 or more.) Single Strangite Mormon Polygamy, 1849-1856 274 numbers from Volume 57 forward are $2. Microfilmed David Rich Lewis copies available through University Microfilms, 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106; reprints of Oil on Trial: A Legal Encounter in Madison 292 Volumes 1 through 20 and most issues of Volumes 21 Marilyn Crant through 56 are available from Kraus Reprint Company, Route 100, Millwood, New York 10546. White House Sale: Communications should be addressed to the editor. The A Wisconsin Commentary on the Election of 1912 310 Society does not assume Terry L. Shoptaugh responsibility for statements made by contributors. Second-class postage paid at Madison, Wisconsin, and at additional mailing offices. Reading America 313 POSTMASTER: Send address changes to Wisconsin Magazine Book Reviews 315 of History, Madison, Wisconsin 53706. Copyright © 1983 by the State fiistorical Society of Book Review Index 323 Wisconsin. Wisconsin History Checklist 324 The Wisconsin Magazine of History is indexed annually by Accessions 326 the editors; cumulative indexes are assembled decennially. In Contributors 328 addition, articles are abstracted and indexed in America: History Editor and Life, Historical Abstracts, Index to Literature on the American PAULff. HASS Indian, and the Combined Associate Editors Retrospective Index to Journals in History, 1838-1974. WILLIAM C. MARTEN JOHN O. HOLZHUETER MARILYN GRANT Lake Superior

Duluth *.

Michigan

Minnesota

MinneapoliS| St. Paul

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Socialist activity flourished in these central and lakeshore communities from 1910 to 1920. "Dynamite for the Brain": The Growth and DecHne of SociaUsm in Central and Lakeshore Wisconsin, 1910-1920

By James J. Lorence

ISC^ONSIN socialism has usu­ State politics. It is equally true that a genuinely W ally been described as an ur­ class-conscious movement failed to develop in ban, working-class movement. Historians have the hinterlands. Socialist successes proved long stressed Victor Berger's carefully con­ transitory, as forces outside the state move­ structed trade union alliance that produced ment combined with internal tensions to pre­ stunning victories in Milwaukee County. vent the formation of a lasting urban-rural co­ These electoral successes, which in 1910 sent alition in support of a radical political Berger to Congress and the staunch unionist alternative, fhis essay will explore the Social­ Emil Seidel to the mayor's office, marked the ist appeal in outstate Wisconsin and attempt to beginning of an extended period of Socialist account for the party's rise and fall in the sec­ strength and civic accomplishment in Wiscon­ ond decade of the twentieth century. sin's largest city. Beyond the strength of the Social Demo­ The Milwaukee drama has so mesmerized crats in America's urban centers in 1910, there historians that they have paid little attention to were definite signs that the radical gospel was the struggle carried on by Berger's allies in ru­ taking root in some of the nation's most de­ ral, small town Wisconsin.' Yet a close exami­ pressed agricultural areas, fhe economic nation of radical political activity and voting hardship ofthe Stjuthwest, for example, pro­ behavior in central and lakeshctre Wisconsin duced a class-based political movement that reveals an important effort to build a Socialist emerged in its most developed form in Okla­ movement that, fVjr a brief moment at least, homa.^ Rural Wisconsin also spawned a So­ raised a challenge to the twt)-party system in cialist movement, although its roots were very different. In both places there was a growing AUTHOR'S NOTE: This research was supported by grants two arms ofthe same body, with neither controlled by the from the American Philosophical Society and the Milwau­ other." Sally M. Miller, Victor Berger and the Promise of Con­ kee County Historical Society. structive Socialism, 1910—1920 (Westport, Connecticut, 'David A. Shannon argues that "the secret of the suc­ 1973), 27. For further evidence of a Milwaukee orienta­ cess of the Milwaukee Socialists was their close alliance tion among students of Wisconsin politics, see Robert C. with the trade unions." David A. Shannon, The Socialist Nesbit, Wisconsin: A History (Madison, 1973), 424; Fre­ Party of America (Chicago, 1955), 21. Similarly, Herbert F. derick I. Olson, "The Milwaukee Socialists, 1897-1941" Margulies notes that "a close symbiotic relationship had (doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, 1952), 400; been established between the Social Democrats and the and Leon Epstein, Politics in Wisconsin (Madison, 1958), trade unionists of Milwaukee." Herbert F. Margulies, The 36,37. Decline of the Progressive Movement in Wisconsin, 1890—1920 ^For examination of southwestern radicalism, see (Madison, 1968), 153. In her definitive political biography Garin Burbank, When Farmers Voted Red: The Gospel of So­ of Victor Berger, Sally M. Miller places great stress on cialism m the Oklahoma Countryside, 1910-1924 (Westport, Berger's conviction that trade unions were the key to so­ Connecticut, 1976) and James Green, Grass Roots Social­ cial progress. She records his frequent references to "the ism: Radical Movements in the Southwest, 1895—1945 (Baton organized labor movement and the socialist movement as Rouge, Louisiana, 1978).

Copyright © 1983 by The State Historical Society of Wisconsin 251 All rights of reproduction in any form reserved WHi (X3) 28632 The organizing zeal of Milwaukee Socialists extended to their children, who attended the Interna­ tional Socialist Sunday School and who, as "Fairies and International Dancers," performed for their parents in 1919. interest among party members in the agricul­ prime candidate for political conversion, a tural problem and its possible relationship to contention supported by the early successes of the ideology of class struggle. the western rural locals. This latest expression Sensing an opportunity to extend the par­ of traditional agrarian radicalism held the ty's reach in his own state, Victor Berger led promise of a producers' alliance based upon the fight for an agricultural plank in the So­ an expanded concept of class conflict and a cialist national platform from 1908 on. Virtu­ new perception of economic reality. In a coun­ ally alone among party leaders he spoke for try whose economic base was still essentially the conversion of farmers, whose interests he agricultural, it was also good politics. Yet the erroneously saw as identical with those of ur­ Berger analysis contained a fatal flaw: a re­ ban labor. He finally succeeded in 1912 when fusal to acknowledge the hard fact that unlike the party adopted a platform which included a their Oklahoma brethren, Wisconsin farmers statement of the Socialist interpretation and were more agricultural businessmen than la­ solution ofthe farm problem.' borers who might form the basis of a rural Berger and his supporters consistenth ar­ proletariat. gued that the party must accept farmers as Acting upon the hope of class solidarity, self-employed laborers subject ttj market however, Wisconsin Socialists moved to estab­ forces similar to those confronting urban lish outposts beyond the familiar confines of workers. As such, the farmer appeared to be a their Milwaukee base. As early as 1907, an or­ ganizer was working the Lake Michigan shore, and the following year the state executive •'Miller, Victor Berger, 49-51, 29-30. board instructed the organizing committee to 252 LORENCE: SOCIALISM, 1910-1920

"concentrate . . . forces where there is the best ship of the means of production and equitable chance of electing assemblymen." Under this distribution of wealth. Characteristic of their plan the party sent temporary organizer Carl concerns were the founding of a buyer's coop­ Minkley first to cover small cities like Sheboy­ erative and an effort to promote full public gan, Sheboygan Falls, Manitowoc, and Two control ofthe lighting plant in Wausau.'' Rivers, while the Socialist state executive board planned a campaign to enlist farmers in the movement. By 1911 the state board re­ ported that 117 state locals were located out­ ETWEEN 1914 and 1916, So­ side Milwaukee County, a fact which "clearly B cialists achieved little in city, pointed the way to the necessity of county or­ county, and statewide races, despite feverish ganization.'"' organizational activity. Yet these years wit­ nessed a rising awareness of the opportunity An important early party operative in rural for the growth of the party in rural areas. areas was the Austrian-born Socialist farm or­ Party theoretician Ernst fJntermann later re­ ganizer, Oscar Ameringer of Oklahoma. called that at this time he came to believe that Commissioned in 1911 by the state board to "American farmers would organize a mass prepare a report on "the condition and needs movement of their own independent of the of the farming districts of Wisconsin," Socialist Party, unless the Socialist leaders Ameringer advanced a proposal for a special could grasp the situation from an angle never organizing effort in rural precincts and a party thought of by their theoretical advisers." fJn­ committee to prepare farm literature for dis­ termann concluded that at least part of the ru­ tribution outstate. In addition, the board en­ ral middle class would have to be converted if gaged him for a series of recruitment swings socialism was to succeed in America, and that around the state in 1911 and 1912 to bring the the farmer would be important in a social gospel of socialism to small farmers. The fol­ transformation that would be "more reformist lowing year the state organization also agreed than fundamentally revolutionist," but all the to provide leaflets for free distribution by out- same "a real social revolution."' Like Berger, state locals."" he did not confront the fundamental ques­ This flurry of activity resulted in the estab­ tion; was there some radical potential in the lishment of several party units in north central rural bourgeoisie} and east central Wisconsin, primarily in small towns and cities. One of the most important As the party reacted to a perception of or­ was a German branch at Wausau founded in ganizational opportunity, however, Socialist 1912 by a small group of workers eager to pro­ ^"Minutes of the State Executive Board," August 5, mote economic justice through public owner- 1912, SPC, MPL; Carl Thompson to Robert A. Steinbach, December 10, 1913; Thompson to Daniel W. Hoan, De­ ••Socialist Party of Wisconsin, "Minutes of State Con­ cember 10, 1913, both in the Daniel W. Hoan Papers, Mil­ vention," 1911; "Minutes ofthe State Executive Board," waukee County Historical Society, Milwaukee (hereafter May 8, 1910; January 8, 11, February 5, July 15, 1911,ui referred to as MCHS); interview with Harold Steinbach, the Socialist Party Collection, Milwaukee Public Library June 25, 1980, Wausau; Olson, "Milwaukee Socialists," (hereafter referred to as SPC, MPL). An active organiza­ 400-401. Both Harold Steinbach and Louis Marth tion was already functioning in Manitowoc County, where stressed their fathers' commitments to social justice for a Socialist mayor had been elected as early as 1905. Lloyd the working class and the concept of public ownership of Frank Velicer, "The Manitowoc Socialists and Municipal production. Steinbach noted his father's belief that Ownership, 1905-1947" (master's thesis, University of German-American familiarity with the outlines of the so­ Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 1978), 3. For full discussion of cial welfare state played an important role in voter accept­ prewar party growth, see Chapter 1. ance of Sociahst ideas in Marathon County. Interview with ^"Minutes of the State Executive Board" May 11, July Steinbach; interview with Louis Marth, June 24, 1980, 15, 1911;January7, May 5, June 2, September 30, 1912; Wausau. For comments on the 1912 Socialist vote in Mar­ May 18, July 8, 1913, SPC, MPL. Ameringer, though athon County, see Howard R. Klueter and James J. foreign-born, had gained a wide reputation as a rural or­ Lorence, Woodlot and Ballot Box: Marathon County in the ganizer for his work both in Oklahoma and in Wisconsin's Twentieth Century (Wausau, Wisconsin, 1977), 254. See also Fifth District for Victor Berger in 1910. Most sources Roger E. Wyman, "Voting Behavior in the Progressive agree that he possessed an intimate knowledge of agricul­ Era: Wisconsin as a Test Case" (doctoral dissertation. Uni­ tural concerns unsurpassed among his Socialist comrades. versity of Wisconsin-Madison, 1970), 571. Oscar Ameringer, If You Don't Weaken (New York, 1940), 'Ernst Untermann, "Tackling the Impossible," n.d., in 227-228, 283; Shannon, Socialist Party, 28; Burbank, the Ernst Untermann Papers, MCHS; Olson, "Milwaukee When Farmers Voted Red, 16; Miller, Victor Berger, 72. Socialists," 280-281, 304.

253 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983

weakness when the movement came under conservative attack. Despite that effort, how­ ever, there was a touch of duplicitv in their as­ surances that farmers could have it both ways. No person was more involved and influen­ tial in the escalating propaganda battle than Oscar Ameringer. Always valuable as an orga­ nizer, he was even more important as a writer- publicist for the cause. Addressing the Wis­ consin farmer in Dynamite for the Brain, Ameringer cited a 111.3 per cent increase in debt per farm in the state between 1890 and 1910 and railed against the "fetish of land val­ ues" as a mask for rural poverty. Farmers were told that "rising land values may increase your taxes, but they don't increase the product of the land." f urning to the increase in tenancy, Ameringer predicted that northern Wiscon­ sin would "produce a lusty crop of renters as soon as the land has reached a state of cultiva­ tion where it will support two men—landlord and renter." He remained prudently silent on the potential conflict of interest between farmers and their own hired hands. Only the creation of a farmer-labor coalition would "re­ claim the political and economic jungle of Wis­ consin."^ As the lines were drawn on the ground of economic interest, new concerns over possible American involvement in the European war (Courtesy Milwaukee County Historical Society emerged to plague Wisconsin's German popu­ Oscar A meringer. lation. By 1915 German-American identifica­ appeals to the farmer were made with greater tion with the fatherland was growing, and ten­ intensity. A section ofthe state platform ofthe sions with Germany and anti-German Socialist party in 1914 demanded state owner­ sentiment in the press were increasing. And ship of grain elevators, cooperatives, and when American inter\ention drew near, the banks, as well as state insurance and agricul­ character of Wisconsin politics changed signi­ tural education programs. Socialist campaign ficantly. After supporting Wilson's neutrality literature also asserted that government- program in 1914, Senatxu' Robert La Follette owned steel and machinery industries would emerged as the leading critic of administra­ sell necessary equipment at the cost of produc­ tion foreign policy. As the administration's po­ tion, while publicly operated communications sition among Wisconsin voters became more and transportation systems would provide tenuous. Democratic Senator Paul Husting service at cost. And of prime significance was a launched a spirited defense of Wilson's policy pervasive emphasis on a reassuring land use towards Germany. Working through sympa- and occupancv pledge. While public lands were to be held for the use of the people, the '"Why Farmers Should Vote the Social Democratic "farmer on the farm would be left in posses­ Ticket," n.d., in the Emil Seidel Papers, MPL; David Vin­ cent Mollenhoff, "Oscar Ameringer's Agricultural Social­ sion of the farm he wished to use" where he ism, 1907-1941" (master's thesis, University of might "enjoy the blessings of inventions and of Wisconsin-Madison, 1966), 30. civilization to a degree that he does not dream ^Oscar Ameringer, Dynamite for the Brain, n.d., SPC, of today."** Thus, Socialists grappled earh MPL; "Minutes ofthe State Executive Board," July 7, Sep­ tember 4, 1914, SPC, MPL. Ameringer's stress on the with the question of private land ownership, question of land values again reveals the weakness of a an issue which could be a potential source of radical argument directed to a bourgeois audience. 254 LORENCE: SOCIALISM, 1910—1920 thetic elements in the state press, Husting German-Americans.'- This trend represented hoped to reach at least some of the state's in­ an important shift away from traditional voter creasingly restive German-Americans. De­ preferences in Wisconsin's German enclaves. spite his exertions, they viewed Husting's State German-American voters had tended to efforts merely as a "symbol of the Democratic vote Democratic, particularly in those outstate Party's new intolerance."'" counties with heavy German concentrations. Resentment against Wilson's preparedness German-American Socialists were unim­ and neutrality policies was especially strong in pressed with either of the major presidential lakeshore and central Wisconsin German- candidates, who were viewed as tools ofthe ex­ American strongholds. Citizens of Marathon ploiter class. Linking the inevitable self- and Manitowoc counties attacked the adminis­ interest of the capitalist system with the pres­ tration with particular vigor, while voluntary sure for war, they campaigned on the peace associations mobilized for the coming strug­ issue. Opposed to both capitalism ancl nation­ gle. Anticipating potential political problems. alism, the Socialists stood as the only oj^enly Otto LaBudde of the f^emocratic State Cam­ anti-war party, Wilson's protestations notwith­ paign Committee worried about the rising ac­ standing. Condemning the administration for tivism ofthe German language clubs, which he its preparedness program and economic in- regarded as 95 per cent Republican. Even terventionism, the radical strategy focused on more ominous, he thought, was the "active Wilson as the candidate most likely to drain work and interest the Lutherans [were] tak­ support from the left. ing." LaBudde reported that Sheboygan, Cal­ Ultimately, it was Hughes who carried Wis­ umet, and Waupaca county Lutherans were consin. The 1916 returns clearly revealed a especially willing to "condemn Wilson."'' massive German-American defection from The political invective aimed at Wilson by the Democratic party. Among (ierman local religious groups was inconsequential, farmers, the impending war crisis was a critical however, compared to the assault of the mili­ factor in a shift to Hughes that shattered the tant German-American Alliance. In Mara­ normally Democratic voting bloc in outstate thon County the local chapter had succeeded Wisconsin. In Marathon County, for example, in pressuring the Bankers' Association into re­ German-American voters deserted the Presi­ nouncing participation in loans to the allies. dent in large numbers, while voting patterns Even more strident was the state Alliance's de­ in non-German townships were unchanged.'"' mand for strict neutrality adopted at its The tension over German-American loy­ Marshfield meeting in July, 1916. Few were alty evident during the campaign, however, therefore surprised when national Alliance was just a prelude of things to come. Early ca­ leaders mounted a drive to find an alternative sualties of American involvement in the war to Wilson and to make neutrality the key issue were reason and tolerance on the home front. in the presidential race. Under these circum­ An anti-German hysteria combined with war- stances it was perhaps inevitable that in 1916 the Republican Charles Evans Hughes should '^United States Congress, Senate, Committee on the emerge as the favored candidate of many Judiciary, Hearings on the German-American Alliance, 65th Congress, 2nd session, 1918, pp. 111-112; Clifton Child, '"Clifford P. Nelson, German-American Political Behavior German-Americans m Politics, 1914—1917 {Madison, 1939), in Nebraska and Wisconsin, 1916-1920 (Lincoln, Nebraska, 83; Klueter and Lorence, Woodlot and Ballot Box, 266; 1972), 9, 12, 15; Paul Husting to Frank Leuschen, May 27, Wausau Daily Record-Herald, December 6, 1915. For de­ October 9, January 28, 1915, in the Paul Husting Papers, tailed discussion on the emergence of Hughes as a strong State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison (hereafter candidate among German-Americans see Frederick referred to as SHSW). For a full account of Husting's Luebke, Bonds of Loyalty: German-Americans and World War efforts to reach German-American voters through Frank I (DeKalb, Illinois, 1974), 175-190; Nelson, German- Leuschen, editor of the Marathon Times, see James J. American Political Behavior, 15. Lorence, "The Ethnic Impact of Wilson's War: The ''For comment on the factors explaining Wilson's German-American in Marathon C^ounty, 1912-1916," in vote-gathering success in the Midwest, including Socialist Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and ambivalence towards him, see Nathan J. Meyer, "The Lrftera, 66:114-118(1978). Presidential Election of 1916 in the Midwest" (doctoral "Otto LaBudde to Husdng, October 31, 1915; Leo dissertation, Princeton University, 1966), 227-229, 272- Husting to Paul Husting, December 8, 1915; Husting to 275. Coverage of the Marathon County defection from Joseph Rugawski, January 31, 1916; Husting to Fromm Wilson may be found in Lorence, "The Ethnic Impact of brothers, January 25, 1916, all in the Husting Papers. Wilson's War," 118-22. 255 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 time pressure for conformity to produce a ducive to party growth outstate. Emil Seidel period of severe political repression. In the later recalled that despite a busy schedule, turmoil, the Socialist party encountered both there was "always time to make an evening opportunity and adversity as it positioned it­ meeting within 60 or 70 miles of Milwaukee," self in opposition to the main current of public Seidel found rural audiences in heavily opinion in the United States. German-American districts angry and "eager On the negative side, Socialists were subject to hear a Socialist talk." His perception was to persecution in the more isolated areas ofthe confirmed by Henry C Campbell of the Mil­ state, and anti-Socialist attacks filled the waukee Journal, who told the United States columns of the state press. Party members Senate Judiciary Committee that the Social faced official harassment in such outstate ar­ Democrats had made little headway in rural eas as Marathon, Dodge, Wood, faylor, and areas before 1917, but that pro-German Sauk counties as a result of their charges that farmers were turning to the Socialist party in war profits benefited only the rich. To coun­ large numbers "because they realize that the teract such assertions, sympathetic labor lead­ Democratic and Republican Parties will not ers were pressed into service by patriotic orga­ serve any such [anti-war] purpose.""' nizations. In 1917, for example, Loyalty By all accounts, then, the war stimulated Legion President Judson Rosebush of Apple- radical political action on the farm and in ton persuaded Fox Valley union officer A. R. small cities and towns. In 1917, the Journal re­ MacDonald to aid the cause. The union leader ported with alarm an increased number of So­ charged that the state had been "infested with cialist meetings throughout the state. La Fol­ a clique who call themselves socialists . . . who lette Republicans, old Socialists, and Ger­ have preached and taught discord and opposi­ man-Americans were responding with enthu­ tion, and in many instances absolute disloyalty siasm. Equally disconcerting was the news that to our government." Pledging to "stamp it [so­ the aggressive Nonpartisan League of North cialism] out entirely," MacDonald called upon Dakota was launching a Wisconsin recruit­ his national union colleagues to help rescue ment effort "partly under Socialist auspices." Wisconsin by addressing some working class While conservative fears of a farmer-labor co­ audiences, which were assumed "willing to be alition increased, the outstate organizational guided."" drive began to bear fruit when new party units On many occasions, local patriots were not were founded in such remote areas as Athens, satisfied with speeches and pro-war propa­ Kiel, Horicon, and West Bend. Reviewing the ganda, but used extralegal violence against surge in activity, Victor Berger perceptively political nonconformists—forced loans, yel­ low paint for the homes of "slackers," and ''^Ameringer, If You Don't Weaken, 327-329. For an ex­ threats of mob violence. According to cellent personal account of official and unofficial harass­ Ameringer, "it was the small-town and county ment of Socialist Labor party organizers in Waupaca seat people that became the real patriots." County, see Emil Wagner to Arnold Peterson, April 28 and n.d., 1918, both in the Socialist Labor Party Papers, Prominent among the "true Americans" were SHSW. For evidence of repression during the war, see "patriotic bankers" bent on helping prospec­ also Lorin L. Cary, "Wisconsin Patriots Combat Disloy­ tive Liberty Bond purchasers to "see [their] alty: The Wisconsin Loyalty Legion and Politics, 1917- duty to the government."'' In short, Yankee 1918" (master's thesis. University of Wisconsin—Madison, 1965); Henry Huber, "War Hysteria," in the Manuscripts Protestant economic elite groups were promi­ Division, SHSW; Margulies. Decline of the Progressive Move­ nent in the anti-German campaign. ment, 207-214; Nelson, German-American Political Be­ havior, 26-27; Luebke, Bonds of Loyalty, 225-259; Nesbit, Wisconsin, 446-449. Pressures exerted on Socialists are de­ OME Socialist leaders regarded scribed in Emil Seidel, "Autobiography," in the Emil S the wartime environment as con- Seidel Papers, Area Research Center, University of Wisconsin—Milwaukee (hereafter referred to as ARC, UWM), 180-184; James Weinstein, The Decline of Socialism in America, 1912-1925 (New York, 1967), 144-145; '••A. R. McDonald to Timothy Shea, November 3, Miller, Victor Berger, 191-219; Nesbit, Wisconsin, 446-447, 1917, in the Loyalty Legion Papers, SHSW; John D. 449-451; Olson, "Milwaukee Socialists," 359; Margulies, Stevens, "Suppression of Dissent in Wisconsin During Decline of the Progressive Movement, 200-201. World War I" (doctoral dissertation, University of ^^Hearings, German-American Alliance, 106; Seidel, "Au­ Wisconsin-Madison, 1967), 196. tobiography," 180. 182. 256 WHi (X3) 39702 Looking eveiy inch the quintessential politician, Herman Marth posed m the Crystal Cafe in Wausau about 1915 while Leon Ross minded the tobacco counter. Courtesy lhe Marathon County Historical Museum. observed that the Socialist party had "never populous but also the most German of the grown so fast as it has since the persecutions heartland counties. Not surprisingly, then, have started."'^ The depth of anti-war senti­ county voters responded enthusiastically to ment was soon to be revealed in the political the Socialist appeal under wartime conditions; contests of 1918. and before long Marathon was established as When the political explosion finally oc­ the most successfully organized outstate curred, Marathon County quickly emerged as county outside ofthe equally responsive lake- the Milwaukee Socialists' base in central Wis­ shore area. consin. Fanning out from the Wausau staging The first shock came in January when Mar­ area, party organizers moved into adjacent athon County voters sent Socialist Herman A. counties to spread the radical gospel. Mara­ Marth to the state legislature as second district thon, the largest cutover county, had under­ assemblyman. No stranger in Socialist circles, gone a successful transition from lumbering to the Wausau restaurant owner had been a ded­ a more diversified economy emphasizing icated party member since 1911 and was serv­ dairying and wood/paper products manufac­ ing on the party's state executive board at the ture. By World War I, it was not only the most time of his election. Marth ran an uncompro­ mising campaign advocating immediate "Dana Lee Gisselman, "Anti-Radicalism in Wisconsin, peace, freedom of speech, press and assembly, 1917-1919" (master's thesis, University of Wisconsin- opposition to militarism, and traditional So­ Madison, 1969), 46; Cary, "Wisconsin Patriots," 74-75; cialist economic principles. Attacking Marth "Minutes, State Executive Board," February 4, August 4, for his stand, the loyalist press drew the battle 1917; December 31, 1918, in the SPC, MPL; "Minutes of the State Convention," 1916, 1918, in the SPC, MCHS; lines by insisting that "the issue is strictly be­ Milwaukee Leader, November 13, 1917. tween loyalty and disloyalty." And on election

257 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 day, the Republican Wausau Record-Herald farmers by the thousands had "joined the So­ went straight to the point with a reminder that cial Democratic Party, with which, before, they the basic question was "whether the voters had never had the least in common." It is clear want a socialist or an Atnerican to represent that state party leaders regarded it as sympto­ them in the legislature."'** matic of a unique situation which presented When Marth was elected by a handsome "one of the most favorable opportunities for margin of three to one, the local establishment the Socialist programs and for a Socialist vic­ reacted with stunned disbelief. Fulminating tory that [the party had] ever had in this coun­ against a low voter turnout, the Record-Herald try." An internal party memorandum asserted granted that "loyal Americans" could "stand that "what may be expected in Wisconsin, can having a socialist representative . . . if the oth­ best be judged from the result" ofthe Mara­ ers can." Equally unenthusiastic, the Demo­ thon County special election.^' cratic press denied "that the socialist move­ The Marth election was only the beginning. ment had gained any strength." An even more Just as German-American dissatisfaction with worried Milwaukee Journal also downplayed the war was cresting, the untimely death of the result, insisting that "the election ofthe so­ Wilson loyalist Paul Husting in October, 1917, cialist [in Marathon County] was no measure created a vacant seat in the United States Sen­ of war sentiment."'^ ate. Fearful of a Socialist upset. Republican The left reacted differently. An elated So­ Governor Emanuel Philipp favored the ap­ cialist press celebrated Marth's success as evi­ pointment of a successor, a plan unpopular on dence that outstate workers and farmers had the left. Insisting that democracy must prevail, turned for "relief and redemption" to the only most Socialists agreed with the secretary ofthe party that stood against the corporations. The Watertown local who endorsed an election on Milwaukee Socialists maintained that the Mar­ the assumption that "Republicans and Demo­ athon County special election had horrified crats are afraid to let the people vote, knowing both Democratic and Republican legislators, that a Socialist would be elected." When the who feared "that what happened in Wausau legislature refused to grant Philipp's request, would set entire Wisconsin ablaze in the fall he was forced to call a special election.^^ election of 1918." fhe Leader assured the Haunted by doubts about voter attitudes in party faithful that the movement was "forging Wisconsin, superpatriots exerted extreme ahead," as evidenced by the Marathon County measures to thwart Victor Berger's senatorial victory, where the "candidate stood squarely bid. Stalwarts saw a nefarious La Follette plot on the Socialist platform." fhe "Wausau argu­ to unite with "the Berger wing of the Socialist ment" was one that "the beastly politicians can Party, pro-German sympathizers, farmers in understand."^" the Equity movement, and those who are The reverberations from Marathon known to be for peace." Others, especially the County were indeed widespread. Arguing weaker Democrats, pursued the fusion princi­ against a proposed sedition law. Assemblyman ple, but abandoned the effort to unite behind Herman O. Kent cited Marth's election as the one candidate against Berger as "impractica­ type of response voters would make. In Wash­ ble." Both Democrats and Republicans were ington, the Milwaukee Journal's Henry C. concerned over efforts by "the socialistic ele­ Campbell reported that German-American ment" to add the "capital labor issue" in hope of postwar gains. Hoping to advance the can­ didacy of Democrat Joseph Davies, Milwaukee ^'^Record-Herald, February 12, 1918, pp. 1, 4; February 11, 1918, p. 4; Milwaukee Leader, February 13, 1918; Her­ labor lawyer and Wilson loyalist William Ru- man O. Kent, "Herman A. Marth—People's Man," re­ print from the Commonwealth, Marathon County Histori­ ^'"Memorandum," March, 1918, in the Berger Papers, cal Society, in Wausau. See Kent for full details on Marth's SPC, MCHS; Hearings, German-American Alliance, 105; background, the campaigns of 1918, and a sympathetic Gisselman, "Anti-Radicalism in Wisconsin," 102; Margu­ treatment of his legislative record. Marth's own recollec­ lies, Decline ofthe Progressive Movement, 221. tions of the political battles of the era are summarized in ^^"Memorandum," March, 1918, in the Berger Pa­ the Record-Herald, February 10, 1968, p. 11. pers; J. J. Smith to Hoan, October 31, 1917; Philip Lehner ^^Record-Herald, February 13, 1918; Wausau Pilot, Feb­ to Hoan, October 30, 1917; Hoan to Lehner, November 6, ruary 19, 1918; Milwaukee Leader, February 16, 1918. 1917, all in the Hoan papers; Milwaukee Leader, February ^"Milwaukee Leader, February 14, 1918, p. 6; Kent, 14, 1918, p. 3; Cary, "Wisconsin Patriots," 97-99, 109- "Herman A. Marth." 110; Margulies, Decline of the Progressive Movement. 216. 258 LORENCE: SOCIALISM, 1910—1920 bin worked closely with Samuel Gompers to exert pressure on the Wisconsin State Federa­ tion of Labor and the Federated Trades Council of Milwaukee to "do labor's bit in this war ... by voting and working only for those whose platform is primarily loyalty."^''

HE enthusiasm of patriotic citi- TX ' zens sometimes exceeded the bounds of routine campaign work. As the con­ test heated up, Berger supporters encoun­ tered heavy opposition: scarce meeting space, disrupted meetings, arbitrary arrests, prop­ erty destroyed, and mob violence. Finally, in the midst of the campaign, federal officials played a trump card with a well-timed revela­ tion of Berger's earlier indictment under the Espionage Act. With some justification, he an­ grily labeled the government action a "politi­ cal move, pure and simple."^^ Despite sporadic harassment, however, there were indications of farmer support, most notably in overtures made by the Society of Equity, a militant farm organization which Courtesy Milwaukee t^oiuiiv ilistoiical Society initiated a friendly interchange ending in at Victor L. Berger (right) and Eugene V. Debs. least one regional endorsement. Hopes soared on March 30 when the Chicago Tribune pre­ race. A close examination of Marathon dicted a Berger victory, an analysis supported County returns reinforces these findings, re­ by a field poll made by "experienced political vealing a clear connection between German observers." Pundits saw the emergence of a background and Berger support (Table 1). farmer-labor coalition uniting with a strong Moreover, a strong association between Ger­ peace constituency to "endorse the only candi­ man Lutherans and Socialist votes prevailed.-^'' date who is not shouting for a war to the bitter ^'William B. Rubin, Memorandum to Samuel Gom­ end." The experts' conclusion was reinforced pers, March 13, 1918, in tbe William B. Rubin Papers, by the Socialists' own "information from up­ ARC, UWM; "Minutes, Mass Meeting," March 23, 1918; state" which forecast a rural landslide for Don E. Mowry to George KuU, February 3, 1918, in the Berger. Another report from northern and Loyalty Legion Papers. western counties stressed a potential "silent ^••H. C. Peterson and Gilbert C. Fite, Opponents of War, 1917-1918 (Madison, 1957), 164-165; "List of Meetings vote" in such isolated areas as Marinette, Chip­ Broken Up," enclosure with Berger to Emanuel Philipp, pewa, and Langlade counties, where "the cor­ February 19, 1918, in the SPC, MCHS; Cxisselman, "Anti- porations [had] terrorized the citizens."^' Radicalism in Wisconsin," 55; Miller, Victor Berger, 204- 205; V/e'mstein, Decline of Socialism, 168. Socialist hopes proved premature. Though •^'MilwaukeeLeader, April 1,2, March 27, 30, 1918;J. F. Berger ran a strong race, receiving 110,487 of Shaw to Berger, March 7, 1918; Berger to Shaw, March?, 423,343 votes cast, he ran third behind Re­ 1918; John Steinbach to Berger, March 14, 1918, all in the publican victor Irvine Lenroot and Democrat Berger Papers; Gisselman, "Anti-Radicalism in Wiscon­ Joseph Davies. Despite this defeat, Berger's sin," 55; Miller, Victor Berger, 204-205. '•^^David L. Brye, Wisconsin Voting Patterns m the Twenti­ totals reflected growing Socialist strength in eth Century, 1900-1950 (New York, 1979), 266-267; Nel­ most counties, urban and rural; the results son, German-American Political Behavior, 39-^1. For fur­ also reveal that the central and lakeshore Wis­ ther evidence of Berger's inroads into the major party consin counties were most receptive to the vote outstate, see Luebke, Bonds of Loyalty, 294—295; radical appeal. Most analyses confirm a strong Miller, Victor Berger, 205-206; Margulies, Decline of the Progressive Movement, 229-230; David Shannon, "The link between German ethnic background and World, the War, and Wisconsin, 1914-1918," in the His­ Sociahst voting patterns in the 1918 senatorial torical Messenger, 22:53 (March, 1966). 259 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983

TABLE 1 SPECIAL SENATORIAL ELECTION OF 1918: ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS DETERMINANTS IN SELECTED MARATHON COUNTY VOTING UNITS Precinct Per cent Per cent Per cent Per cent German Davies (D) Lenroot (R) Berger (S)

German Lutheran Berlin 98.2 4.7 2.6 92.6 Day 79.3 17.9 25.0 57.1 Hamburg 100.0 2.9 5.2 92.0 Maine 86.2 11.0 11.5 77.5 Rib Falls 91.6 6.2 21.2 72.5 Stettin 93.2 5.8 5.8 88.4 Wausau 84.0 11.2 12.9 75.9 German Catholic Marathon 67.0 28.8 13.5 57.7 Marathon 87.3 30.1 19.5 50.4 (village) Other Catholic Per cent Boihemian , Polish or Irish Cassel (P) 42.6 31.8 27.0 41.2 Emmet (I) 21.4 65.4 17.0 17.6 Mosinee (B) 45.1 44.1 41.2 14.7 Pike Lake (P) 88.6 59.4 38.0 2.6 Reitbrock (P) 46.9 53.9 18.8 27.3 Other Protestant (Includes Norwegian Lu;theran ) Per cent Norwegian/ Native Born Elderson 23.9/28.4 36.8 52.6 10.5 Franzen 29.4/44.1 34.2 59.2 6.6 Source: Wisconsin State Census, 1905; Wausau Record Herald, April 3, 1918,p. 1.

One thing is certain: the election inspired Wisconsin will be as red as Milwaukee new optimism in the Socialist camp. Some be­ County."2' lieved that only the repressive tactics ofthe op­ Acting on this analysis, the party sent Mil­ position had denied Berger victory. Others, waukee comrade Leo Krzycki to Superior, Du­ however, saw the value in martyrdom. Oscar luth, and Minneapolis in the dual role of inves­ Ameringer, for example, found a smoldering tigator and goodwill ambassador. His report resentment among German farmers who re­ was optimistic yet guarded in its recognition of belled against being vilified as "Huns," rising Nonpartisan League strength in north­ "Kaiser-lovers," and "alien enemies." Simi­ western Wisconsin and eastern Minnesota. He larly, the Leader was convinced that "persecu­ correctly noted that the League's previous tion and atrocities" would "give the cause of work as a political action organization among Socialism a boost by turning the hearts of the Minnesota and North Dakota farmers gave it a people away from the autocrats and towards potential edge over the Socialists in future us." For his part, Berger looked to the future, arguing that time, public education, and '^''MilwaukeeLeader, AprilA, 1918, p. 1; April5, 1918, p. stronger organization could only bring ulti­ 6; Ameringer, If You Don't Weaken, 328-329; Miller, Victor Berger, 205; Margulies, Decline of the Progressive Movement, mate victory. Both Berger and the Leader were 229-230; John M. Work, "Autobiography: Glances of My confident that "one more defeat like this and Life," p. 15, in thejohn M. Work Papers, ARC, UWM.

260 LORENCE; SOCIALISM, 1910—1920 efforts to organize Wisconsin farmers. Kr- zycki's realistic assessment of rural opportuni­ ties set the stage for a debate over farm issues that provided the major fireworks at the party convention in Milwaukee in June, 1918. Pro­ longed argument centered on a resolutions committee recommendation to establish a spe­ cial committee to explore the "scope, aims, and intentions" of the Nonpartisan League. Discussion focused on the party's failure to make greater gains in rural districts or at least to keep pace with the League. Berger's success notwithstanding, many believed that a better record was possible, and that the Nonparti­ sans had gone a good distance on essentially Socialist principles. The end result was the ap­ pointment of a special delegation, composed of Berger, Ameringer, and John Severin of Sheboygan, charged with responsibility for se­ curing information and possible cooperation from Nonpartisan League officials in St. Paul.28 Equally significant was the prevailing opti­ mism at the Milwaukee gathering. Sensitive to the "grave importance" ofthe hour, the Leader charged the delegates to help shape the peace Courtesy Milwaulcee County Historical Society and move towards a socialized world. The first Leo Krzycki. step was to "win Wisconsin for socialism" by building on the impressive Berger vote the cator will say," Philipp urged county farmers previous spring. Continuing progress in rural not to vote Socialist unless they "were willing districts was vital for the final victory, the to give up their farms to the state." The first Leader believed, and it gave increasing edito­ hint of the farmers' answers came in Septem­ rial attention to farm problems. The party's ber when Calumet gave 414 primary votes to demand for free speech, free press, and the Socialist gubernatorial candidate Emil Seidel, right of assembly also merited special com­ a dramatic increase over the 10 received by So­ ment: since the Socialist party was now the cialist Rae Weaver two years earlier. Seidel "only party which [stood] for democracy," it captured over 30 per cent of all primary votes followed that the farmer, if he wanted "genu­ cast in the county. And party hopes soared as ine democracy," should "stand by the Socialist he doubled Weaver's 1916 statewide total. Party."29 Significantly, more than half of the new votes As the September primary election drew for socialism came from precincts outside near, it became evident that knowledgeable Milwaukee County.^'' politicians of all parties were seriously con­ These returns fueled the optimism that had cerned about the radical inroads in rural pre­ prevailed in party ranks since the spring sena­ cincts. Typical was the behavior of Governor torial race. The outstate totals encouraged Philipp in Calumet County, where Socialist Berger to predict success not only in Milwau­ strength was growing rapidly. Charging that kee, but also in several other congressional dis- "there isn't any limit to what a political prevari- 'Ofttd., August27, 1918, p. 6; September 14, 1918,p. 1. Similar gains in the gubernatorial race were recorded in '^^Milwaukee Leader, March 5, 1918, p. 6; May 7, 1918, Marathon and Sheboygan counties, where totals were p. 2; June 17, 1918, p. 1; "Minutes of the State Conven­ four times the 1916 figures. Even more dramatic was the tion," 1918, SPC, MCHS. increase in Washington County from a 1916 total of 11 ^^Milwaukee Leader, June 15, 1918, p. 6; August 22, votes to 353 in 1918. Milwaukee Leader, September 13, 1918, p. 6. 1918. 261 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 tricts. An interesting innovation occurred in of protest." Further analysis confirms this the Eighth District of north central Wisconsin, judgment. Seidel's strength tended to follow where transplanted Milwaukeean Leo Krzycki the German-American belt up the lakeshore ran for a House seat. During his sojourn as and into central Wisconsin. In pivotal Mara­ congressional candidate in central Wisconsin, thon County, the Socialist candidates consist­ Comrade Krzycki doubled as field contact for ently did best in the German townships (Table the party in the Eighth District—a responsibil­ 2). Religion was again an important secondary ity that was especially important since chief ru­ force in the Socialists' stronghold, as Luther­ ral organizer Oscar Ameringer was engaged ans rewarded Seidel with their votes, while in a bid for the Second District seat.-" Catholics, perhaps influenced by the Church's But the Socialist challenge encountered un­ clear anti-Socialist position, supported alter­ anticipated problems. One week before the native candidates. Similar patterns prevailed election, indictments on Espionage Act con­ in the assembly races won by Socialists Her­ spiracy charges against Krzycki, Ameringer, man Marth and Charles Zarnke, as well as in and Berger brought home once more the awe­ George Lippert's successful campaign for dis­ some power of the federal government. It is trict attorney.^^ difficult to disagree with Ameringer's asser­ Alongside the ethnic and religious factors in tion that the indictments were baldly political, the 1918 uprising. Socialists finally captured designed to destroy the election hopes of those affected. They clearly indicated the political ^'For discussion of Krzycki's career as a Socialist activ­ problems created for dissidents by the ist and labor leader, see Eugene Miller, "Leo Krzycki, emotion-charged climate of wartime.'^^ Polish-American Labor Leader," in Polish-American Nevertheless, the election results were dra­ Studies, 33:52-64 (Autumn, 1976); Donald Pienkos, "Poli­ matic. Socialists recorded decisive victories in tics, Religion, and Change in Polish Milwaukee, 1900- 1930," in the Wisconsin Magazine of Htston, 51:192-193 several areas ofthe state. Their representation (Spring, 1978). in the state legislature increased from thirteen •''^Stevens, "Suppression of Dissent," 247; Ameringer, to twenty-two, and included five assemblymen If You Don't Weaken, 340—341; Milwaukee Leader, October and one senator from districts outside Mil­ 28, 1918, pp. 1,8; October 29, 1918, pp. 1, 6. See also waukee County. Similarly, Socialist guberna­ Miller, Victor Berger, 206. ^^Milwaukee Leader, November 6, 1918, pp. 1-3, 10; torial candidate Emil Seidel surpassed the par­ November 23, 1918, p. 1; Olson, "Milwaukee Socialists," ty's 1916 totals outstate, while Democratic 380; Weinstein, Decline of Socialism, 169; Velicer, "Manito­ strength declined. Seidel was especially suc­ woc Socialists," 32-35; Klueter and Lorence, Woodlot and cessful in Sheboygan, Calumet, Manitowoc, Ballot Box, 277-278. Marathon, Dodge, and Washington coun­ •'"•Luebke, Bonds of Loyalty, 299—302; Nelson, Gemuin- American Political Behavior, 49-50; Olson, "Milwaukee ties—areas that also provided significant legis­ Socialists," 380; Velicer, "Manitowoc Socialists," 34-35. lative victories. Finally, in some lakeshore and Seidel's 17.3 per cent of the total vote marked the greatest central Wisconsin locations, successful county percentage ever achieved by a Socialist gubernatorial can­ tickets reflected Socialist support at the grass didate in Wisconsin. Brye, Wisconsin Voting Patterns, 372- roots level. Socialist campaigners made 373. Behavioral analysis of the 1918and 1920 election re­ turns for Marathon and Manitowoc counties indicates a marked progress in Sheboygan County, but positive correlation between German Lutheran voting once again their greatest achievements were in units and voter support for Socialist candidates. Religion Marathon County, where they made a clean was an important, though secondary, predictor of Socialist sweep of county offices.•^'' voting patterns, particularly in Marathon Onmty. An ex­ amination of Emil Seidel's 1918 gubernatorial bid reveals a definite, though subordinate, relationship between farm/farm-laborer votes and socialism in the sample OST studies agree that the counties. It is also clear that the response ofthe farm con­ stituency was more intense in Marathon County than in M'gain s of 1918 represented Manitowoc County, where labor support for socialism was clear sympathy for the Socialist opposition to more evident. It is important to note, however, that in the war and respect for the courage ofthe be­ both elections and for both counties, German background leaguered party leadership. Between 1916 was the key determinant of voting Socialist. In sum, ethnic forces reveal more about radical electoral success than and 1918 German-American loyalty to the class consciousness. James J. Lorence, "Socialism in Democratic party had withered. It is also clear Northern Wisconsin, 1910-1920: An Ethno-Cultural that "the Socialists rather than the Republi­ Analysis," in Mid-America, 64:35-36, 43-45 (October, cans represented the more distinctive symbol 1982).

262 LORENCE: SOCIALISM, 1910-1920

What Lippert regarded as natural, however, had been nothing of the kind. Successful politi­ cal campaigns were based on grass roots orga­ nization, and much remained to be done. Ameringer understood that the Nonpartisan League had succeeded in organizing the farmers in other states, and that Wisconsin So­ Jb cialists were only beginning. While Ameringer hoped for cooperation with the League, Berger was less interested. Discounting the "nonpartisan" concept, he argued that as "partisans—against the capitalists," the Lea­ guers should simply "belong to the Socialist Party" if they wanted to be "honest and consist­ ent." For their part, the Leaguers felt that they could not be "out-and-out Socialistic because that would antagonize many . . . members." Moreover, the League complained of Socialist insistence upon party independence and un­ ^-- willingness to merge with other political entit­ ies.^'' Such attitudes did not bode well for the attempts at cooperation that sporadically oc­ curred between 1918 and 1920. Yet advocates of a coalition were nothing if not persistent. In the wake of the Socialist vic­ tories of 1918, League Secretary H.C. Teigan noted that the "Red element" would now enjoy "considerable influence in Madison and that farmers would also be "better represented Charles Zarnke. Wlli (X:i) 39607 some of the farmers they had courted for so •'"'Henry C:. Teigan, "The League in Operation," chap­ long. Several of the successful candidates had ter 3, in the Henry C:. Teigan Papers, microfilm copy in the Minnesota Historical Society; Albert Schnabel to been selected with an eye to the farm vote. Sen­ Arnold Peterson, June 17, 1918, in the Socialist Labor ator Henry Kleist of Manitowoc and Calumet Party Papers; "Proceedings of Twelfth Annual Conven­ counties was a farmer with a long record of ac­ tion, American Society of Equity (Wisconsin State Union), tivity in the American Society of Equity and December 4-5, 1917, pp. 211-214, in the Wisconsin Soci­ ety of Equity Papers, SHSW. Milwaukee Leader, June 17, Farmer Advancement Association. Likewise, 1918, p. 3; June 19, 1918, p. 1. For a summary of the Non­ Assemblyman Herman Roethal of Kiel had a partisan League's founding, see Robert L. Morlan, Politi­ background in agriculture, including the oper­ cal Prairie Fire: The Nonpartisan League, 1915-1922 (Min­ ation of his own farm until 1914. And Herman neapolis, 1953), Chapters 1, 2. See also Nathan ¥\ne. Labor Marth's new colleague, Charles Zarnke, owned and Farmer Parties m the United States, 1828—1928 (New York, 1928), 368-371. As early as 1917, the Socialist party and operated a farm in the Marathon County of the United States had commissioned John Spargo to town of Fleith. In short, Socialists extended a conduct a review of League activities and to prepare a re­ hand to the farmer, and the voters responded. port for the National Executive Committee. Spargo's rec­ The victorious Lippert proudly concluded ommendation, presented to the St. Louis convention, was that, "sick and tired of unkept promises," the "to permit every state organization to deal with the prob­ lem in its own way." John Spargo, "Report ofthe Nonpar­ farmers "did what was natural."^'' tisan League of North Dakota and Variotis Other States," 1917, in the Seidel Papers, MPL. Rejecting the path of ^^George W. Lippert, "Socialist Marathon C^ounty Vic­ compromise, however, the delegates adopted a stronger tory Shows Party Growth," in Milwaukee Leader, Novem­ resolution urging state units "to remember that to fuse or ber 23, 1918, p. 10; Velicer, "Manitowoc Socialists," 3.3- to compromise is to be swallowed up and utterly de­ 34. For full coverage of the continuing appeal made to stroyed." The overriding goal was "to maintain the revo­ farmers in Marathon County, see Kent, "Herman A. lutionary position of the Socialist Party." "Report of the Marth," 1-2; Klueter and Lorence, Woodlot and Ballot Box, Resolutions Committee," 1917 War Crisis File, in the 278. Seidel Papers, MPL.

263 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983

TABLE 2 GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION OF NOVEMBER, 1918: ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS DETERMINANTS IN SELECTED MARATHON COUNTY VOTING UNITS

Precinct Per cent Per cent Per cent Per cent Per cent German Muehlenpah (D) Dean(P) Philipp (R) Seidel (S)

German I Lutheran Berlin 98.2 1.3 0.0 13.7 85.0 Day 79.3 28.7 2.5 16.4 52.5 Hamburg 100.0 1.8 0.0 8.4 89.8 Maine 86.2 4.0 0.0 22.0 74.0 Rib Falls 91.6 5.2 .6 29.0 65.2 Stettin 93.2 3.7 .5 13.4 82.4 Wausau 84.0 7.1 0.0 33. 59.7 German Catholic Marathon 67.0 29.1 0.0 24.4 46.5 Marathon 87.3 34.0 1.0 36.1 28.9 (village) Other Catholic Per cent PolishI , Bohemian or I rish Cassel (P) 42.6 38.6 0.0 24.4 37.0 Emmet (I) 21.4 57.4 0.0 25.2 17.4 Mosinee (B) 45.1 48.1 1.3 44.2 6.5 Pike Lake (P) 76.0 .6 22.2 1.2 Reitbrock (P) 46.9 20.2 1.7 46.2 31.9 Other Protestant Per cent Norwegian/ Native Born Elderon 23.9/28.4 29.5 0.0 42.6 27.9 Franzen 29.4/44.1 39.2 0.0 52.9 7.8 Source: Wisconsin State Census, 1905; Wisconsin Blue Book, 1919, pp. 127-138. Note: In 1918, Beventand Reid townships were created from Pike Lake. For analytical purposes, returns are recorded under the Pike Lake voter unit. than at previous sessions," a situation which OMPETITION replaced coop­ would "mean much" to the working man's c eration, however, when the cause. Within a month the League authorized League attempted to carve out a piece of the F. H. Shoemaker, one of its best Wisconsin or­ radical action in the Socialists' Marathon ganizers, to accept a position as state manager County staging area. A worried Louis Pauls of for the Socialist party. In retrospect, it is quite Schofield appealed to the state executive board evident that both League President A. C. for an interpretation of Shoemaker's claim that Townley and Teigan favored cooperation out he was working for the party. Alarmed at the of self-interest: as an opening wedge for their own Wisconsin organizational effort. It is also '''Teigan to W. C. Zumach, December 24, 1918; F. H. likely that the Nonpartisan League hoped to Shoemaker to Teigan, December 21, 1918; Teigan to establish the groundwork for a labor party Shoemaker, November 12, 1918, all in the National Non­ movement that would make it "a cinch that the partisan League Papers, microfilm copy in the Minnesota League and the Reds will be able to get to­ Historical Society. League overtures to the Wisconsin So­ cialists at this time may be understood in the context of its gether in 1920," united behind Socialist Dan intention to launch a worker's Nonpartisan League that Hoan's gubernatorial candidacy.^' would become the political arm of the labor movement. It,

264 LORENCE: SOCIALISM, 1910-1920 obvious encroachment, the board fired off a Teigan, who claimed to be a proponent of sharp denial. On ant:)ther level, the state party an alliance with the Socialists, agreed with Zu­ moved to counter the Nonpartisan initiative mach that "some understanding" would have with a new farm effort of its own. Headed by to be reached concerning the "League-Socialist Ameringer's son Siegfried, the rural drive of difficulties in Wisconsin." He acknowledged 1919 was calculated to shore up the outstate that it was natural that the Marathon County troops for resistance to the lure of a competing "Reds" felt that the League "had no right to in­ radicalism.^** Most important was a renewal of vade that particular territory," which Socialists organizational work in isolated rural districts, had only carried the previous fall. Apparently aided by local recruiters. Lippert, for example, ready to defer to the Sociahsts in already orga­ journeyed to Shawano County, where nized areas, Teigan called for a "reconcilia­ "farmers drove from great distances" to hear tion," so that a "Labor or Farmer-Labor Party him expound on Socialist economics. A warm could be organized.'"" reception encouraged state leaders in their be­ Zumach's solution was a meeting ofthe con­ lief that Shawano was "showing strong tenden­ tending groups, an idea Teigan also endorsed cies toward organizing Socialist forces." By ed­ from his headquarters in St. Paul. Unfortu­ ucation and by example the message could be nately the "tension" in Marathon County be­ brought home, all that was needed was the came "more aggravated." What in fact had oc­ "kind of live hustling as the comrades [were] curred was that the Socialists had declared engaged in."^^ open war. Additional organizers from Milwau­ In view of the rapid deterioration of rela­ kee appeared in Wausau to carry on the fight. tions with the Nonpartisan League, only a full Before long, county Nonpartisan League scale Socialist offensive would suffice. And members became "dissatisfied" enough to can­ Marathon County emerged as the central bat­ cel memberships in large numbers, and it was tleground when the aggressive George Lippert clear that the "Red organizers [had] talked touched off a complicated struggle with a com­ them into resigning."'*''^ Reinforcing the out- plaint to his Milwaukee comrade. State Senator state comrades, the state executive board chose W. C. Zumach. Defending his home turf, Lip­ this moment to restate its standing policy pert attacked Shoemaker and the League for against amalgamation with other political or­ disrupting the "intensive organizing cam­ ganizations. Similarly, Dan Hoan mounted an paign" of the Marathon County "Reds." Zu­ effort to aid Siegfried Ameringer in devising mach, whose overriding goal was to bring novel means for the dissemination of the par­ about a farmer-labor coalition based on Social­ ty's record in rural, small-town districts. By ist cooperation with the League, now urged April a new hard line had been taken towards Teigan to "keep League organizers out of cer­ potential allies who were perceived as the en­ tain counties, until we have a definite under­ emy.''^ standing of what future policy will be.'""' The choice made by the Socialists was a sharp blow to the League's hopes in central in turn, evolved into the movement towards a national la­ bor party in 1920. Morlan, Political Prairie Fire, 262-263; Wisconsin. With no less than ten organizers in 279-280. For comment on the League's activity in Wis­ Marathon County alone, the "Reds" captured consin, see Margulies, Decline of the Progressive Movement, the "class conscious farmers" who were, in 250-251; Theodore Saloutos, "The Expansion and De­ cline of the Nonpartisan League in the Western Middle •""Zumach to Teigan, February 18, 1919, National West, 1917-1921," in Agricultural History, 20: 242, 246- Nonpartisan League Papers. Shoemaker was convinced 249 (October, 1946). Saloutos and Margulies treat the that Lippert and Siegfried Ameringer were angry at him Wisconsin League as an extension of La Follette progres­ "for not quitting the League and going out peddling sivism rather than as an independent force. Berger's papers." Shoemaker to Teigan, February 19, '"'Shoemaker was actively organizing for the Nonparti­ 1919, in the National Nonpartisan League Papers. san League in Marathon County, where he told potential ""Teigan to Zumach, March 1, 1919; Teigan to Shoe­ recruits that the State Executive Committee had autho­ maker, February 27, 1919; Zumach to Teigan, February rized him to bring Socialist party members into the 18, 1919, all in the National Nonpartisan League Papers. League. "Minutes, State Executive Board," February 13, ''^Shoemaker to Teigan, March 31, 1919; Zumach to 1919, SPC, MPL. The Socialists' response to the Nonparti­ Teigan, March 14, 1919; both in the National Nonparti­ san challenge is briefly discussed in Olson, "Milwaukee So­ san League Papers. cialists," 402. •"Hoan to Siegfried Ameringer, March 31, 1919, in •'"Lippert to Hoan, March 11, 14, 17, 1919; Hoan to the Hoan Papers; "Minutes ofthe State Executive Board," Lippert, March 13, 1919, all in the Hoan Papers. March 24, 1919, SPC, MPL.

265 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983

Courtesy Milwaukee County 1 listorical Society

In 1920 the Socialists held their annual state convention in Wausau man effort to reach deeper into the slate's rural areas.

Courtesy Milwaukee County Historical Society LORENCE: SOCIALISM, 1910-1920

Shoemaker's words, "just the ones we need to League proved elusive. Although prospects have." A discouraged H. C. Teigan could only for an aUiance faded rapidly, the perennial op­ plead with Zumach for an "understanding . . . timist, W. C. Zumach, remained bent on con­ with the Milwaukee bunch." In so doing, he summating a farmer-labor union. In pursuit of cited the League's record of endorsing Social­ this elusive goal, the Milwaukee Senator en­ ists in Minnesota and urged that Nonpartisan joyed the support of the crafty H. C. Teigan, organization of farmers in Sheboygan, Manito­ who was single-minded in his loyalty to the woc, Calumet, and Marathon counties "would League's interests. Undaunted by the long result in no harm whatsoever to the Socialist odds, Zumach told his Minnesota collaborator Party."44 that the Milwaukee Sociahsts were ready for a Moving to exploit their strength, the Social­ radical-liberal aUiance. Neither, however, had ists intensified their efforts. When a mass meet­ adequately understood the attitude and in­ ing protesting the imprisonment of Eugene fluence of Victor Berger. Not only did Berger Debs and Kate Richards O'Hare for wartime agree with the party line that the League was "disloyalty" was held in Wausau, eight state or­ "bourgeoisie" and excessively pragmatic in the ganizers held rural meetings in Colby and Hal- political alliances it made, but he was enraged sey, where they found "enthusiasm among the by the votes of two League congressmen farmers." And as always, the Marathon com­ against seating him in Congress. It was not en­ rades continued to preach the gospel in adja­ tirely a surprise, therefore, when the much- cent central Wisconsin areas. In July, for exam­ heralded peace conference never achieved its ple, speeches by Lippert and a colleague "were goal of cementing a League-Socialist alliance.'" instrumental in organizing" two new rural lo­ But others pursued the goal of farmer-labor cals in Wood County.'"' political unity. The State Federation of Labor The capstone of the 1919 rural organiza­ and farmers' Equity were cautiously trying to tional campaign came in June when a statewide stitch together a workable coalition. The Socialist farm conference convened in American Society of Equity, Wisconsin Union, Wausau. Designed to dramatize the Socialist had long identified with the La Follette wing of commitment to agricultural concerns, the pro­ the state Republican party. Its historic support gram adopted at the conference endorsed the for Progressivism made Equity an improbable party's national farm platform, with particular candidate for effective cooperation with the emphasis on the crucial "use and occupancy Socialist party. Nonetheless, in response to a principle." Moving to state concerns, the body proposal by AF of L representative Henry Ohl pledged itself to support a state bank, rural at its state convention, Equity resolved to meet electrification, tax exemptions for farm prop­ with Federation leaders to "work out a prelimi­ erty, public health programs, and expansion of nary program for closer cooperation with la­ vocational education. Throughout the sum­ bor." The Federation followed up with a pro­ mer, the Leader reminded agriculturalists of posal that Equity, the Socialists, the Committee their exploitation, prescribing socialism as the of Forty-Eight and the Nonpartisan League remedy that would allow the farmer to "get the send representatives to a meeting that would benefit of his own labor" and reach a "para­ "unite all progressive forces for beneficial legis­ dise" in place of his "present condition of unre­ lation."*** mitting toil.'""' Following the conference and despite mu­ Despite the Utopian rhetoric and a super­ tual suspicions, the proposed coalition seemed ficial commitment to a farmer-labor coalition, full cooperation between the Socialists and the •"Olson, "Milwaukee Socialists," 403; Saloutos, "Ex­ pansion and Decline of the Nonpartisan League," 246- '"''Teigan to Zumach, April 25, 1919; Teigan to Shoe­ 247; Zumach to Teigan, October 9, 15, 1919; Teigan to maker, April 10, 1919; Shoemaker to Teigan, April 8, Zumach, October 13, 23, 30, 1919, both in the National 1919, all in the National Nonpartisan League Papers. Nonpartisan League Papers. ••^Lippert to Hoan, June 20, 1919; Louis Arnold to "•^Wisconsin State Federation of Labor, "Minutes of Hoan, July 30, 1919, both in the Hoan Papers; Milwaukee the Executive Board," January 16,21, 1920, ARC, UWM; Leader,May 12, 1919, p. 3. Socialist Party of Wisconsin, "Minutes of the Executive ^'^Milwaukee Leader, August 19, 1919, p. 10; July 19, Board," January 29, 1920, SPC, MPL; American Society 1919, p. 14; "Farm Platform adopted by Socialist Farm of Equity (Wisconsin Union), Proceedings, December 18— Conference in Wausau," June 9, 10, n.d. (in 1919 file), 22, 1919, pp. 436, 440, in the Wisconsin Society of Equity SPC, MCHS. Papers. 267 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 to take shape. Federation Secretary J.J. elected in Rhinelander, together with the par­ Handley reported that the conference had ty's aldermanic slate. And farther to the east, been successful and that Berger and the Social­ Sheboygan and Manitowoc comrades suc­ ists appeared to be less antagonistic. This as­ ceeded in electing eight and four city officials, sessment reflected the aspiration of both Ohl respectively. Less encouraging was the fate of and Handley, whose own involvement in Mil­ party warhorse Martin Georgensen, who waukee socialism had helped shape the direc­ failed in his Manitowoc mayoral bid by eighty- tion taken by the State Federation. Their four votes. Moreover, five Socialist aspirants, awareness of Milwaukee's importance to the including the party's mayoral candidate, outstate comrades further explains labor's op­ failed to win office in Two Rivers. Despite the timism in the face of formidable obstacles. De­ generally inconclusive returns, an upbeat spite these impediments, hopes for farmer- Leader editorial chided the opposition after labor unity soared when the parties finally the tally was in: "Oh, we're coming. The state reached a shaky accord. By summer a joint of Wisconsin is going to be ours one of these platform had been developed, printed, and days."^' paid for by the participating groups, no small Little encouragement could be drawn from achievement given the obstacles faced.^^ the experience of Herman Marth, who put his newly won prestige on the line and lost in a hotly contested mayoral race. While Socialists had long been vilified in Wausau, the munici­ S the September primary ap­ pal elections provided the backdrop for a par­ A-'proached , the coalition began ticularly vicious attack. The assault began with to crack. The tireless Zumach and his Socialist "The Truth," a broadside published "in the in­ brethren urged La Follette to support Socialist terest of decency in city administration." Cir­ labor leader Frank J. Weber for the United culated by a "citizens' committee" just before States Senate, but the Progressive patriarch the election, the leaflet scored Marathon had selected his own man for the Lenroot seat. County Socialists for allegedly hiring Minne­ Further complicating the situation. Equity apolis private detectives at unwarranted pub­ President J. N. Tittemore was hostile to the lic expense to investigate gambling activities. Nonpartisans, whose efforts undermined his The anti-Socialist onslaught coincided with a own political aspirations. With Berger sniping well-orchestrated campaign for a nonpartisan at the La Follette faction, Tittemore undercut­ ticket that promised "business" rather than ting the League, and La Follette himself suspi­ "politics" in city government. In view of the cious of both, little could be achieved. Zumach forces marshaled against him, Marth's loss by believed that failure was ensured because "the a scant 246 votes constituted a creditable Wisconsin Socialist organization is too well- showing. To the conservative press, however, organized and too powerful to be swallowed the result represented "a turning point to­ up."5" wards better things" after "a period of mistake The electoral successes of 1918 were not making."^^ duplicated in 1920. Municipal races in the Undaunted, the party moved ahead with spring produced a mixed result. On the bright plans to underscore the statewide appeal of side, a new Socialist mayor, Sam Perinier, was Socialism by holding its state convention in Wausau. It was a logical choice and a calcu­ ••^Wisconsin State Federation of Labor, "Minutes of the Executive Board," June 4, March 7, 1920; Teigan to lated decision, one which emphasized the par­ Zumach, July 19,27, 1920, both in the Teigan Papers. For ty's commitment to broadening its base evidence ofthe lingering tension between the League and through rural outreach. Even the platform both Equity and the Socialists, see Zumach to Teigan, Jan­ discussion reflected attentiveness to rural con- uary 5, 1920, in the Teigan Papers; American Society of Equity (Wisconsin Union), "Minutes of the Executive '^Milwaukee Leader, April b, 1919, p. 14; April 2, 1919, Board,"January 12, 1920; February 10, 1920, in the Wis­ p. 1; Edward Deu.ss to Victor Berger, January 12, 1919, consin Society of Equity Papers. SPC, MCHS; Velicer, "Manitowoc Socialists," 36-37; S. G. '"Zumach to Teigan, October 23, 1920, in the Teigan Perinier to Hoan, April 7, 1920, in the Hoan Papers. Papers; Saloutos, "Expansion and Decline ofthe Nonpar­ '^^Record-Herald, April 7, 1920, pp. 4, 1; April 6, 1920, tisan League," 247-248; Olson, "Milwaukee Socialists," p. 4; Klueter and Lorence, Woodlot and Ballot Box, 281- 404—405; Margulies, Decline of the Progressive Movement, 283; "The Truth," in the Marathon County Historical So­ 259-260. ciety, Wausau. 268 LORENCE: SOCIALISM, 1910—1920 cerns. While renewed stress was placed tjn the traditional Socialist position in support of public ownership, a farm statement by Lippert spoke directly to the rural constituency. The Marathon County district attorney carefully pointed out that the platform "does not in­ clude the government ownership of farms," nor was there any "intention to make the pro­ gram more extensive." His remarks were a tes­ timony to farmers' fears and Socialist oppor­ tunism. "As right wing Socialists," Lippert argued, Wisconsin comrades believed in "the proper education of the people before the government takes ownership into its own hands."'^ His evasion of the basic issue reflected the Socialist dilemma in rural Wis­ consin: could landholders be committed radi­ cals? Confronted by a full scale assault in the 1920 campaign, the weakened Socialists re­ sponded gamely. In outstate areas, special lit­ erature rehearsed the arguments that had been developed over a decade of work on the rural hustings. Farmers were told that "in or­ ganization there is strength" and that through intelligent voting, "the working men and farmers" would "come into their own." All that was needed to set Wisconsin right was for the common people to "vote right, according to . . . conviction and conscience.""''' Hoping to improve Socialist chances, a few diehard co­ alitionists moved to revive the idea of coopera­ tion with the Nonpartisan League. After the September primary, Zumach approached Tom Duncan, Hoan's secretary, with a scheme to ensure radical-liberal control of the state VVIli(X3) 39609 senate through League support for Socialist Victor Berger (right) and Emil Seidel in a discussion with two candidates in selected rural districts where the unidentified men. League had no candidates. On its own initia­ When the returns were tallied, there was lit­ tive, the League instructed its members to "get tle cause for celebration in the Socialist camp. behind the Socialist candidates" for senate and In reliable Marathon County, the ticket was assembly in Wood and Clark counties. A simi­ doomed. The Socialists' strong records on la­ lar arrangement emerged in Sheboygan bor and agricultural issues counted for little County, where Nonpartisans were "confident with the majority of voters, who were more im­ that the Socialist candidate will be elected." pressed by anti-radical tactics and charges of Other districts in which Leaguers lined up economic and social adventurism. In the lake- with Socialists included Langlade, Manitowoc, shore stronghold of Manitowoc County the and Calumet counties.^^ results were equally discouraging. All Socialist senate and assembly candidates, including two 53Pi/o(, June 22, 1920; Record-Herald, ]une 21, 1920; incumbents, went down to defeat. The new Klueter and Lorence, Woodlot and Ballot Box, 283. legislature reflected an altered political bal­ ''''Read! Think! Act!!! Some Facts Farmers Should Know ance. While Socialist representation in the sen­ (1920), SPC, MCT4S. For further comment on the major ate remained stable at four, the party's assem­ party propaganda barrage against Socialists, see Klueter and Lorence, Woodlot and Ballot Box, 284-287. bly contingent dropped from sixteen to six. 269 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983

With the exception of Manitowoc's Henry sives were delighted to have vanquished the Kleist, whose term was not up until 1922, the radicals. Will Kiel, a Blaine man in Two Riv­ Socialist caucus was now a Milwaukee County ers, wrote the governor-elect to celebrate "the delegation. Yet a further index of radical de­ monstrous big plurality" given him, even in a cline may be found in the shrinkage of the So­ town which had "oft times gone Socialistic." cialist gubernatorial vote from a high of 17.3 Similarly, Marathon County liberal George per cent in 1918 to a more modest 10.3 in Leicht proudly announced to Blaine that Mar­ 1920.56 athon County Progressives had "wiped the So­ While it is true that the white heat of war­ cialists and Democrats off the map.'"'^ time politics had moderated, there was evi­ This was exaggeration, to be sure; yet it was dence of residual Socialist strength in some also a forecast of politics to come, as outstate outstate areas. The legislative defeats of 1920 Socialist voters began to shift their support to notwithstanding, it appears that substantial the Wisconsin Progressives in the 1920's. So­ protest voting continued to occur in the cialism as a vibrant statewide phenomenon former Socialist strongholds. Close examina­ was finished. tion of selected returns reveals that the ethnic voting patterns of 1918, though weaker, per­ sisted in 1920, with the strongest Socialist vote cast in German districts. In fact, nineteen of GAINST great odds and despite the top twenty-one Social Democratic voter A'th e skepticism of revolutionists units outside of Milwaukee County in 1920 in the party, Wisconsin produced a significant were German districts.^' Socialist percentages Socialist vote in the state's small cities and in typical Marathon County German voter farming areas between 1916 and 1920. Ger­ units reflected substantial strength in such ar­ man ethnic background was the primary de­ eas (Table 3). Likewise, Eugene Debs received terminant of Socialist voting patterns in these a substantial anti-war vote in Manitowoc locales. Moreover, Lutheranism and farm oc­ County, where his martyrdom in the cause of cupations were important secondary factors in free speech drew a sympathetic response. explaining radical political behavior. While gaining only 11 per cent of the statewide In the halcyon years the outstate propo­ vote, the aging radical leader received 21 per nents of radical politics surprised many ob­ cent and 23 per cent, respectively, in these two servers with their skill and resourcefulness. Socialist outposts.5** The bitter memory ofthe Under the stimulus of war and domestic re­ wartime "terror" died hard in the hinterlands. pression, a German ethnic movement e- merged in the central Wisconsin heartland For the Republicans the 1920 results and lakeshore extension of das Deutschtum. marked the beginnings of a major political ad­ German support was at once the strength and justment in Wisconsin, as a new Progressive the weakness of outstate Socialism; it provided farmer-labor coalition was born. A significant a stable political base for a brief time, but it also number of formerly Democratic German vot­ limited the constituency that might be drawn ers cast their ballots for Harding and Blaine. to the new politics because German votes were In the 1922 and 1924 campaigns they trans­ cast against the war and the domestic repres­ ferred their anti-war ballots from the declin­ sion in opposition to the tide of public opinion. ing Socialists to the rejuvenated La Follette Progressives. Without a doubt, the Progres- Although the voter response was remark­ able during the war, the party's organizational base remained limited. The structure was =^Zumach to Thomas Duncan, September 25, October dominated by a few prominent figures, and 5, 1920, both in the Berger Papers. For evidence of Berger's intransigence in resisting coalition with major party membership was never large. While party candidates, see Milwaukee Leader, October 12, 1920, farmers and laborers voted the Socialist party cited in Nelson, German-American Political Behavior, 103. ticket, it appears that a substantial class-based ^''Brye, Wisconsin Voting Patterns, 372, 375; Velicer, "Manitowoc Socialists," 44, 46; Klueter and Lorence, '"George Leicht to Blaine, November 17, 1920; Will WoodlotandBallotBox, 286-287; WisconsinBlueBook, 1918, Kiel to Blaine, November 3, 1920, both in the John J. pp. 158-163; 1920, pp. 186-187,224,231. Blaine Papers, SHSW; Nelson, German-American Political ^'Brye, Wisconsin Voting Patterns, 267-269. Behavior, 59-60; Klueter and Lorence, Woodlot and Ballot ^^Velicer, "Manitowoc Socialists," 44; Luebke, Bonds of Box, 286-287; Margulies, Decline of the Progressive Move­ Loyalty, 326. ment, 281. 270 LORENCE: SOCIALISM, 1910-1920

TABLE 3 GUBERNATORIAL/PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1920: ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS DETERMINANTS IN SELECTED MARATHON COUNTY VOTING UNITS

Precinct Per cent Per cent Percent Per cent Per cent German Cox/McCoy Tubbs (P) Harding/ Debs/ (D) Watkins Plainer (R) Coleman (S)

German Lutheran Berlin 98.2 0.0/1.3 0/0 46.2/33.1 53.8/65.6 Day 79.3 3.0/12.6 .4/.4 73.4/62.5 23.2/24.5 Hamburg 100.0 .9/1.3 .5/.4 45.4/31.7 53.2/66.5 Maine 86.2 3.4/14.8 9/.6 48.5/33.2 48.2/51.4 Rib Falls 91.6 3.2/9.8 0/0 68.5/49.2 28.3/41.0 Stettin 93.2 2.3/11.7 .3/0 54.8/42.3 42.6/45.9 Wausau 84.0 6.0/13.9 .4/0 75.5/67.0 17.9/19.1 German Catholic Marathon 67.0 16.0/20.1 1.7/.9 70.1/67.2 12.1/11.8 Marathon 87.3 19.4/38.8 0/0 68.2/46.8 12.4/14.3 (village) Other Catholic Percent Polish, Irish or Bohemian Cassel (P) 42.6 38.9/46.8 .4/0 55.8/47.1 4.9/6.1 Emmet (I) 21.4 28.3/41.9 1.6/.4 66.4/53.9 3.6/3.7 Mosinee (B) 45.1 17.5/22.9 0.0/.6 78.7/69.4 3.7/7.0 Pike Lake (P) 88.6 48.7/49.4 .4/.9 39.7/39.8 11.1/10.0 Reitbrock (P) 46.9 11.8/28.5 .4/0 74.8/59.8 13.0/11.7

Other Protestant Per cent Norwegian/ Native Born Elderon 23.9/28.4 6.6/13.5 .0/0 88.4/82.0 5.0/4.5 Franzen 29.4/44.1 26.5/29.6 2.0/1.0 68.6/66.3 2.9/3.1

Source: Wisconsin State Census, 1905; Wisconsin Blue Book, 1921,pp.l42-143. movement never developed. Insiders and developed class consciousness were the main party members were unquestionably dedi­ reasons for the success of outstate Socialism. cated to Socialist ideology; many were true be­ Unlike their brethren in the southwestern lievers. Yet the persistence of the "land ques­ United States, Socialist voters in Wisconsin's tion" as an issue was symptomatic of the small cities and rural areas had a stake in their shallowness ofthe commitment to public own­ society. But many leaders of that society ership among farmers who voted the Socialist turned against the new citizens when they ticket and who jealously guarded their per­ failed to close ranks under the pressure of sonal investment in real property. war. Reviled by hostile patriots, German- Rather, the key to the party's temporary American voters flocked to the support of gains from 1916 to 1920 must be found in those whose party platform and personal other factors. Sympathy for the fatherland courage set them apart from bipartisan patri­ and reaction to repression rather than finely otism and the forces of conformity. In the 271 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983

footholds to the north and northwest. One centered in the Sheboygan-Manitowoc- Calumet county area, and was the site of a slow but steady development featuring a measure of class awareness. Early successes in the up­ per lakeshore units included substantial in­ roads in local government, which promised to replicate the Milwaukee model with emphasis on municipal ownership. The alternate out- state model emerged in central Wisconsin with its regional center in Marathon County. Origi­ nally a workers' movement in this area, social­ ism expanded under the stimulus of war to as­ sume a farmer-labor orientation. Once a firm base was established, dedicated organizers fanned out from the Marathon County stag­ ing area to proselytize for the cause through­ out central Wisconsin. Isolated locals had pre­ viously existed in such places as Sheboygan, Manitowoc, Nekoosa, Rhinelander, and Med­ ford, but the electoral explosion of 1918 made Marathon County the showcase of rural social­ ism in Wisconsin. But the Socialist moment was brief. In the absence of a deeply rooted class commitment, the radical appeal proved transitory. The party itself was aware of its organizational WHi {X3) 22047 weakness in remote areas. In the wake of the Daniel W. Hoan. 1920 setbacks, a state board memorandum ac­ knowledged that joining the Socialist party process, some were radicalized through expo­ rneant "very rigid requirements" which were sure to the linkage made by Socialists between "not palatable to the average American voter." economic interest and the profits of war. Prob­ The demand for ideological purity and party ably more common, however, was a simple ex­ integrity explained, for example, "why the pression of resentment against unwarranted Nonpartisan plan of organization failed with abuse. the Socialist Party."*'" In short, the party ex­ Such vilification was an important stimulus pected more of its followers than many were to party development throughout Wisconsin. willing to give over an extended period of Nowhere was this growth more steady than in time. Milwaukee County, where the state organiza­ The state party's problems however, may tion was headquartered. The Milwaukee base not be understood in isolation. In fact, the de­ was critical to the expansion of the statewide cline of the state movement reflected the dou­ Socialist movement, for without the stability it ble squeeze of external pressures. The impact provided, a struggling rural radicalism would of national developments was substantial; the have lacked the resources and talent to chal­ Red Scare, the postwar strikes, the open shop lenge the political establishment. The state ex­ movement, and finally, the devastating split ecutive board based in Milwaukee was able to within the Socialist party itself as the left made offer money, literature, tactical advice, and its exit. The Wilson administration's assault on the occasional services of skilled farm organiz­ radicalism in 1919 ravaged the American left, ers like Oscar Ameringer. Hence, the Milwau­ as few distinctions were made between Com­ kee connection became the lifeline to the out- munists and reformist Socialists. Similarly, a state Socialists. With Milwaukee as the home base, the •"""Minutes of the State Executive Board," December broader movement established two strcjng 18, 1920, SPC, MPL. 272 LORRENCE: SOCIALISM, 1910—1920 negative reaction to labor's postwar demands the most principled and dedicated Socialists narrowed the scope of political debate. In were unable to survive the changing politics of Wausau, for example, a well-orchestrated at­ the 1920's as independent radicals. When the tack on unionism unfolded in support of "the party reluctantly inched towards cooperation Wausau Policy" ofthe open shop. This adver­ with Progressive Republicans behind La Fol­ tising campaign implicitly linked organized la­ lette between 1922 and 1924, the Socialist vote bor with radical politics. These events left the disintegrated outside the home territory of party weakened, an empty shell of what it once Milwaukee County. As La Follette ran up had been. huge majorities in the old Socialist strong­ Simultaneously, the national farmer-labor holds of Marathon, Sheboygan, and Manito­ movement was gaining momentum, as was its woc counties, a new liberalism was born. Wisconsin manifestation, the farm-labor coali­ The political impact of World War I in cen­ tion that united behind La Follette and the tral and lakeshore Wisconsin was electrifying. Progressive Republicans. Since the Socialists To be sure, socialism had established a precar­ had spurned the overtures made in 1919 and ious foothold in these areas by 1914, especially 1920 by Zumach and his allies, they found in Manitowoc County. However, not until themselves outside the mainstream of liberal- wartime repression unleashed the force of radical pohtics by 1921. ethnicity did the radical gospel make serious Socialist separatism was also an important inroads in the more remote districts of central source of divisiveness within the state organi­ Wisconsin. Although wartime memories re­ zation itself. When the Marathon County fire­ mained an influence on voter behavior in brand George Lippert formally resigned in 1920, most German-American voters turned 1922, he cited internal disruption as one rea­ to the more established agrarian liberalism of son for his decision. Lippert noted that the Robert M. La Follette, Sr. As they entered the "Socialist Party keeps on sprouting wings all Progressive coalition which jelled in 1920, a the time, breaking up, and refuses to give in at new political force rose to plague the weary all to bring about an honest coalition." He told conservatives, one that would shape Wiscon­ his old friend, Dan Hoan, that the unwilling­ sin politics for years to come. ness to coalesce with reform forces doomed Rural socialism had passed into memory, the party to minority status. The heart of this but for "true believers" the image remained dissent from a one-time Socialist enthusiast clear. Fifty years later, an eighty-nine-year-old centered on a conviction that his comrades Herman Marth recalled with pride the heady had failed "to regard the farmer organiza­ days of 1919 when sixteen Socialists in Madi­ tion"^' as they should have. Not surprisingly, son voted in a bloc to get the working men Lippert moved easily into the La Follette orga­ "everything the other fellow had."''^ He re­ nization and became a dedicated Progressive. mained a Socialist of the heart until the day he In retrospect, the end of George Lippert's died. ideological pilgrimage mirrored the fortunes of outstate Socialism in Wisconsin. Slow to ^^"Surprise Victory in 1918 Still Delights Socialist, 89," merge with the new farmer-labor coalition, Milwaukee Journal, n.d. (1968), in the files of Louis Marth, Wausau; Marth interview. For comment on the move­ ment of outstate Socialists into the La Follette coalition in ^'Lippert to Hoan, February 15, 1922, in the Hoan Pa­ 1922 and 1924, see Velicer, "Manitowoc Socialists," 53; pers. For comment on the decline ofthe Socialist party af­ Klueter and Lorence, Woodlot and Ballot Box, 294—295, ter the great party split, see Weinstein, Decline of Socialism, 300-302, 304-305; Brye, Wisconsin Voting Patterns, 277- 234-237, 324-326; Shannon, Socialist Party, 126-165; 281; Margulies, Decline of the Progressive Movement, 281, Miller, VictorBerger, 227-244. 289; Nesbit, Wisconsin, 465.

273 "For Life, the Resurrection, and the Life Everlasting": James J. Strang and Strangite Mormon Polygamy, 1849—1856

By David Rich Lewis

N the early 1860's, a young man ar­ focused on the polygamous practices of one I rived in Salt Lake City, Utah Ter­ group in particular, the Utah Mormons. ritory, eager, he tells us, to investigate the Despite this attention, polygamy was not workings of Mormon polygamy and present solely a Utah phenomenon. It was also prac­ another picture ofthe institution to an already ticed by other groups during the nineteenth shocked nation. Yet when he saw the Mormon century, including John Humphrey Noyes women, "then I was touched." and his "free-love" community at Oneida, New York, Simon Lovet and the Perfectionist My heart . . . warmed toward these poor, ungainly, and pathetically societies, and several schismatic Mormon "homely" creatures, and as I turned to groups. One of the better known schismatic hide the generous moisture in my eyes, I groups was the Strangite Mormon community said, "No—the man that marries one of of Beaver Island, Michigan, led by their them has done an act of Christian charity Prophet and King, James Jesse Strang. which entitles him to the kindly applause Although several books and articles deal of mankind, not their harsh censure— with this Mormon community and the man be­ and the man that marries sixty of them hind it, none has presented an adequate ac­ has done a deed of open-handed gener­ osity so sublime that the nations should count of Strangite polygamy. In light of the stand uncovered in his presence ancl relatively abundant source material, a reex­ worship in silence."' amination and reinterpretation of Strang and Strangite polygamy and its impact on individ­ With his brilliant wit, biting social satire, ual Saints, women, and the Mormon and Gen­ and irreverent tongue-in-cheek prose, young tile communities seem warranted.^ While Samuel Clemens called the public's attention much remains hidden by time and by the in­ to a recognized issue of moral and political tent of Strang and his followers, the progres­ consequence. Polygamy, one of the so-called sion of polygamy (5n Beaver Island can be "Twin Relics of Barbarism," was the subject of traced with some certainty. Yet the history of numerous books, theological treatises, con­ Strangite polygamy is more than that of a pe­ gressional debates, moral outcry, and public culiar institution; it is the story of Strang him­ consternation. Between 1850 and 1900 the self. To study Strang's writings and actions is plethora of newspaper stories, magazine artic­ to understand more fully the man, his beliefs, les, and books on the subject overwhelmingly

^According to Mormon usage, a "Saint" is a member of 'Samuel Clemens, Roughing It (Hartford, Connecticut, the Mormon Church, while a "Gentile" is any non- 1873), 117-118. Mormon. 274 Copyright © 1983 by The State Historical Society of Wisconsin All rights of reproduction in any form reserved LEWIS: STRANGITE POLYGAMY and his intentions. Intellectual, dynamic, lust­ ful, and obsessed with dreams of power and grandeur beyond reality, Strang created a marital institution and a political kingdom to serve his aims and desires.

ESSE James Strang—or James Jesse Strang as he came to be known—waJ s born on a farm near Scipio, New York, on March 21, 1813.'^ A sickly youth with meager formal education, Strang gained ex­ perience as a farmer, teacher, postmaster, temperance lecturer, newspaper editor, and lawyer in the Chautauqua County area. In 1836, Strang met and married Mary Abigail Perce, the daughter of a Baptist minister. Af­ ter seven years, he moved his family to Burlington, Wisconsin, where he was first in­ fluenced by his wife's Mormon relatives. Trav­ eling to Nauvoo, Illinois, in February, 1844, Strang received instruction and was baptized into the Church by its Prophet and Seer, Jo­ seph Smith, Jr. Although he was commis­ sioned to organize a branch of the Church in the Burlington area of Wisconsin, Strang re­ turned home with ideas of his own. On June 27, 1844, the Prophet Joseph was assassinated by a mob in Carthage, Illinois. Without their Prophet, the church members (scattered throughout the East and England) found themselves without guidance or direc­ tion, but they were soon reassured through the actions of the Twelve Apostles of the \VUi(X3)8839 Church under the able leadership of Brigham James J esse Strang about a year before his death. Young. Schism and factions within the Church soon appeared, the most persistent ing him Prophet and successor to Joseph and persuasive being led by James J. Strang. Smith.' Tensions between the two rival fac­ He claimed to have received divine revelation tions heightened as each hurled excommuni­ on the day of Smith's murder and a letter from cations at the other. While a majority of Saints Smith written nine days before his death and upheld the legitimacy ofthe Brighamites, and to have discovered and translated ancient eventually moved to Utah after 1847, Strang brass plates near his Wisconsin home, all rec­ attracted many of the disgruntled to his "Gar­ ognizing him, appointing him, and annoint- den of Peace," Voree, in southeastern Wisctm- sin. 'In the following background discussion 1 rely mainly Between 1845 and 1848 Voree grew rajo- on these general works: Milo Quaife, The Kingdom of Saint ^Chronicles of Voree, 1845-1849, photostat in the State James (New Haven, Connecticut, 1930); Doyle C. Fitzpa- Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, pp. 1—31; Voree trick, The King Strang Story (Lansing, Michigan, 1970); (Wisconsin) Herald, January, 1846; James J. Strang, The Henry E. Legler, Moses of the Mormons (Milwaukee, 1897); Diamond: Being the Law of Prophetic Succession (Voree, Wis­ Mark A. Strang, ed. and trans., The Diary of James J. Strang consin, 1848), chapters 2 and 3, pp. 3-7; Wingfield Wat­ (Lansing, Michigan, 1961); Robert P. Weeks, King Strang son, ed.. Revelations of James J. Strang (Spring Prairie, Wis­ (Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1971); Robert P. Weeks, "A Uto­ consin, 18—?), 7-8; Joseph Smith, Jr., to J. Strang, June pian Kingdom in the American Grain," in the Wisconsin 18, 1844, in thejamesj. Strang Papers, Beinecke Library, Magazine of History, 61 :;-5-20 (Autumn, 1977). Yale University. 275 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983

WHi (W635) 21378 The cottage built at Voree in 1844 by James Jesse Strang as it appeared in 1933. idly as a community, and Strang as a mission­ .by the spring of 1850, the community boasted ary and Prophet of God. His revelations con­ between six and seven hundred people.'' At tinued to come as needed. On August 25, this time, Strang revealed his design for the 1846, Strang experienced a vision in which, "I Church. On July 8, 1850, at the conclusion of beheld a land amidst wide waters, and covered several days of conferences, a portion of the with large timber, with a deep, broad bay on newly translated Book ofthe Law ofthe Lord was one side of it." Strang was describing Big Bea­ read, establishing the Kingdom of God on ver Island in northern Lake Michigan, a "vi­ earth. James J. Strang the Prophet was sion" he may have seen in person that very crowned "King" by George J. Adams, a coun­ summer on one of his frequent missionary selor and ex-theatrical performer, with a tours east. Beaver Island offered the room metal crown and all the pomp and ceremony and isolation necessary for the Saints to gather that could be mustered.' in and for the fulfillment of Strang's "divine" From this point, Strang's plans unfolded mission.'' rapidly. The practice of polygamy was intro­ Exploring the island in early 1847 with four duced; the doctrine of passive resistance to companions, Strang found the surroundings reoccurring Gentile depredations upon the is­ ideal. There were acres of timber, rich soil, land Mormons was discontinued; and in No- plentiful fishing grounds nearby, a good bay ^ames J. Strang, Ancient and Modern Michilimackinac with easy ship access, and few Gentile inhabit­ (St. Ignace, Michigan, 1885), 25. ants. Settlement of Beaver Island and the city "James J. Strang, Book ofthe Law ofthe Lord (St. James, of Saint James progressed slowly but steadily; Michigan, 1856), chapter 20, pp. 168-169. Cf "Mrs. Ceci­ lia Hill's Recollections," in Legler, Moses of the Mormons, '""Watson.ed., Revelations of Strang, 11-12; Elizabeth W. appendix 111,51-53; "Organization ofthe Kingdom of St. Williams, A Child of the Sea (Harbor Springs, Michigan, James, July 8, 1850," in the Strang Papers. This document 1905), 61. is signed by 234 men and women who witnessed the event.

276 LEWIS: STRANGITE POLYGAMY

vember, 1852 and 1853, Strang was elected to OLLOWING the death of Joseph the Michigan legislature by Mormon block F Smith, Jr., in 1844, the dismal voting. At the height of his political power in schism and dispersion of the Saints, ancl 1853, Strang was nominated by a fellow Michi­ Strang's establishment of a community at Vo­ gan legislator as a candidate for the governor­ ree, word circulated among the faithful of ship ofthe Utah Territory. The population of both factions that Joseph had established and Beaver Island continued to grow, and by 1854 practiced a plural wife doctrine before his Strang commanded over 2,500 souls, with as death. While these rumors had surfaced be­ many as one thousand more scattered in Vo­ fore in Nauvoo in 1835 and brought forth vig­ ree, Wisconsin, Michigan, and the East.** orous official denials, now they received more Yet all was not balmy and peaceful for the attention and credence, particularly among King. Gentile opposition to the Mormons per­ the Brighamite followers, whose leaders did sisted over fishing rights, suspected thefts, and little to deny the charges or hide the practice.'^ the stifled liquor trade with island Indians. As Prophet and leader of a smaller group of Strang and his followers found themselves in Mormons, Strang struggled to cement his po­ court and jail at Detroit and nearby Mackinac sition and enlarge his following. To demon­ Island several times on various criminal strate theological continuity yet observable charges, and armed encounters occurred at and attractive differences, Strang attacked St. James, on the nearby islands, and at Pine Brighamite polygamy as early as 1846 and River, Michigan.-' Violence and conflict con­ suppressed the practice within his own flock. tinued to mount, both within and without the During the semiannual conference of the Mormon community, culminating in the as­ Saints at Voree in April, 1846, Strang officially sassination of King Strang by two dissatisfied announced the excommunication of Brig­ Mormons (aided by two others) on June 16, hamite leaders, delivering them over "to the 1856.'" Strang lingered for twenty-three days buff'etings of Satan in the flesh," for teaching, before he died on July 9 at his parent's home among other things, "that poligamy, fornica­ in Voree. He purposely did not name his suc­ tion, adultery and concubinage are lawful and cessor. Without Prophet or leader, the Saints comendable [5?c]."'-^ The Voree Herald, the on Beaver Island fell victim to hostile Gentile official church newspaper, carried Strang's mobs and were driven from the island, never curse on ministers of the gospel who taught to recover their property or faith. With the polygamy; "May their bones rot in the living death of Strang came the virtual death of his tomb of their flesh." Official excommunica­ church. tions of Saints believing in or practicing polyg­ How then did polygamy find its way into amy and spiritual wifery occurred regularly Strang's theocratically controlled community between 1846 and 1848 as Strang struggled to of Saints? What are the outward manifesta­ curb the doctrine.'^ In 1847, Strang made his tions of this marriage doctrine on Beaver Is­ strongest statement against such practices: land which are so intriguing to modern schol­ I have uniformly and distinctly dis- ars? What was its significance? How was the doctrine received by Saint and Gentile? And, "For the Mormons, polygamy—or more correctly, underlying all this, how did Strang's personal­ polygyny—was a plural marriage for time and eternity, ity and intellectual bent affect the formation of while any other legal marriage was for time only. The spir­ his church and the institution of polygamy?" itual wife doctrine was a spiritual sealing (a marriage or act of binding together forever in a special ceremony) for eternity only. This allowed men to be sealed to any de­ ceased woman who had not been married for eternity, to ^Census and Statistics of the State of Michigan, May 1854 allow her to enter heaven and to increase his glory and the (Lansing, Michigan, 1854), 403-413. The population for size ofthe Church in the next world. Eternal marriage was Beaver Island was 2,608, although not all were Mormons. the only sure way for a woman to attain exaltation. The For Strang's nomination as Utah Territorial Governor, words polygamy and spiritual witery were often used in­ see Enos Goodrich to Hon. Chas. E. Stuart, March 7, terchangeably or without much distinction. 1853, in the Strang Papers. '^Fawn M. &rody, No Man Knows My History: The Life of 'Strang, Michilimackinac, 25-40; Northern Islander (St. Joseph Smith the Mormon Prophet (He^N York, 1972), 185. James, Michigan), July 14, 1853. '^Chronicles of Voree, 67, 74. '"Northern Islander, ]une 20, 1856. Thomas Bedford, a '""Voree Herald, April, 1846; Chronicles of Voree, 107, nonpracticing Mormon, and Alexander Wentworth 130, 149-151, 160. Cf. Zion's Reveille (Voree, Wisconsin), pulled the triggers. December, 1846. 277 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OE HISTORY SUMMER, 1983

carded and declared heretical the so- called "spiritual wife system" and every­ thing connected therewith. . . . I now say distinctly, and I defy contradiction, that the man or woman does not exist on earth, or under earth who ever heard me say one word, or saw me do one act, sa­ voring the least oi .spiritual wifery, or any ofthe attending abominations. My opin­ ions on this subject are unchanged, and I regard them as unchangeable. They are established on a full consideration oi all the scriptures, both ancient and modern, and the discipline of the Church shall conform thereto.'^ Despite his "unchangeable" opinions, change he did. Sometime after the Church conference at Voree in April, 1848, Strang sent his emmissary, Gecjrge J. Adams, to re­ veal a new order to Elvira Eliza Field, an eighteen-year-old school teacher whom Strang had recently met."' Elvira was told that the Prophet had received from angels a holy record containing God's laws for the organiza­ tion of his Kingdom on earth. Since the bibli­ cal practice of polygamy was to be restored in that kingdom and Prophet Strang would be acting as King on earth for God, it was neces­ sary for him to set an example. Adams was therefore offering Elvira the distinct honor of becoming the first plural wife of the Prophet and a Queen in the Kingdom. Since the move to Beaver Island had not yet been completed, Clarke Historitai Lilirarv, C^entral Michigan University Strang requested total secrecy in this matter Elvira Field as "CJmrley Douglass." until such time as the fullness of the doctrine At this point Strang left Beaver Island in should be restored. Out of faith, gullibility, or the company of several apostles for a mission­ infatuation with the Prophet (who was said to ary tour to strengthen or reconvert eastern have had haunting eyes and an impressive im­ branches ofthe Mormon Church. Elvira Field pact on people, despite his overlarge fore­ completely disappeared from view, only to head), young and attractive Elvira Field ac­ emerge in Strang's company, shorn of hair, cepted the proposal. On July 13, 1849, after a dressed as a man, and traveling as Strang's Church conference on Beaver Island, she nephew and private secretary, "Mr. Charles J. married Strang in a simple, secret ceremony, Douglass." While several of Strang's apostles unbeknownst to her family. Of the confer­ surely knew ofthe wedding, and others specu­ ence, Strang reflected that it was "the most lated on the "physiological peculiarities" ofthe pleasant, interesting and spirited conference young man, Charlie Douglass succeeded in that I ever had the happiness to attend."'' And fooling most people for quite some time. Her well it should have been. performance, along with Strang's audacity un­ der fire was convincing enough in November, ''"Voree Herald, August 12, 1847. 1849, to weather a potentially devastating '^The account appears in a memorial booklet of Elvira challenge which occurred at a conference in Field, prepared by her son, Charles J. Strang (1910) and is New York City. At that meeting, Strang was quoted by Milo Quaife in The Kingdom of St. James, 100— publicly accosted by Lorenzo Dow Hickey and 102. Cf. Milo Quaife, "Polygamv at Beaver Island," in Michigan History, 5:337 (1921). Increase Van Deusen, who charged him with ''GospelHerald (Voree, Wisconsin), August 2, 1849. "adultery, fornication, spiritual wifery, and all 278 LEWIS: STRANGITE POLYGAMY the abominations that were ever practiced at thought, but has been revived again. Nauvoo." Hickey claimed to have letters from [John Urshbruch] (Peter [Hess] says) de­ his wife on Beaver Island reporting such reli­ clares positively that he is able to prove able gossip, but the next day when Strang his first assertion: Tom Braidwood be­ loudly denied the charges and called to see the lieves that Charles is a woman. He laughs letters, Hickey backed down. Van Deusen was and winks when the name Charles D[o]uglass is mentioned. permanently excommunicated after a trial by a church council. Hickey was disfellow- "The matter gives me no concern," Lowen shipped, but eventually accepted back on his continued, "and 1 would not have alluded to it own recognizance and repentence. Certainly, but for your enquiry."2' Unlike Lowen, if Hickey and others had positive proof that Strang's concern was genuine. Already, many Charlie Douglass was indeed a woman they eastern members had broken from his fold to could have pointed her out, for she was re­ rejoin the Brighamite Mormons or other sects. cording the minutes of the meeting for the Charlie was becoming recognized for what she church newspaper.'^ However, given that the was. Whether or not Strang was forced to accusation and trial took place on two separate speed up his plans for the institution of the days, that Hickey got off so lightly and rose to Kingdom (and polygamy) is uncertain, but his prominent leadership, that he was well aware preparations were well advanced. Migration of the doctrine one month later, and that he to Beaver Island had progressed as planned, eventually took three additional wives himself, and the city of St. James, soon to be the official we can speculate that Hickey was confronted headquarters of the Church, was taking with the truth by Strang or t:)thers and was shape. On Beaver Island Strang would be free asked to withdraw his statements for the good from the prying eyes of Gentile neighbors and ofthe Prophet and the Church.'-' "pseudo Mormons," free from harassment, Faced with this widely publicized scandal free to turn his dreams of power into reality. and the persistent gossip months later that "your clerk was in the habit of wearing petti­ coats until very recently," Strang maintained his course with a mixture of anger and (N July 8, 1850, in the uncom­ wounded dignity, putting the burden of proof o pleted tabernacle, the Prophet of Charlie's gender on his accusers.''^" Strang revealed the plans for God's kingdom on earth attempted to dismiss the rumors as the gossip to the assembled Saints, and was crowned of character assassins and "pseudo Mormons," "King," according to revelation: "He hath cho­ yet went to great lengths to find out who sen his servant James to be King. . . . He hath started the rumors which culminated in Hick- established him a Prophet above the Kings of ey's outburst. Between December, 1849, and the earth." Among other doctrines, Strang February, 1850, a series of letters passed be­ read Chapter 44 from the Book of the Law, tween Strang and the rumorers in which which established and outlined the practice of everyone blamed someone else or denied plural marriage and spiritual wifery: "Thou words attributed to them. In this confusing shalt be fruitful and multiply and replenish tangle of correspondence with eastern church the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee, members, Strang's concern became apparent and subdue it."^'^ The disguise was finally to all involved. Amos Lowen replied to shed, and Elvira Field was reborn to the world Strang's inquiries as to the situation in New in all her royal glory. York in January, 1850: The justification for polygamy was rela­ tively simple and expounded as vigorously as The story about Charlie had died away I it had once been condemned. Strang (and

'Hbid., November 22, 1849. Cf Trial Record of Hickey and Van Deusen, 1849, and I. Van Deusen to Strang, De­ 2'Amos Lowen to J. Strang, January 10, 1850. Cf. cember 19, 1849, both in the Strang Papers. Strang to Amos Lowen, November 21, 1849; Strang to '«L. D. Hickey to J. J. Strang, December 24, 1849, in John Urshbruch, November 20, 1849; Peter Hess to J. the Strang Papers. Cf John Gumming, "Lorenzo Dow Strang, November 22, 1849; James and Clarissa Canny to Hickey," in Michigan History, 50:58 (1966). J. Strang, June 16, 1850, all in the Strang Papers. ^Gilbert Watson to J. Strang, February 11, 1850, in ^^Slrang, Book of the Law, 168-169, 310-328. Spiritual the Strang Papers. wifery appears on page 318. 279 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983

f- j^^

\VUi(X3)961 The bleak remains of a Mormon home remind visitors ofthe Strangite settlement on Beaver Island some fifty years earlier. later Wingfield Watson, a contemporary Mor­ allowed the surplus of women an opportunity mon, defender ofthe faith, and apostle) con­ to marry better than they might have other­ tended that polygamy had biblical roots in wise and attain celestial glory, increased the such God-approved men as David, Abraham, number of "souls" in the Church, halted pros­ Jacob, Saul, Gideon, and others. Only when titution, and promoted chastity. Wingfield carried to unrighteous extremes or practiced Watson listed other benefits of polygamy in for the wrong reasons was polygamy con­ typical Mormon fashion: demned and removed from earth. Polygamy It [polygamy] gives health and strength, was never abolished in the Apostolic Church ana beauty of^form, and soundness of by divine authority, only by canon or statute. constitution to fathers, mothers, sons Even Martin Luther and Melancthon rational­ and daughters. . . . For where several ized the practice.''' Strang argued that the law, women are willing to share the affections as given, prevented abuse by defining the lim­ of one man, possessed of every excel­ its of polygamy: "Thou shalt not take unto lence, their dispositions must necessarily thee a multitude of wives disproportioned to be socially ancl morally good, and they thy inheritance, and thy substance: nor ... to would therefore be very likely to hand vex those thou hast ..." and "thou shalt not down these excellent traits to their pos­ go after strange women . . .", among other re­ terity.^^ straints.^'' Such a large and "excellent" posterity would In fact, following God's law concerning po­ also serve to enhance the glory and immortal­ lygamy and spiritual wifery was beneficial. It ity of the parents. But transcending all justi­ increased the eternal glory ofthe participants, fications and purported benefits, polygamy had been restored by the word of God ^^Ibid., 318-328, contains Strang's commentary on the text. Cf. Wingfield Watson, Prophetic Controversy No. 5 (Ly­ ^"Watson, Prophetic Controversy No. 5, 23. On Beaver Is­ ons, Wisconsin, 1901). land in 1854 the so-called "surplus" of women was indeed 2

It is not surprising that an eighteen-year-old in our religion and made things as pleasant as bride could feel dissatisfaction with the pros­ possible."^^ Strang's household probably ex­ pects of sharing her husband forever. Phoebe emplified polygamy at its best, but there is no Wright never remarried. reason to believe that other polygamous wives Two other women, Mrs. Thomas Bedford could not enjoy similar experiences. and Mrs. Alexander Wentworth, also ex­ While the internal peace of the Strangite pressed dissatisfaction with ptjlygamy and the community was disrupted momentarily by the Kingdom in general and the policies concern­ announcement of polygamy and the resulting ing clothing in particular. According to the schism of some respected wives and members, revelation that, "Ye shall not clothe yourselves the Saints continued to grow and prosper on after the manner ofthe follies of other men. . . ." Beaver Island, and by 1855 were colonizing Strang imposed a dress code upon women the Michigan mainland. King Strang exhorted specifically, doing away with frilly, long and his Saints at every opportunity to follow the tight-bodiced fashions, for reasons of health, laws of the Kingdom (which included polyg­ cleanliness, economy, and humility. He intro­ amy). At the April conference, 1851, Strang duced instead a Turkish-style of dress—a spoke "at considerable length" on the law of short skirt and pantalet trousers. At about the the Kingdom of God. During the celebration same time, this costume came into fashion of "King's Day," July 8, 1852, the official min­ among suffragettes in the East. Named after utes report that Amelia Bloomer, the "Bloomer costume" was seen as a liberating fashion, but on Beaver Is­ Pres. Strang made some remarks on the subject of Matrimony and the sealing or­ land the imposition of this costume gave it a der. That it was necessarv ... in order to different connotation. An unusual character­ keep up the relation of Husbands and istic of Mormon women, the costume was fre­ Wives and Parents and Children in time quently mentioned by visitors to the island.'^' and in eternity. Mrs. Bedford's refusal to conform to this code The order of Sealing next attended to. brought open criticism from the church press, and heated an existing personal conflict, lead­ The next day, "Bro. [Samuel P.] Bacon read ing ultimately to Strang's assassination at the the 35th Chapter of the Book of the Law. . . . hands of her husband and Alexander Preaching by Pres. Strang on the subject of Wentworth.'^^ marriage and the Sealing Power."'^' Strang un­ derstood the necessity of a constant barrage to Despite individual manifestations of dissat­ reinforce the doctrine and to build up his isfaction, the community as a whole accepted power and kingdom on earth. Strang's doctrines, which proved desirable enough to attract four intelligent women to Strang alone. Clement Strang records that his mother, Elvira Field, never expressed any jeal­ ECORDS of actual polygamists ous feeling or dissatisfaction with Strang or his R'o n Beaver Island and the main­ household. Late in her life, Sarah Wright land are scant, but several names and families Wing, Strang's third polygamous wife, de­ appear prominently. Understandably, the scribed Strang's household to Milo Quaife in most complete record is of James Strang's po­ terms suggesting no dissatisfaction: "You ask lygamous situation. Strang took four polyga­ if we all lived in the same house—we did but mous wives in addition to his first legal wife, had separate rooms—and all met in prayer Mary Perce, whom he married on November and ate at the same table—he [Strang] was a 10, 1836. The first was nineteen-year-old very mild-spoken, kind man to his family, al­ Elvira Field in 1849, followed by thirty-one- though his word was law—we were all honest '•'Clement J. Strang, "Why I Am Not a Strangite," in Michigan History, 29:458 (1942); Sarah A. Wing to Milo ^'Strang, Book ofthe Law, chapter 39, p. 288; Northern Quaife (1920), as cited in Quaife, The Kingdom of St. James Islander, May 15, 1851, August 12, 1852; Memoir of E. S. 107-108. Stone, as recorded in Legler, .VIoses of the Mormons, appen­ •""Minutes ofthe Conferences," 31, 38-39. The thirty- dix V, 55. For information on the Bloomer movement, see fifth chapter of the Book of the Law, 207, 211, deals with D. C. Bloomer, Life and Writings of Amelia Bloomer (Boston, "Establishment ofthe Law," and commentary on polyga­ 1895), 65, passim. mous relationships. "Seal," as used by the Mormon ^^Northern Islander, May 1, June 20, 1856. Church, is defined in footnote 11, alx)\e. 282 LEWIS: STRANGITE POLYGAMY

WHi (X3) 39613 "King James's" castle stands, ravaged by the elements, about forty-five years after Strang's death. year-old Betsy McNutt on January 19, 1852, Up to the present, little was known of the and finally two cousins, nineteen-year-old other polygamous unions which Wingfield Sarah A. Wright on July 15, 1855, and Watson estimated to be engaged in by sixteen eighteen-year-old Phoebe Wright on October to twenty men. Yet records made in the Minute 27, 1855. All of his wives were young and re­ Book of the Church at Beaver Island, hitherto puted to be quite attractive, with the exception unnoted by previous scholars, reveal the of Betsy McNutt. The story is told that Betsy, names of four other polygamous males and being teased at a social function about her ad­ their wives. Lorenzo D. Hickey's three polyga­ vanced age and single status, declared that mous sealings (or marriages) are typical of there was but one man she would marry. It be­ those found in the book: came evident that she had the Prophet in Sealed at South Troy July 13, 1853 by Sa­ mind. Informed of the situation, Strang sup­ muel P. Bacon one of the Twelve [,] posedly married her out of a sense of "gal­ Sarah Ann Sinnell [?] to Lorenzo Dow lantry,"''^ but more probably to maintain the il­ Hickey for life the reserrection and the lusion that polygamy was for all, not just for life everlasting. Also October 1853 by the young and beautiful. Strang fathered a to­ George Miller, Frances Brownson tal of fourteen children, with one being born Sealed to L. D. Hickey for life the reser­ to each of his polygamous wives after his death rection and the life everlasting [0]n the in 1856.36 26th of July 1855 by James J. Strang '^Mary Perce gave birth to four children, one dying in infancy; Elvira had four, one dying in infancy; Betsy had 'Trom interview with Wingfield Watson, cited four; Sarah and Phoebe each had one child. After Strang's Quaife, The Kingdom of St. James, 111. death, only Elvira and Sarah remarried. 283 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983

Pres. of the Church [,] Adaline S. Scott were sealed to James J. Strang, Elizabeth, was sealed to L. D. Hickey for life the re- Samuel, Emely-Ann, Charlana, Victory serruction and the life everlasting.'" Elizabeth, Sirenns and James.^° George Miller's sealings are listed in similar A more unusual and unexplained spiritual manner, with Strang sealing his lawful wife, practice recorded is the sealing of endre fami­ Mary Catherine Fry, and his first polygamous lies at once to Apostles of the Church, a prac­ wife, Elizabeth Boutan, to him on March 3, tice apparently unique to the Strangites. 1851, followed by the sealing of Martha Ann On the of 1853, [sic] Warren Post Bagley to him on January 29, 1853.-'* Two Sealed Charles Kendal and his family to other unions "for life the reserrection [sic] and M. M. Aldrich sen. that he might be their the life everlasting" appear in the record. Sa­ prince forever. muel C. Wright was sealed to his lawful wife, October 1853 by Warren Post one ofthe Rebecca Finch, and another, Edna Chidister, Twelve [,] John Sinnell dead [,] George on October 12, 1851, while on July 10, 1852, Brownson Proxy [,] his wife Betsy Sinnell David Heath was sealed to his lawful wife, and Chester Sinnell their son were Margarett Sitty, and Sarah Ann Chalmers.^^ It joined to L. D. Hickey's house hold for should be noted that the last two entries closely life the reserection and the life everlast­ followed conferences wherein Strang ing and he is to stand a prince for them.'" preached the marriage doctrine. While this re­ Possibly these sealings occurred individually cord is in no way a complete listing of polyga­ and were recorded as one, but the noticeable mous unions (for Strang and the reported difference in wording gives the passages a "others" who took one additional wife do not unique tone. appear), it does provide a porthole view of According to the record and accepted prac­ Strangite polygamists. tice, sealings, whether for the first legal wife or Of particular interest are the more numer­ the third spiritual or plural wife, were always ous entries of strictly spiritual sealings for conducted by Strang or his apostles, as were eternity only. It appears that spiritual wifery baptisms for the dead and other spiritual rit­ and the sealing of children, both dead and uals. Only worthy men were allowed to have alive, was performed regularly after 1850. women and children sealed to them—never Women often allowed their husbands to be the reverse—and sealings probably took place sealed to deceased women and shared in the in the unfinished tabernacle or other appro­ experience by standing proxy for them. In priate spots on the island and mainland. some cases, as frequently occurred in Utah po­ Spiritual sealings to more than one woman lygamy, the man was sealed to his wife's sister were probably more widely accepted and or other relative. Below are some examples practiced by the body of the Church than ac­ from the record: tual earthly polygamous unions for several James M. Greig . . . sealed to Secinda reasons. Earthly polygamy required a finan­ Thompson Deaceased. Ellen O. Greig cial as well as an emotional commitment, and [his wife] stood proxy for her. Children the impoverished state of many Saints in the sealed. Charles C., Ellen E., Caroline M., early years on Beaver Island proved prohibi­ and Mary A. deaceased. tive. And, men were encouraged to gain the Hyrum G. Hall and Serena H. Seynde tacit approval of their first wife and to be Sealed as man and wife for time and eter­ called to the practice by the Prophet. Surely a nity. Also Hannah B. Seynde deaceased. number of men were dissuaded by the tears of Sealed. Serena H. Hally Proxy for Han­ their wives and by Strang's tough stance on im­ nah B. Seynde. proper marriages and adultery, as demon­ The Deaceased Children of Sr. Porter's strated in the case of his compatriot, George Adams.^^ There was also probably an element ""Minutes of the Conferences," 62. Hickey was sealed to his first wife, Ann Davis, in October, 1851, probably by ''"Ibid., 51, 50, 53. Strang's interest in increasing his proxy. Ibid., 53. eternal posterity and glory is clearly demonstrated in this ^^Ibid., 52, 58, 61. In all of the following sealings the last example. first wife was legally married prior to the sealing for eter­ •"Ibid, 56-57, 62. nity. "•^George J. Adams returned to Beaver Island from ^Vbid, 53-54. Baltimore in August, 1850, with a woman of "question- 284 LEWIS: STRANGITE POLYGAMY of fear involved in the decision to take an addi­ when I shall publicly avow the doctrine and I tional wife—fear of Gentile neighbors, of the expect to make more converts to the faith than civil law, and of conflict within the home itself. I ever have before.'"'^ Even residents of areas A spiritual wife could be easily concealed and in relatively close contact with the islanders, was not flagrantly illegal; a polygamous one such as Green Bay, Wisconsin, barely had an was. inkling of the marriage practice.^^ Polygamy was more demanding than spirit­ Despite its isolation, tales and rumors of ual wifery, was more socially and financially Mormon polygamy slowly spread from those restrictive, and was, more importantly, limited who visited Beaver Island. The imaginative in its expansion by time. Polygamy existed United States District Attorney, George C. publicly for six years, years of physical com­ Bates, luridly described the inside of Strang's munity building and poverty for most Saints house during a raid to arrest him in 1851: "We on Beaver Island. It is not surprising then that entered a long low room, where wide berths, less than twenty in an estimated five hundred- heavily draped with stunning calico, shielded plus Mormon families practiced polygamy, the beds like the berths and state-rooms of and that devout followers turned instead to steamers, which proved to be occupied by spiritual wifery to ensure their glory. Mormon women four in a bed. . . ."'•'' Other equally exaggerated memoirs of Strang's "ha­ rem" appeared at intervals on into the twenti­ OWEVER successful Strang eth century. Regional newspapers took the H was in convincing and control­ lead in contemporary Gentile speculation. In ling his own followers, one unsubdued and November, 1850, a Cleveland newspaper hostile clique remained; the Gentiles of Bea­ which hinted at polygamous practices and the ver Island, Mackinac Island, and the main­ Strang-Field (Charlie Douglass) connection land. The hostility did not really focus on the was met with this reply from the church news­ Strangites for their marriage practices; such paper, The Northern Islander: "We can see no charges, when infrequendy made, were usu­ importance in the discovery that Strang's pri­ ally allusions to such practices rather than vate secretary is Mr. Charles Douglass. What open attacks upon them. The battle between has Mr. Douglass ever done tbat Strang Gentile and Saint raged over more worldly should not appoint him secretary? And whose issues—politics, land, fishing rights, liquor business is it if he is enamored of Almira Field? sales, laws and infractions of the law— [sic] Who has a better right?"^'' The facade of prompted by a basic fear and misunderstand­ Strang's newspaper remained cool and indig­ ing of each other. Why such silence on this is­ nant as it suffered a direct hit. Other insinua­ sue when Utah Mormon polygamy was tions, by the Pontiac Gazette (Michigan) in par­ drawing front page notice? Again, the answer ticular, brought equally indignant and elusive lies in Strang's shrewd handling of the situa­ replies. Only in October, 1855, did an attack tion. Only when Strang reached the isolation draw a direct rebuttal and "confession" from of Beaver Island, away from the prying eyes of Strang regarding his other wives, "whom I the world, did he announce polygamy, and would marry if the law permitted me."^' even then he publicly maintained a low profile Given the situation ofthe Brighamite Mor­ on the situation. Reflecting Strang's orders, mons and their struggle in Congress and in Amos Lowen wrote from New York, "As to the cry of polygamy against us I will neither deny •"Amos Lowen to J. Strang, December 7, 1850, in the or affirm at present. But the time is at hand Strang Papers. ''•'For a discussion of the Green Bay Advocate and the able character," Louisa Pray, alias Louisa Cogswell, whom Mormons, see Charles O. Burgess, "Green Bay and the he introduced as his new wife, stating that the former Mrs. Mormons of Beaver Island." in the Wisconsin Magazine of Adams had died. Eventually, the real Mrs. Adams wrote //«tor>', 42:39-49(1958). from New Jersey where she had been abandoned in her ••'George C. Bates, "The Beaver Island Prophet," in illness. Adams and his "lady" were soon forced off the is­ Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collection (1902), 32:231. land and out ofthe Church. Northern Islander, December This description is highly unlikely to be true since Strang 12, 1850. For a fascinating account of Adams's further ca­ had only one wife living with him at the time. reer, see Peter Amann, "Prophet in Zion: The Sage of ''^Northern Islander, January 9, 1851. George J. Adams," in the New England (Quarterly, 37:477- ^''Ibid., October 11, 1855. Polygamous wives were not 500(1964). considered to be "legally" married, even by Strang. 285 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983

the national press over polygamy, the attacks tions, but their reactions, practices, and justi­ on the Strangite institution appear almost fications were remarkably similar.*^ nonexistent by comparison. Their nearest Gentile neighbors were too busy arguing over economic and legal issues, and the press was preoccupied with polygamy in Utah, as were P to this point, polygamy as writers like Samuel Clemens, Sir Richard Bur­ U'practice d by the Strangite Mor­ ton, and their readers. Shrewdly, the King dis­ mons has been described in narrative fashion, associated his group from the Utah Saints and accepting the practice as ordained by "divine maneuvered his small island clear of national revelation," taking Strang at his word, and de­ attention. scribing the institution and its historical mani­ festations in those terms. Yet the realm of the In keeping the island protected from close divine is a tightrope for the historian: hagiog- scrutiny, Strang did not intend to remove him­ raphy on one side, cynicism and skepticism on self and his newspaper from the larger poly­ the other. If Strang truly was a prophet, the gamy debate. He had too much at stake and world has lost the truth; and if not, the world was too much of a debater to let the issue be has only gained more hard-knock experience one-sidedly mauled. While hostility existed from his (and other "prophets' ") failures. Put­ between the two sister churches over succes­ ting the divine aside, it is necessary to look sion, leadership, and divine revelation, traces of a commonality of experience shone through in the Northern Islander's frequent de­ *nbid., April 3, 1851, July 29, September 9, 1852. For fense of Utah polygamy and in statements that defenses of polygamy as an institution, see ibid., March 4, 1852, March 2, June 8, 1854,June 14, 1855. both groups were persecuted solely because "•^For Smith's revelation, see Joseph Smith, trans.. The they were "Mormons." The mentality that Doctrine and Covenants (Salt Lake City, Utah, 1876), sec. "there is no legal protection to a Mormon" per­ 132, pp. 423^32. Cf. Brigham H. Roberts, A Comprehen­ meated their collective consciousness and sive History ofthe Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 affected their similar responses to the Gentile volumes, Provo, Utah, 1965), 4:55-59, 5:295-300. For an interesting statistical analysis of Utah polygamy, see Stan­ world."** Brighamites and Strangites may have ley S. Ivins, "Notes on Mormon Polygamy," in the Utah approached polygamy from different direc­ Historical Quarterly, 35:309-321 (1967).

WHKXS) 31612

The heavily forested shoreline of Beaver Island helped to seclude Strang's community. 286 LEWIS: STRANGITE POLYGAMY deeper into James J. Strang, the man, to un­ headway against the strong current of Ameri­ derstand polygamy and his career. We need to can Protestantism, his "enlightened" regard ask how and why he arrived at this point, and for science and skepticism of religion deeply look to his relationship with the Mormon influenced Strang.^^ Church and Joseph Smith, Jr., to find the in­ Yet book-learning alone did not satisfy spiration for his theocratic movement. While Strang, and at age fifteen he turned to field ob­ drawing lines of correlation, individual men­ servations in biology. Mark Strang, his grand­ tality, and intent from historical sources is ad­ son, notes that his observations were "directed mittedly tenuous at times, such an investiga­ toward the procreative process" and natural tion of Strang merits historical consideration "sexual union." Expecting to find the law of and speculation. "species perpetuation" in command, Strang "From my infancy," Strang records, "I have arrived at his own "law of Happiness,"—the been taught that mankind were totally de­ pleasure of all species in the physical activity of praved, and my own observations and experi­ reproduction. During this period Strang be­ ence have demonstrated that the heart of man came so attracted to an unwed mother named is an impure fountain from which bitter wa­ Nancy Crawford "that I allmost thought her part ters are perpetually flowing."5" Such was the of myse[l]f," and he talked openly of mar­ experience of a precocious and intelligent riage.^^ But in this he was thwarted by the ob­ young boy growing up in the "Burned-over jections of his parents, their enrollment of him District" of frontier New York. Writing in in the Fredonia Male Academy, and Nancy's 1855, Strang recalled that for "long weary engagement to another man. It seems proba­ days I sat upon the floor, thinking, thinking, ble that this relationship affected his experi­ thinking! occasionally asking a strange, unin- ence with and disposition towards love, and fantile question. . . . My mind wandered over his romantic biological theory. fields that old men shrink from . . . ," ponder­ Strang recorded this incident at a time four ing life until "my head ached."^' His formal years later (1832) when he was embroiled in schooling was meager and his physical health another threatening entanglement with a weak, but he managed to obtain a surprising married woman, Mary Draper Torrance. In a amount of independent book-learning and to ciphered paragraph he described the situation dominate local debating clubs with his thought and his sexual and emotional frustration: "she and voice. He was intellectually aggressive by had kissed me a number of times and I should have nature and became increasingly more aggres­ returned the compliment had it not been for the con­ sive to compensate for his physical weakness. sequences. I really wanted to do the other thing and Strang read widely, but he was particularly believe I might have done it too by careful manage­ impressed by the work of a leading figure in ment if I had tried. . . . But I am somewhat inclined what has been termed the "Revolutionary En­ to a certain evil which is easier avoided than cor- lightenment" in Europe and America. The re[c]ted. I am fond of female company. "''•* One Compte Constantin de Volney, in his popular month later, after this publicized "affair" (as treatise. Ruins (1791), blamed the decline of he termed it) had blown over, Strang again ex­ past civilizations on the corruptions of kings pressed serious consideration of matrimony and priests, "and the depressing doctrines of and was again frustrated. His amorous disap­ gloomy religions." Volney looked for a Uto­ pointments and designs put aside for the mo­ pian, universal religion to replace the old ment (but never far from his mind), Strang order—a sort of "secular millennialism"—but concentrated on his law studies, until in 1836 was disappointed by the failure of his theory in he met and courted Mary Perce. After two dis- practice in revolutionary France. While his ideas, and the ideas of the Revolutionary En­ '^Strang, ed.. Diary, 3; Henry F. May, The Enlightenment lightenment in general, made little lasting in America (New York, 1976), 168, passim. "'Strang, ed.. Diary, xxiv-xxv, 12-13 (coded). Strang wrote much of his diary in a code which has been trans­ '"'^Strang, ed.. Diary, 21. The diary covers the years lated by his grandson, Mark A. Strang. C'oded passages 1831-1836, with a flashback to 1828. Strang was fifteen to will be italicized and cited as such in the footnote. It is in­ twenty-three vears old during this period. teresting to note that the most provocative and revealing ^'James J. Strang, Ancestry anil Childhood of James J. passages are in this code. Apparently Strang wanted no Strang (1855), as published in Legler, Moses ofthe Mormons, one to know his secret thoughts. appendix I, 38. '"Ibid., 12 (coded). 287 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 couraging "interviews," Strang wrote emphat­ ically: "By heavens she is mine. I will steal her heart in an hour she thinks not. I know she can and must and will love me. . . . I know I shalfl] finally con­ quer."^^ After coming to his biological theory of "Happiness" at age fifteen, after the re­ peated disappointments and rebuffs of earlier loves, Strang finally did conquer a woman; it was a conquest and a feeling he would long re­ member, and would repeat four more times.

UT Strang had more important B things on his mind than mere love. Throughout his diary run the constant themes of a search for political power and fame. His words and plans ring with a thinly concealed megalomania: I am 19 years old and am yet no more than a common farmer. 'Tis too bad. I ought to have been a member of Assem­ bly or a Brigadier General before this time if I am ever to rival Cesar or Napoleon which I have sworn to. The winter season is now nearly past and I am sorry I have not made more im­ WHi (X3) ;«608 provements in preparing for my great James Strang's daughter Nettie. designs {of revolutionizing governments and contriefsf). . . .•^''' and smiled in the shade of another year. It is During the South Carolina Nullification Crisis gone. I hope not lost. But it is gone in the way of 1831—1833, Strang envisioned "revolution­ ofthe world and passed as others have passed izing" the United States' government: "Amidst their days who have died in obscurity. Curse all the evfijls ofthe disturbances of our national af­ me eternally if that be my fate. I know it is in fairs there is one consolation: that is if our govern­ my power to make it otherwise."''^ ment is overthrown some master spirit may form an­ A career proper to such plans for greatness other. May I be the one. I tremble when I write but it played incessantly in Strang's thoughts. While is true."^^ His plans to marry were overshad­ he desired power and fame, he also earnestly owed by "dreams of empire, "he talked of foreign desired "to [devote] my life to the service of intrigue and marriage to the heir to England mankind." Sometime prior to August, 1832, (Victoria), and his dreams were of "royalty and Strang "took a resolution ... to be a Priest, a power." "O! if I was King of England I would try my Lawyer, a Conquerer, and a Legislator unless I fortune in the bloody field. "^^ Given the seemingly find better business."'''' He apparently could premeditated course of Strang's later life, his find no "better business" than the eerie combi­ dreams and words were more than innocent nation of all four in the form of Prophet-King flights of fancy. By 1835, atage twenty-two, his James J. Strang. resolve was firmly stated, his goals fixed: "Jan­ But Strang voiced strong reservations uary 1st [1835]. I have rejoiced in the sunshine about priests and about religion in general. A not-very-devout member of the Baptist faith, raised during a period of religious revival and '"Hbid, 62-63 (coded). ^Hbid., 17, 15 (code italicized). fervor, Strang watched as the Second Great '"'Ibid, 32 (coded). Awakening changed individuals and society 'Hbid, 15, 18-19, 34 (all coded). In fact, when he did become "King," he halted passive resistance and took the =nbui.,SQ-'3l. field on several occasions against his Gentile adversaries. <^nbid., 9, 22 (code italicized). 288 LEWIS: STRANGITE POLYGAMY all around him. Instead of being swept up in inferior in education, oratory, and natural tal­ this intense religious wave (which he noted in ent, who had become the unchallenged his diary with evident disdain), Strang turned prophet of over ten thousand devout fol­ to science and empirical reason, and soon lowers, the builder and military leader of a came to question religious dogma, evidence, city, and a presidential candidate—all within and the nature of God. During his early bio­ fourteen years' time. The opportunities ap­ logical investigations, Strang seems to have peared unlimited for a more talented man come to his own conceptualization of God as a who was obsessed with power and fame, who Principle, the single primt)rdial cause—the recognized the overwhelming power of reli­ Spirit of Nature.^' In 1832 he wrote, "/ am a gious fervor and the fraility of mankind. perfect atheist . . . ," a fact that his son, Clement Strang was shrewd enough to see that the path Strang, and grandson, Mark Strang, felt com­ to his dreams lay through this church, at least pelled to believe. Strang confided to his diary for a moment. What might have happened that he prayed "just to please people." "It is all a had Smith not been killed three months later mere mock of sounds with me for I can no longer be­ remains a mystery. But Strang was quite pre­ lieve the nice speculative contradictions of our di­ pared even when the time came so suddenly. vine theologians of our age."^'^ His pronounce­ He moved swiftly, with power and audacity, ment on the clergy is none too kind given his toward his destiny, assured of his superior in­ later "resolution" and the course of his life. tellect, eloquence, and plan for control. "Sometimes," Strang wrote, "/ have almost a mind to become a priest but that i[s] tofo] small business for me. Cursed is every man and beast he has sub­ TRANG patterned his career very jected."'^^ S closely after that of Joseph For eight years, from 1836 to 1844, the re­ Smith, using the age-old devices of magic, cord of James Strang's thought is almost silent. mystery, and miracle to capture faith. He pro­ But the time spent as a lawyer, postmaster, lec­ ceeded to have divine visitations and revela­ turer, editor, and father in a frontier New tions. He was given sacred brass plates and the York county could only have intensified the biblical peep stones, Urim and Thummin, to ambition of a man who once wrote, "I should translate them. He set out to establish a city rather be the best hunter in an Indian tribe and even a kingdom, and was given the than a common place member of the New "sealed" section of Smith's Book of Mormon— York bar."'^'' Then in 1843-1844, dissadsfied the "Plates of Laban"—which outlined his the­ with his work and his life, Strang moved to ocratic kingdom on earth. He strove for public Wisconsin in search of a new start and new op­ office and protection for his followers, and he portunities. It was at this important juncture was eventually assassinated, leaving his church in his life that Strang became aware of the without a successor. The parallels are too Mormon Church and the Prophet Joseph great to be coincidence rather than a carefully Smith, Jr. orchestrated plan—all, that is, except his own Strang's comments on Smith in an 1848 eu­ murder. logy reveal how he instinctively perceived the But to say that Strang blindly followed Jo­ Prophet in 1844: "Joseph Smith was a very il­ seph Smith's lead in instituting polygamy and literate boy, as uncouth in manner and expres­ the Kingdom would be to underestimate a sion as one could well be, and, in fact, pro­ complex character. Strang knew of Joseph's foundly ignorant on all subjects without practices by December, 1846, at the latest, and exception. . . ."^'' Strang looked at Smith and probably well before. His early condemnation saw a man more than seven years his elder, his of polygamy served as an effective means of at­ tracting followers and drawing a distinct di­ ^'Ibid., 21-22, Mark Strang's commentary is in foot­ viding line theologically between his church note 17. Cf ibui., 10-12, 35-36. and that of Brigham Young. Possibly these ^Hbid, 21, 10 (coded). Cf. Clement Strang, "Why I Am were years of personal inner conflict over the Not a Strangite," 463. issue. Torn between his drive for power and ^'Strang, ed., Diary, 19 (coded). control and his love for his wife, Strang lashed ^Ibid, 27-28. out vehemently against polygamy. His denun­ ^''Gospel Herald, 1848, as cited in Fitzpatrick, The King Strang Story, 40. ciation was a reaction rather than a positive 289 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 action. Whatever the case, Strang's anti- Strang, a man of powerful sexual impulses, polygamy stance proved expedient only as a plagued with frustration, saw in polygamy a short-term device. vehicle for power and control over women—a Strang also recognized the necessity of control which he felt he lacked, and which he physically removing his flock from close con­ lamented in his diary.'''' Physically weak, he tact with the Gendles before announcing po­ strove to excel intellectually over others. He lygamy. He saw what was happening to the was concerned with fame, and polygamy held Brighamites with only the rumors of poly­ out the possibility of earthly (and eternal) im­ gamy floating about and knew he must wait. mortality for him through a numerous poster­ Besides, once the Saints had settled on the is­ ity who would carry forth his name, his mem­ land, they would be less likely (and less able ory, and be as "a crown of glory to an old physically and financially) to pack up again man."'5^ The flash point was reached when and leave if they were slightly dissatisfied with Strang met the very attractive, intelligent, and the doctrine. With Beaver Island under colo­ desirable Elvira Field, whom he could possess nization and his own power growing more se­ cure, Strang could then complete his plan by establishing the Kingdom. His alteration of an ••^Quaife, The Kingdom of St. James, 99, notes that Wingfield Watson reported Strang's "powerful sexual im­ "unchangeable" position on polygamy pulses" on the authority of the Prophet's own oral state­ through his own revelation, and not through ments. Cf Strang, ed.. Diary, 12-13, 62-63 (coded). Joseph's, marks the epitome of his plans and "'This is a common theme which runs through all Mor­ his personal dreams of power. He was in con­ mon ideology. B. H. Roberts, Comprehensive History, trol, He was the Prophet receiving revelation, 5:297; F. M. Brody, No Man Knows My History, 299-300; S. S. Ivins, "Notes on Mormon Polygamy," 317; Strang, and not someone else. Book ofthe Law, chapter 44, pp. 310, 313-314, 327-328.

Strang claimed to have been directed to this hillside near Voree where he discovered the sacred brass plates. WHi (X3) 26124 \-: 'TV*

;^:*-^l^^>^- LEWIS: STRANGITE POLYGAMY

(and have children by) only through plural great mystery in my mind how you came to be marriage. "Revelation" was then received and a mormon. . . . What your object could have the scene set for his political and theological been in joining them, I am at a loss to know, conquest and control of both women and men. unless it was for the sake of gain, or (as I have There was no general outcry, no mass exodus; often heard you say) to immortalize your Strang had achieved his power and awaited name, for it does not seem possible that you time to confirm his fame.^^ can be a sincere believer in mormonism. . . ."''^ Much of what has been said about Strang The ultimate question remains one of faith must be acknowledged as speculative. Reli­ and belief: was Strang directed by God or di­ gion, like the mind, is a sensitive and complex rected by his own innate motivations and de­ area whether you are analyzing your own or sires? Was he led by fate or by bold design? that of someone else. The possibility exists that That Strang was an intelligent man, a mag­ Strang's thought and plans radically changed netic, powerful, and persuasive leader is clear. when he converted to Mormonism, that he He proved his abilities often. Yet none of was the divinely appointed successor and Strang's extended family, and few of his apos­ earthly King of the Saints, and that polygamy tles, carried on the faith or the practice of po­ was ordained by God. Possibly there exists no lygamy after his death. In his final days Strang connection between his early frustrations with did not even see fit to appoint his own succes­ love and the practice of polygamy, between sor, although pressed to do so by his associates. dreams of power and fame and his course of Strang himself was the only real cement and "empire." But in light of the evidence, this "supreme force" within his church, and he seems very unlikely. Even his contemporary faced that fact in the end. If duration and childhood companions questioned his sudden prosperity are any indicators oiautorite divin in religious motivation. In 1846, his sister, My- Christian theology, then Strang lacked such raetta A. Losee, wrote: "I know not how to ad­ approbation and so did his kingdom. dress you. I have nothing to say in regard to the motives which may have actuated you— But James Jesse Strang ultimately tri­ but I entreat you, I beg you, . . . pause, and umphed in his temporal goals of power, serv­ think of the fearful responsibility you have ice, and fame; he eluded obscurity and proved taken upon you." Wealthy Smith, an early fe­ the observation he had made twenty-two years male companion and confidant, questioned earlier: "All the works of man are destined to Strang more directly: "It has always been a decay. . . . All the works of art and alike the systems of intellect fall before the tooth of time. . . . And fame, fame alone of all the pro­ "*In an excellent article, "James J. Strang: The ductions of man's folly may survive."^" Prophet Who Failed," in Church History, 50: 182-183 (June, 1981), Lawrence Foster argues that Strang insti­ tuted polygamy as a vehicle for political power. In the larger sen.se, Strang's entire kingdom was a political vehi­ "'Losee to Strang, May 5, 1846; Smith to Strang, No­ cle, with polygamy fulfilling a dual role in political and vember 1, 1846, in the Strang Papers. sexual control. '"Strang, ed., Diary, 48-49.

291 Oil on Trial: A Legal Encounter in Madison

By Marilyfi Grant

N his opening statement to thejtiry Sentinel called it "the greatest concentration of I at one of the most extraordinary highly paid legal talent ever seen in the trials ever held in the United States District state."'~ For 111 days, as the legal maneuvers Court for the Western District of Wisconsin, continued, the press kept watch and specu­ attorney William J. Donovan proclaimed: "We lated about the implications of the trial in have tried, throughout the past year of prepa­ terms of clarifying the relationship between ration for trial, to be most yielding, but we are big business and the New Deal administration standing right now at our Marne, and here we of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, in defining the will make our fight." responsibilities of state and federal govern­ "Wild Bill" Donovan oi' New York City's ments and private indtistry towards the con­ "Fighting 69th" Regiment—World War I hero servation of a national resource, and in deter­ and by the mid-1930's member of the presti­ mining the future thrust of the Sherman gious New York law firm of Donovan, Leisure, Anti-Trust Act. Simultaneously, during the Newton, and Lumbard—was in Madison, Wis­ three-and-a-half months that they were daily consin, to direct the defense of twenty-six oil required to appear in court, the indicted oil corporations, forty-six oil company officials, officials conducted much ofthe nation's petro­ and three oil trade journals charged with vio­ leum business from Madison—far from the lating the Sherman Anti-Trust Act. It was the fields and from most of the corporate offices largest criminal action brought tinder the ofthe oil industry. Sherman Act to that time, and it brotight This business of oil—the methods used to about, the Wisconsin State Journal noted, "the produce, refine, transport, and especially to unusual situation which sees men from the oil market it—provided the substance of the country coming up into the cheese country [to Madison oil trial. At issue were certain buying stand trial]."' practices patterned after programs initiated When the trial opened on October 4, 1937, under the National Industrial Reco\'ery Act the federal courtroom in Madison was packed (NIRA). fhe purpose of the act, which was with the defendants, spectators, the press, passed in June, 1933, was to prtnide the ma­ government counsel, and more than eighty chinery for industry, working with govern- defense attorneys. The Milwaukee Neivs- ^Milwaukee News-Sentinel, January 23, 1938, p. 8. Newspapers and magazines read to examine press cover­ 'Wisconsin State Journal, October 10, 1937, p. 12. Opin­ age of the trial included the Wisconsin State journal, the ions of the district, appeals, and supreme courts are re­ Capital Times, and The Progressive, all published in Madi­ ported in 23 F. Supp. 937 (1938), 105 F. 2d 809 (1939), son; the Milwaukee jV^wi-Sentof/and Mihvaukeeyowrna/; and 310 U.S. 150 (1940). See Paul H. Giddens, Standard The New York Times: The Christian Science Monitor; Time Oil Company (Indiana): Oil Pioneer ofthe Middle West (New magazine; Oil and Gas Journal; Business Week; and York, 1976), 525—541. for a discussion ofthe trial. Newsweek. 292 Copyright © / 983 by The State Historical Society of Wisconsin All rights of reproduction in any form reserved Trial participants listen attentively as an attorney illustrates gasoline pricing structures with gigan­ Wlli (X3) 39178 tic charts and graphs. This photograph was shot through a glass panel into the courtroom despite Judge Patrick T. Stone's ban on photographs during the trial. ment, to pull itself out of the abyss ofthe Great tration and we will work with you constantly to Depression. Among other devices, codes of that end."' fair practice were drawn up and supervised by At the urging of Ickes, and under the au­ each industry to achieve such goals as the elim­ thorization of the petroleum code, Arnott's ination of unfair competition, redtiction of committee set up a series of buying programs unemployment, improvement of labor condi­ during the spring and summer of 1934 tions, increased purchasing power, and con­ through which larger companies purchased servation of natural resources. excess or "distress" gasoline from small, inde­ The oil code was drawn up by the National pendent refineries which had lost their nor­ Recovery Administration (NRA), the adminis­ mal markets because of prevailing economic trative body charged with implementing the conditions. These programs, were the fore­ NIRA, and representatives ofthe oil industry. runners of the buying programs cited in the The Petroleum Administrator for the oil code Madison indictment in 1936. Conditions was Secretary ofthe Interior Harold L. Ickes, within the till industry which the petroleum who appointed a Petroleum Administrative code sought to alleviate were related only tan- Board and a Planning and Coordination Com­ gentially to the general economic woes of the mittee composed of oilmen to administer the country. The core problems reached back to code. In turn, the committee appointed a mar­ the beginning of the industry and stemmed keting committee ttj organize regional, state, from a lack of knowledge about the nature of and local grtjups to help solve the problems of oil, from early legal premises, and from the selling oil. The chairman of the marketing cupidity of man. committee was Charles E. Arnott, vice- Oil had been known in the eastern United president of Socony-Vacuum Oil CxtmjDany States at least since 1627, when a Franciscan (and later called the "mastermind behind the missionary in western New York noted in his antitrust conspiracy"). Harold Ickes worked diary that he had seen "some very good oil." closely with Arnott and other members ofthe Early in the nineteenth century, operators of various committees and personally addressed the oil men at the first meeting of the Planning 'Giddens, Standard Oil Company (Indiana), 514. Secre­ and Coordination Committee in September, tary of the Interior Harold Ickes wrote that while the oil 1933. "Gentlemen," Secretary Ickes intoned, defendants had transgressed the law after the NIRA was "we have a solemn duty to perform. Our task is declared unconstitutional, they had merely continued to stabilize the oil industry upon a profitable "doing what apparently was legal and what I, as Oil Ad­ ministrator, sanctioned." The Secret Diary of Harold L. Ickes basis. This is the keen desire of the Adminis­ (New York, 1954), 11:314.

293 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 salt wells in West Virginia, Ohio, Kentucky, dened with a misunderstanding of the phys­ and Pennsylvania complained of the greasy ical properties of gas and oil. In 1889, for ex­ substance contaminating their wells. To rid ample, the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania themselves of the problem, they either wrote in Westmoreland Natural Gas Company v. drained it into waterways or burned it off, DeWitt: "Water and oil, and still more strongly though some entrepreneurs envisioned its gas, may be classed by themselves. . . . In com­ value as medicine and began to capture and mon with animals, and unlike other minerals, bottle it. Eventually, the potential of oil was they have the power and the tendency to es­ perceived, and in 1857 Edwin L. Drake began cape without the volition of the owner. . . . to drill for oil in Titusville, Pennsylvania. Af­ They belong to the owner ofthe land, and are ter two years of drilling, at a depth of sixty- part of it, so long as they are on or in it, and are nine feet, Drake brought in a gusher of twenty subject to his control; but when they escape, barrels a day. This well is generally conceded and go into other land, or come under an­ to mark the beginning ofthe petroleum indus­ other's control, the title of the former owner is try in the United States.' gone. Possession ofthe land, therefore, is not necessarily possession ofthe gas. If an adjoin­ ing, or even a distant, owner, drills his own land, and taps your gas, so that it comes into HE legal history of the industry his well and under his control, it is no longer T-began even before the Drake yours, but his."'' well was completed, however. On December 8, Eighteen years later, in 1907, the Pennsyl­ 1858, Lewis Peterson sued Samuel M. Kier in a vania court in Barnard v. Monongahela Gas Pennsylvania court for converting 50,000 gal­ Company delivered a landmark opinion that lons of oil into medicine and allegedly receiv­ clearly spells out the roots ofthe problem that ing $20,000 for the sale of it. Peterson had culminated in the Madison tjil trial in 1937. leased the land to Kier with the privilege only The court wrote that the law, "as we under­ of boring salt wells and manufacturing salt. stand it, is every landowner or his lessee may The court ruled in favor of Peterson. The locate his wells wherever he pleases, regard­ Pennsylvania supreme court reversed this de­ less of the interests of others. He may distrib­ cision and declared that Kier was not at fault ute them over the whole farm or locate them because he had opened the well according to only on one part of it. He may crowd the ad­ the stipulations in his lease. In this early opin­ joining farms so as to enable him to draw the ion, the term petroleum was first defined and oil and gas from them. What, then, can the the right to the petroleum was located in the neighbor do? Nothing; only go and do like­ leaseholder.^ As the oil industry grew, an in­ wise. He must protect his own oil and gas. He creasing number of lawsuits were initiated in knows it is wild and will run away if it finds an states courts, especially concerning property opening and it is his business to keep it at rights. home. . . ."' While the science of oil was still very young, many of the early legal opinions were btir- ^Westmoreland Natural Gas Company v. DeWitt, 130 Pa. 235, 18 Ad. 724, 5 L. R. A. 731 (1897). 'Barnard v. Monongahela Gas CJompany, 261 Pa. 362, ••For the history of the development of the petroleum 65 Ad. 801 (1907). Under this and the Westmoreland rul­ industry, see Paul H. Giddens, The Birth ofthe Oil Industry ings, the oil operator who allowed his oil to flow at the (New York, 1972); Harold F. Williamson and Arnold R. most rapid rate set the production level for all drillers in Daum, The American Petroleum Industry: The Age of Illumina­ the same pool, leading to overproduction and a surplus of tion, 1859-1899 (Evanston, Illinois, (959); Harold F. Wil­ oil on the market. The buying programs challenged in the liamson, Ralph L.Andreano, Arnold R. Daum, and Gil­ Madison trial were devised to remedy such surpluses. bert C. Kose, The American Petroleum Industry: The Age oj Crude oil is always associated with salt water and is Energy, 1899-1959 (Evanston, Illinois, 1963); Augus\ W. found in sedimentary rocks that are layered alternately Giebelhaus, Business and Government in the Oil Industry: A with a porous sandstone or limestone and impervious Case Study of Sun Oil, 1876-1945 (Greenwich, Connecti­ shales. When an abnormality in the layers occurs, creating cut, 1980'); Gerald D. Nash, United States Oil Policy, 1890- an open space, the oil travels through the porous stone to 1964 (Pittsburgh, 1968); and Blakely M. Murphy, editor, the open space (variously called a trap, holding basin, Conservation of Oil and Gas: A Legal History, 1948 (New pool, or reservoir). The oil shares its underground lair York, 1972). with water, free gas, and gas held in solution in the oil in a ''Lewis Peterson v. Samuel M. Kier, 2 Pittsburgh 191 state of equilibrium created by natural pressure known as (1860); Kierv. Peterson, 41 Pa 357 (1861). the reservoir energy. When the drill on an oil rig pene- 294 GRANT: OIL ON TRIAL

Two important legal tenets established in coupled with the growing importance of oil these early cases that persisted into more en­ and gas, presented a far different situation in lightened times, when the physical nature of the 1930's than had been anticipated at the petroleum was better understood, are the leas­ end ofthe nineteenth century. ing system and the law of capture. The courts Little was done about the wasteful condi­ held that the owner of land leased for oil drill­ tions until the loss of the resource was trans­ ing could force the lessee to produce oil from lated into economic terms. When prices and the well or wells as fast as other producers op­ profits fell, states began to pass legislation to erating from the same pool of oil in order to regulate oil production in order to protect the protect the leased land against drainage by the rights of the owners to a fair return on their other producers. The landowner, the courts investments. Most of the early statutes, how­ stated, has the right to equal royalties with his ever, skirted the economic consideration and neighbors. Under the law of capture, a pro­ rested instead on the states' police power and ducer is entitled to drill as many wells as he their right to conserve a natural resource. Pri­ pleases and is entitled to all the oil and gas he marily through various systems of proration- produces from his wells, regardless of how he ing (limiting production of crude oil and gas to does it or of where the oil comes from. These a fractional part ofthe total productive capac­ early doctrines disregarded the interrelated ity of each producer) the states were able to property rights of all the co-owners in a com­ maintain reasonable prices until about 1926, mon pool and totally ignored the need to con­ when the first of the big Oklahoma fields came serve gas and oil. in. In 1929, as the nation was sinking into the Oil, of course, does not originate in under­ Great Depression, the Oklahoma City pool ground lakes and rivers as envisioned by the gushed. Then, in 1931, the gigantic East early courts. Since there is no relationship be­ Texas field began to pour a million barrels of tween the reservoirs of oil and surface prop­ oil a day onto the market. As crude oil dipjied erty rights, the drainage of oil and gas and the to ten cents a barrel, the oil industry panicked. depletion of the source of energy are depen­ Five years before this, about the time the dent on the drilling habits of all who are com­ Oklahoma field opened. Professor John Ise, peting for the resources of a common pool. Al­ an economist at the University of Kansas, had lowing too rapid a ffow of oil depletes the bemoaned the wasteful practices of the oil in­ reservoir energy and releases gas in solution dustry and the greed of oilmen as well as the too quickly; the oil travels through the well general public. He predicted then that there more rapidly than it can be replaced by other were only two ways to conserve oil resources; oil coming in through the rocks; and salt wa­ through higher prices achieved by the unre­ ter, which is more ffuid than oil, ffows in, stricted action of economic law, for which he drowning the well and blocking the access of held little hope, or by direct government inter­ more oil. Only a concerted cooperative effort vention to regulate both the production and agreed to by all drillers or forced on them by the use of oil. Neither method probably would state (jr federal government could prevent work, the professor sourly concluded, because such devastation. The wanton drilling contin­ of "human selfishness and shortsightedness." ued, however, as oil discoveries moved beyond The only route to success from either direc­ Pennsylvania and into the Mid-Continent and tion, he noted, was through a general public finally the East Texas fields. A more sophisti­ aroused by the issue of conservation rather cated approach to the geological conditions than economics or politics; and this he necessary for the presence of oil, combined doubted would happen "until the resources with modern engineering techniques and are largely gone."*' trates the top layer of shale, the pressure equilibrium is disturbed, and the liquids and gases move through the OR a variety of reasons, the pro- pores of the sandstone to the point of lowered pressure. As the pressure is lowered, the gases expand and force the F rationing statutes in Oklahoma oil to the well and up to the surface. Gas held in solution is and Texas were not enforced, and oil in excess the prime mover ofthe oil. Both the amount of pressure in the reservoir and the volume of oil and gas in solution yohn Ise, United Stales Oil Policy (New Haven, 1926), are limited. 493-495,525. 295 If!

.'L^l^^f^t.

WHi(W821)57 West Washington Avenue and the Loraine Hotel, Madison's leading hotel in the 1930's. of the stipulated production amounts contin­ sented the Globe Oil Company at the Madison ued to flow. Fhis illegal or so-called "hot oil" trial, wrote: "The enforcement of 9c was sim­ produced in violation of state law was esti­ ply non-existent. The Federal sleuths in East mated to be as high as 500,000 barrels a day by Texas were soon regarded as such a joke that, the summer of 1933. Prices which had stabi­ by way of rubbing it in, local papers carried ad­ lized somewhat since 1931, crashed at one vertisements for the sale of false whiskers as point to four cents a barrel in East Texas. With disguises for Tederals'." In an effort to en­ the illegal oil flowing across the country, the force the regulations, the federal government older and more stable fields either had to allow demanded sworn affidavits to verify that all in­ their oil to ffow wide open or lose their estab­ terstate shipments of crude and gasoline were lished markets to the new and cheaper compe­ produced legally. The forms used for the tition. At this point, the federal government, affidavits were Form O.E.S. "These were soon under pressure from Congress and the oilmen affectionately known in the field as the 'Oh themselves, brought the oil industry under the Yeah' affidavits," Horween told the law club. aegis ofthe NIRA. 'Fo placate states' rights ad­ "Thousands of them were solemnly filed with vocates, the act left matters of conservation to the railroads signed, 'Harold L. Ickes,' 'Frank­ the states and to the petroleum code. If petro­ lin D. Roosevelt,' and others, and showing the leum or its products were produced in viola­ consignee as 'George the Fifth' and 'John D. tion of state law. Section 9c ofthe NIRA legis­ Rockefeller.' And so the game went merrily lation authorized the President to prohibit the on. • interstate shipment ofthe "hot oil." Eventually an injunction was granted in From its inception. Section 9c was a farce federal court prohibiting federal agents from among the free-wheeling oilmen. In a paper entering private property to inspect the oil; presented to the Chicago Law Club in 1938, attorney Ralph Horween, who had been a mem­ '"Troubled Oil on Judicial Waters," paper presented ber of the Federal Tender Board in the East by Ralph Horween to the Chicago Law Club on November Texas field during this period, and an assist­ 4, 1938. A printed copy ofthe address is in the possession ant to Ickes on the oil code, and who repre­ ofthe author. 296 GRANT; OIL ON TRIAL and on January 8, 1935, the United States Su­ were holding distress gasoline to major oil preme Court ruled that Section 9c violated the companies which would buy their gasoline. Constitution by the unbridled delegation of Eventually a second buying program was es­ legislative power to the President.'" In less tablished in the East Texas field as well. No than two months. Congress passed the Con- contractual agreements were signed, and sales nally "Hot Oil" Act which virtually reinstated were arranged through person-to-person Section 9c by the action of Congress, rather contacts. than the President, and prohibited interstate During the trial testimony, the euphemism transportation of illegally produced oil. fhe "dancing partners" was used to describe the act retained the Federal Tender Boards and independent refiners. McDowell testified that provided for a review of charged violations the name originated during an early meeting through the normal administrative channels of the Tank Car Stabilization Committee of the circuit courts of appeal. The elaborate when refiners were being assigned to the ma­ paper work and the maze of nonenforceable jor companies, and several of the smaller re­ procedures that had been incorporated into finers were not mentioned. According to Mc­ Section 9c disappeared. (Coincidentally, the Dowell, H. T. Ashton remarked, while date of passage, February 22, 1935, also was making the assignments, that it reminded him the beginning of the period embraced by the of a dance. "Here we are at a great economic first indictment in the Madison oil trial.) ball," McDowell remembered Ashton as say­ Through the cooperative efforts of Con­ ing. "We have these major companies who gress and the states, the Connally Act did stop have to buy gasoline and are buying gasoline, the ffow of illegal gas and oil, but by that time and they are strong dancers. They have asked many small independent refiners had lost certain people to dance with them. Fhey are their markets to renegade producers and were the better known independent refiners. Here facing bankruptcy even as they sat with tanks are seven or eight that no one seems to know. filled with legitimate gasoline. During this per­ They remind me of the wallffowers that always iod in early 1935, a group of oilmen met with used to be present at those old country dances. Charles Arnott and his marketing committee I think it is going to be one of the jobs of this to discuss implementing a buying program Committee to introduce some of these wallflow­ that would establish a solid base for tank car ers to some of the strong dancers, so that ev­ prices of gasoline while relieving independent erybody can dance."" refiners of their excess gasoline. Arnott ap­ In March, after the first "dancing partners" pointed a Tank Car Stabilization Committe had been assigned, Arnott discussed the buy­ comprised of, among others, Robert W. Mc­ ing programs with Secretary Ickes but did not Dowell, vice-president of Mid-Continent Pe­ ask for his approval or for a written sanction of troleum Corporation; H. T. Ashton, manager the arrangements. When Ickes asked Arnott if of the Lubrite Division of Socony-Vacuum; he thought the buying programs violated anti­ Arthur V. Bourque, secretary of the Western trust law, Arnott replied that it was his under­ Refiners Association; Edward J. Bullock, vice- standing that they did not. On April 2, 1935, president in charge of purchasing for Stand­ Ickes wrote to Arnott to remind him that any ard of Indiana; and P. E. Lakin, general man­ form of buying agreement that did not fall un­ ager of sales for Shell Oil Company, all of der NRA jurisdiction was subject to antitrust whom were named later in the indictments. laws. About six weeks later, on May 27, 1935, The committee formed a buying program the United States Supreme Court declared the within the ten states ofthe midwestern market entire NIRA unconstitutional.'- The Tank area known as Standard of Indiana territory. Car Stabilization Committee met and decided The program was similar to those in 1934 but nevertheless that the condition ofthe industry was much more efficient and better organized. warranted the continuation ofthe buying [pro­ In essence, the plan provided that three men grams. The objectives ofthe Roosevelt admin­ from the committee wtjuld assign individual istration under the NIRA, they concluded, refiners in the Mid-Continent oil field who "R. W. McDowell's testimony is quoted in U.S. v. Socony-Vacuum Oil Company, 310 U.S. 179. '"Panama Refining Company v. Ryan, 293 U.S. 388 '^A.L.A. Schechter Poultry Corporation v. United (1935). States, 295 U.S. 495(1935). 297 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 were equally desirable without the NIRA, and in April, 1936, that a grand jury would be em­ NRA officials had reminded industry leaders paneled in Madison, Wisconsin, was regarded that they were responsible for maintaining the with both surprise and suspicion. economic gains that had been realized under the oil code. In other words, the oilmen de­ cided that their interests and the interests of the national economy coincided, and they con­ HEjury convened on May 4, and tinued their buying agreements in spite of the T' in late July, a criminal indict­ Court's finding. ment was issued charging the oil companies, individual oilmen, and industry journals with Within weeks ofthe Court's NIR.A. decision, conspiring to fix tank car prices of gasoline. the Department of Justice began to receive The defendants had, the government con­ complaints about the buying arrangements tended, "entered into a combination and con­ from jobbers in the midwestern states and spiracy to raise the general level of retail prices from the National Oil Marketing Association. prevailing in the Mid-Western area including On August 1, 1935, the department an­ the Western District of Wisconsin," in direct nounced that it had ordered an investigation violation of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act. A ofthe oil industry. In spite ofthe Court's deci­ second indictment was issued in November, sion and the investigation, the stabilization charging several oil companies and individu­ committee met monthly through February, als, including some named in the first indict­ 1936, and continued the buying programs ment, with fixing margins in jobber contracts. into April, 1936. Apparently believing they were acting within the confines of the law, or The legal maneuvering began immedi­ perhaps comforted by the assumption that ately. First the defendants challenged the le­ they were powerful enough to ignore the in­ gality of the grand jury. Their challenge was vestigation with impunity, Arnott and his upheld, but a new jury reissued the same two committee steadfastly refused to cooperate indictments in December. Ten months later, with Justice agents during the investigation. on October 4, 1937, the charge pertaining to They declined to answer questions about the the buying programs was brought to trial in buying arrangements or to produce requested Madison. documents or figures. Although oilmen had The Oil and Gas Journal labeled the trial a never hesitated during the industry's stormy "raw deal," and stated that "the oil industry as history to turn as supplicants to Washington a whole deeply and rightly resents the manner or the state capitals, this time they did not urge in which this case has been sensationalized to a meeting between Justice Department brand an entire industry as criminals." The officials and industry leaders to attempt to ar­ writer claimed that the Roosevelt administra­ rive at a mutually satisfactory solution. Per­ tion was determined to regulate business and haps the legal staffs ofthe major oil companies that by bringing a criminal action instead of were not consulted about the ramifications of seeking the "more customary cease and desist the buying programs, and may have been un­ injunctions of consent decrees," the adminis­ aware of them.''^ Once the stabilization com­ tration viewpoint would receive from the mittee made the purchasing decision, the ne­ press "more startling headlines and . . . politi­ gotiations between the iriajor companies and cal pep-talks." The New York Times predicted their "dancing partners" often were carried that as the testimony unfolded, "a good cross- on by junior-level executives in the sales or section picture of the political and economic marketing divisions. Charles Arnott was a life in the United States in the last five years" powerful and persuasive man who had would appear." A common question asked by worked closely with the NRA. Most ofthe in­ the press (and one that continued to provoke a dustry did not question his leadership, so the variety of responses long after the trial) was announcement from the Justice Department why the United States Justice Department had selected Madison for the trial from among the ten states that made up the midwestern area. "Interview with Ralph Horween at Ephraim, Wiscon­ sin, July 16, 1982. Horween suggested that individuals Possible sites included Chicago, headquarters could have agreed to a buying program as a routine mat­ ter without realizing the need to discuss it with the compa­ '''Oil and Gas Journal, September 30, 1937, p. 28; The ny's legal advisers. New York Times, October 17, 1937, p. 1, Business Section. 298 GRANT: OIL ON TRIAL city for Standard Oil of Indiana; Detroit, a great industrial center; as well as other cities in such oil-producing states as Ohio, Indiana, Oklahoma, and parts of Texas. In fact only one defendant, Samuel H. Trainor, president of the Marathon County Oil Company, re­ sided in one of the forty-four counties com­ prising the Western District of Wisconsin. Five years after the trial, in a series of artic­ les about the Roosevelt administration's use of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act, The Christian Sci­ ence Monitor accused the Justice Department of choosing the venue of the trial to best ac­ commodate the government's case. "Thus it brought the first big case against the oil com­ panies at Madison, Wisconsin," the Monitor charged. "None of them produce or refine there and the complaints only remotely in­ volved Wisconsin. But, Wisconsin is a state of farmers and one with a long record of radical legislation. More than that, jurors in the Madi­ son case were warned it would be long and WHi (X3) 39139 those with much business were let off. So, pro­ Judge Patrick T. Stone presiding in federal court at Detroit, 1936. found and intricate matters of anti-trust law and commercial practice were heard by a jury partisan favor upon the government's case. few of whose members had a high-school edu­ Such allegations rankled thejudge, who asked cation."'-'' one of the government attorneys to inquire An oilman indicted in another antitrust in­ how the supposedly "friendly judge and fo­ vestigation at the same time on the East Coast rum" were selected. At least partially because referred bitterly to the Madison trial in a book of his concern over press coverage. Judge he wrote condemning the treatment of the oil Stone ordered that the jurors be sequestered industry during the 1930's. The men, he said, throughout the trial. "This case will be tried in were "herded to a selected section of the 'Un­ court," Stone declared, "not in the newspa­ ion' to be tried before a selected jury of coun­ pers."'^ try folk; and finally purged by conviction in Legal matters brought before a judge in the the now famous Madison, Wisconsin, oil Western District of Wisconsin at that time did trial!""^ not tend to enrich a jurist's antitrust experi­ Federal Judge Patrick T. Stone, who pre­ ence. A major share of Judge Stone's case load sided at the trial, was portrayed in the press had dealt with prohibition, moonshining, In­ before the trial as a prominent state Demo­ dians, and reservation affairs. Considered a cratic politician who had been a delegate to hard-driving but compassionate jurist. Stone two national Democratic conventions and who harbored no mercy for those who deliberately had given a seconding speech for the nomina­ used others ill; but he was an advocate of pro­ tion of Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1932. In bation programs, especially for youthful and return for his political allegiance, Stone, whose name had been suggested by Wiscon­ "On February 12, 1938, Judge Stone wrote to Robert sin's U.S. Senator F. Ryan Dufify, was H. Jackson, assistant attorney general in charge ofthe An­ Roosevelt's first appointee to the f^ederal titrust Division in the Justice Department: "It might be both interesting and enlightening to you to inquire of Mr. bench in June, 1933, and the press strongly Chaffetz how the 'friendlyjudge and forum' were selected suggested that Stone would look with some for the trial ofthe oil cases. There had been so much spec­ ulation by newspaper men . . . that I inquired of Mr. Chai- '''The four articles appeared January 27, p. 12; Janu­ fetz and I think you might be amused to learn why this ary 28, p. 10; January 29, p. 9; and January 30, p. 10. selection was made." Box 378313, correspondence, in the '^ames Edward Jones, Anrf So—They IndictedMe! (New Patrick T. Stone Papers, Federal Court Archives, Chi­ York, 1938), 83. cago. Wisconsin State Journal, October 5, 1937.

299 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 first offenders. As the Madison trial ground room, I had trouble keeping awake."2' Wis­ on, he commented that he felt sorry for some consin's capital was a relatively small city of ofthe oilmen, especially the younger ones. Af­ about 58,000 residents in 1937. It tended to be ter the trial was over, the press, including the provincial and introspective—a rather self- oil trade journals, praised his conduct and contained society within its academic and state noted that he had kept politics out of the trial. government environs. A certain perverse curi­ In an interview some twenty years later, he dis­ osity was aroused by reports ofthe wealth and cussed his naivete at the time. "1 thought it was power of the oilmen and their attorneys, and just another antitrust suit," he said. "Foday I photographs of men associated with Sinclair, would be afraid to tackle it."'" Shell, Standard Oil of Indiana, Phillips, and Contemporary reaction to the site of the others—names familiar to America's first full trial was summed up in a history of the Shell generation of automobile owners—were Oil Company when the author commented sprinkled across the pages of the state's news­ that such a selection "could not but provoke papers. Before the trial began, a Madison pa­ comment, for Wisconsin was not an oil- per editorialized that the oilmen were in town producing or oil-refining state; it was not even "throwing money around in preparation for a an especially large center of oil consumption. long stay," a comment singled out by Judge Those who feared the worst were quick to Stone when he ordered the jury sequestered. point out that Wisconsin was, however, a A photo of the multi-engine Boeing aircraft known home of the Progressive movement that Frank Phillips, president of Phillips Pe­ and the average Wisconsin voter, who had for troleum Company, used to commute between much of his life been a follower of the La Fol- his home in Bartlesville, Oklahoma, and Madi­ lettes, could be counted on to look at big busi­ son was captioned: AIR YACHT OF OIL MAN. In ness with a suspicious eve."'" another photo, the bank building in which the When the Oil and Gas Journal questioned defense established their headquarters was la­ him in August, 1936, about the court selec­ beled, MARBLE HALL OF THE OIL MEN, and tion. United States Attorney General Homer photos of some of Madison's more elegant Cummings replied that Madison had been homes that were rented by the men during chosen for several reasons. Among them he their three-and-one-half-month stay accom­ emphasized the importance of a speedy trial, panied some of the news articles about the which the light docket in the Western IJistrict trial. After the verdict, the media claimed that of Wisconsin would ensure. Madison was also the oilmen had damaged their own case by conveniently located in the middle ofthe mid- their ostentatious style of living.^^ western territory, with adequate facilities to Such charges were largely unjustified. handle the grand jury investigation and the Madison lacked adequate office, lodging, and trial. Cummings also told the Journal that Chi­ restaurant facilities for such an influx. Actu­ cago had been the original site but was ally the trial participants kept a low profile. dropped when oil jobbers complained that the During the week they kept to themselves, con­ investigation and trial could not be conducted centrated on the trial, and sought privacy in fairly at that point.^^ their rented homes or at the Madison Club, a private downtown club for business and pro­ fessional men. On weekends, as many as could left Madison for their own homes. S engrossing as the Madison oil A=tria l was to the watchdogs ofthe ^"Oil and Gas Journal, August 20, 1936, p. 22. Sixteen months later, Cummings noted in a report substantiating nation's political, economic, and legal systems, his request for additional federal judges that the Western it aroused but fleeting interest among most of District of Wisconsin, where over 60 percent of the pend­ the residents of the quiet university commu­ ing cases were more than two years old, needed a second nity. As one local reporter who covered parts judge. Annual Report to the Congress, January 3, 1938, ofthe action remembered, "It was a long, bor­ pp. 2-4. See also Carl Brent Swisher, editor. Selected Papers of Homer Cummings, Attorney General of the United Slates, ing trial. Some afternoons, sitting in the court- 1933-1939 {NewYork,l9'i9),2U. ^'Telephone interview with Herbert Jacobs, Berkeley, '^Wausau Daily Record-Herald, ]une 13, 1962. California, May 7, 1981. "Kendall Beaton, Enterprise m Oil: A History of Shell in ^^For example, see: Wisconsin State Journal, October 4 the United States (New York, 1957), 479-483. and 6, 1937; Kendall Beaton, Enterprise in Od, 480-481. 300 The Park Hotel on the comer of Main and Carroll streets in the 1930's.

The trial did bring money and jobs to town. penter; a garageman; a mechanic; a redred Plagued by the financial worries of the De­ railroad employee; a merchant; a real estate pression, many Madison residents eagerly salesman; and a retired utility manager. An­ rented their homes for what by local standards other farmer and a fox farm owner were the were substandal fees. Cab drivers and tele­ two alternates. One farmer listed his address phone, Western Union, and railroad employ­ as Madison; the others were from small rural ees welcomed the sudden surge in business, communides. On Christmas Day, under close and many young people in Madison found supervision, the men were allowed to talk with their first jobs at about $ 13.00 a week working their families. Their mail and newspapers ten and twelve hours a day for the law firms as were carefully censored, and they were not messengers, stenographers, or clerks. permitted to see The Life ofEmile Zola because A sequestered jury would not likely be in­ of the movie's courtroom scenes. (Under the fluenced by the life style of the defendants. watchful eyes of the United States marshals, Their sixteen long weeks in virtual captivity they did attend other movies, where they sat over the Thanksgiving, Christmas, and New together between two empty rows of seats.) An Year holidays certainly did have an impact on exercise room in the Loraine Hotel Annex the fourteenjurors. Among the twelve regular where the men lived was outfitted with gym jurymen were five farmers, one redred; a car­ equipment loaned by the University of Wis-

301 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 consin, but the fourteen men still averaged a weight gain of more than fifteen pounds each.^^ In the eyes of the jury, the large assemblage of prominent-appearing attorneys was more crucial to the general image ofthe defendants than was their mode of living while in Madi­ son. As a newspaperman who had covered partof the proceedings later quipped; "There was a definite feeling that any group that needed that many lawyers must be guilty as hell."^^ Because of the large number of de­ fendants, both individual and corporate, it was necessary to rely on the advice of house counsel as well as antitrust lawyers, but it was probably a tactical error for the defense not to rely more heavily on the six Wisconsin attor­ neys and the feeling of kinship they brought with them into the courtroom. After the open­ ing days, many ofthe oil industry's lawyers did not appear daily in court, and the six Wiscon­ sin men, H. H. Thomas, San Orr, E. L. Wingert, and Carl N. Hill from Madison; T. W. Brazeau from Wisconsin Rapids; and J. H. Marschutz from Milwaukee, did soften the im­ pact of what became known as the "Donovan entourage." Selected to work with Colonel Donovan as second in command ofthe defense legal forces was Herbert H. Thomas, a prominent Madi­ son attorney and distinguished trial lawyer whose reputation as an aggressive courtroom battler and skilled interrogator who could WHi (X3) 39699 draw forth testimony favorable to his client Before he was forty years old, Herbert H. Thomas had acquired from the most belligerent of witnesses was his "shock of snowy hair." widely respected in Wisconsin. In contrast to dem, "Wild BiU" Donovan and H. H. Thomas the aura of "outsider" that enveloped made an elegant and formidable courtroom Donovan, Thomas was regarded as a local boy duo. who had made good. Born in 1875 at Working with Thomas at the dme of the Darlington, Wisconsin, he grew up on a Lafay­ trial was San W. Orr, a young University of ette County farm and attended school in Wisconsin law graduate and partner in the Darlington before enrolling at the University Madison firm of Thomas and Orr. During a of Wisconsin, where he worked his way recent interview with Orr and his wife through law school. Before moving to Madi­ Eleanor, also an attorney who was Thomas' son in 1920, he practiced law in Baraboo. At secretary during the trial, Orr referred to the time of his death in 1954, Thomas was de­ himself as primarily an "errand boy" during scribed as a "man with a whiplash mind, a tre­ the trial.2^ "One of^ my jobs before the trial mendous voice, a Titan's bearing, and a strik­ opened," he remembered, "was to arrange for ing shock of snowy hair, he was an almost awesome figure in the courtroom."^^ In tan- ^^Interview with San W. Orr, of Counsel: Isaksen, Lathrop, Esch, Hart, and Clark Law Firm, Madison, and ^•TJW, January 31, 1938, p. 51; Stoughton (Wisconsin) Eleanor Orr, attorney, at their Madison home, April 7, Gouner-Hub, January 24, 1938, p. 1. 1981. Additional information about the trial was provided ^*Herbert Jacobs interview. by Mr. and Mrs. Orr in subsequent telephone conversa­ ^^WiscommSta^fyourna/editorial, September 14, 1954. tions. 302 GRANT: OIL ON TRIAL office space and housing. There wasn't much had closed its doors following the crash of rental property in Madison, and there wasn't a 1929. "It was ideal for our needs. Records hotel that was comparable to what those men brought here by the oil companies were kept needed. Madison was still in the Depression in the vault, and the first ffoor and mezzanine and people needed money, so we were able to served as office space. The busiest place in the rent several large homes. You must remember building was the basement. The bank's board that those men were here literally fighting to room was down there and it was a long room; stay out of jail—that's what criminal charges just the shape we needed for handling all the meant, a possible prison sentence. daily paper work. That was before the day of "They weren't bad men or criminals, and the Xerox machine. The daily transcripts were many of them had no direct connection with copied on a mimeographing machine and the charges in the indictment; they were then the pages had to be collated. I built a big figureheads in that their name was associated table to fit the board room. Each day a round with a particular office in a particular oil com­ robin of girls would stand around the table pany. They needed places to confer in private collating the sheets. It was quite a production, without risking being overheard. They also but we never missed a day. The transcripts needed someplace to go at night to relax. They were always ready for the next court session." were away from their families for almost four months. It was an extremely stressful time for them." he testimony and the legal de­ Orr remembered that they were fortunate bates often were technical and in being able to rent part of the building of the T' complex. Eighteen tons of records had been former Bank of Madison at 1 West Main (now subpoenaed by the grand jury; nearly 12,000 occupied by the M&I Bank of Madison), which

The Bank of Madison at 1 West Main offered ample office and storage space for oil attorneys just one short block from the federal court building. WHi(W821)51 / . ^, ./

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Kennedy Galleries, Inc.

John Steuarl Gurry, University of Wisconsin artist-in-residence, .=^> visited the courtroom during the last week ofthe trial and sketched the participants while attorneys were delivering their final arguments to the jury. In the top sketch. Judge Stone, Colo­ nel Donovan, H. H. Thomas, and Hammond E. Chajfetz (left yf' to right) listen as J ohn Henry Lewin addresses the jury. Charles '•••J E. Arnott scowls out from the middle sketch, and Hammond E. Chajfetz emphasizes a point to the jury in the bottom drawing.

Hammond E, Cliaffetz GRANT: OIL ON TRIAL pages of transcript and more than 1,000 ex­ had brought criminal rather than civil char­ hibits were amassed during the trial. Huge ges, the court had to find the defendants charts purporting to show the pricing struc­ guilty of wrongful intent. "[DJid these men ture of oil from crude to marketable products, have a guilty intent in what they did?" or profit margins for producer, refiner, and Donovan asked the jury. He contended that it jobber, were displayed before the jury. Each was not sufficient to show written or statutory side pointed to figures to substantiate its claim approbation but that, in addition, "there is the that the buying programs (to the ultimate question of instigation; there is the question of benefit of industry and consumer) raised inducement; there is the question oi ap­ prices illegally, according to the prosecution, proval. . . ." Fo bring the issue of intent and or legally, according to the defense. Although the concerns of the NRA into focus, the de­ the issues were complicated and the legal strat­ fendants attempted to explain to the jury the egies at times convoluted, the arguments by problems of oil production and what had led each side pivoted on relatively simple and di­ to the situation in the industry in 1935. In his rect propositions. closing argument, H. H. Thomas emphasized The prosecution defined the government that the defendants did not set out to fix charges narrowly as a combination within an prices, "but to correct abuses resulting from industry working together to set prices. The unfair trade practices, among others, the duty of the Department of Justice, they dumping of gasoline at any price obtainable claimed, was to prosecute any such violation of therefore, depending upon the necessities the antitrust laws, regardless of what another and circumstances of the particular refiner." department ofthe government may have sug­ Specifically, it was this practice, Thomas elabo­ gested to those charged with the violation. At rated, that led to the "waste of oil reserves the opening of the trial, Hammond E. Chaf­ which the government of this country was try­ fetz, government counsel, asked the court to ing to conserve."'"^^ make two preliminary rulings, "to avoid a long Aside from the legal arguments during the drawn out trial over immaterial issues." He re­ trial, the courtroom performances of the op­ quested that the defense not be allowed to as­ posing counsel stood out in bold contrast. Six sert before the jury that they had government men comprised the government team. John approval of their actions in the absence of tes­ H. Lewin, Hammond E. Chaffetz, W. B. Wat­ timony to that effect by a government witness son Snyder, and Grant Kelleher, special assist­ or authorized documentation, and second, ants to the attorney general, came to Madison that the sole issue was that of price fixing alone from Washington, D.C. John J. Boyle was the and that reasonableness of the intent of the United States attorney in Madison, and W. P. persons and companies charged was not a de­ Crawford of Superior, where Judge Stone fense. In response. Judge Stone ordered the sometimes held court.^^ Directing the govern­ defense to refrain from pointing to govern­ ment strategy were Lewin—in his early ment approval oftheir actions; but he did per­ thirties—and Chaffetz—just thirty—both of mit them to present "facts and circumstances, whom were Harvard law graduates. Chaffetz subject to rulings from the court upon submis­ had been with the Justice Department since sion, as evidence tojustify their conduct." graduation, while Lewin had practiced in Bal­ Defense attorneys, on the other hand, at­ timore a few years before going to Washing­ tempted to show that the defendants merely ton, D.C. The two young men, with considera­ had continued a program designed by and ini­ ble finesse, cultivated a David and Goliath tially implemented by the administration in mood in the courtroom, artfully pitting their Washington to stabilize the industry and to conserve a natural resource. Oil prices had ^''Transcript of Record, United States v. Standard Oil Company (Indiana) et al., Federal Ojurt Archives, C:hi- been published openly in the trade journals, cago, 11550-11660. and the actions of Arnott and his marketing ^^Assistant Attorney General Robert H. Jackson en­ committee had been discussed with Secretary gaged William Crawford because of his experience with Ickes and other members of the Department "countryjuries." Jackson told him "not to bother learning of Interior and had the tacit approval of the any antitrust law or even the facts of the case. Crawford was to keep the case on such a level that the jury could un­ President of the United States even after the derstand it." Eugene C. Cierhart, America's Advocate: Robert demise ofthe NIRA. Because the government H.Jackson (Indianapolis, New York, 1958), 89.

305 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983

own youth against the worldly "Donovan en­ designed legal strategy. His tasteless folksiness tourage." In his closing argument, Lewin re­ and blatantly discriminatory remarks were al­ minded the jury one last time, "Many of you most as distressing to his associates as they gentlemen are older than I am, and you prob­ were to the defense, which cried foul time and ably know better than I do the American sys­ time again. His descriptions were punctuated tem and tradition of which we are all proud." with such phrases as "arrogant cruelty by large He referred to the "oil barons" and "eighty- corporations," "greed," and "lust for power in thousand-doUar-a-year man," and then said to these people." Charles Arnott he designated the jurors: "Just stack a little jobber in a town as a "cut-purse" and a "pickpocket." In his like Madison against the Standard Oil Com­ closing argument to the jury, Crawford la­ pany of Indiana and you will know what real mented that if the powerful corporations on competition is, and why this country has set its trial were not stopped, the country would go face firmly against great corporations or great "down into ruin as did the Roman Empire."^" corporations in combination." At the close of Crawford's final argument. Lewin invoked Wisconsin history and Judge Stone read his forty-two-page charge to brought forth the specter of the state's pro­ thejury. The next morning, after deliberating gressive heritage and of Fighting Bob La Fol­ eight hours and fifteen minutes, thejury re­ lette. He repeated the stirring words that La turned. The foreman handed to the bailiff, Follette had credited with channeling his early who presented it to thejudge, a stack of papers political direction when, as an entering fresh­ with the name of each defendant written on a man in 1873, he heard Wisconsin Supreme separate sheet. By 10:45 A.M. on January 12, Court Chief Justice Edward G. Ryan tell the 1938, Judge Stone had read "guilty as graduating class of the University of Wiscon­ charged" after pronouncing each name, and sin Law School :'^^ the Madison oil trial was over. There is looming up a new and dark power. I cannot dwell upon the signs and OST ofthe oilmen had disman­ shocking omens of its advent. The accu­ M'tle d their temporary offices mulation of individual wealth seems to and left town by the end of the day, but their be greater than it ever has been since the ordeal continued for another six months. At downfall ofthe Roman Empire. And the the conclusion of the testimony, and before enterprises of the country are aggregat­ the closing argument, motions to dismiss the ing vast corporate combinations tn unex­ indictment against several of the defendants ampled capital, boldly marching, not for economical conquests only, but for polit­ were made. Since the jury had been seques­ ical power. . . . For the first time really in tered for nearly four months. Judge Stone de­ our politics, money is taking the field as cided that to hold them while he considered an organized power. . . . The question the motions would be an undue hardship on will arise, and arise in your day, though them, and after hearing the verdicts, he dis­ perhaps not fully in mine, wnich shall missed the men. On July 19, after reviewing rule—wealth or man; which shall lead— the voluminous testimcjny that filled nearly money or intellect; who shall fill public 12,000 typescript pages and 1,000 exhibits, he stations—educated and patriotic free set aside the verdicts against ten individuals men, or the feudal serfs of corporate and one corporation, which went free, and or­ capital. dered new trials for fifteen individuals and Although the prosecution nurtured the no­ three companies. He sustained the guilty ver­ tion of an "oil monopoly," probably as a con­ dict for twelve companies and five individuals. cept the jury could grasp, the central issue was On appeal, the Circuit Court of Appeals for not monopoly, but price fixing. William P. the Seventh Circuit in Chicago reversed the Crawford, who had meager experience with district court. antitrust law, either failed to appreciate or de­ Finally, on May 6, 1940, nearly four years liberately ignored his colleagues' masterfully after the grand jury met in Madison, the

^nranscript of Record, 124:11222-11224. Alfons J. '•'"Transcript of Record, 11868-11928. Also see the dis­ Beitzinger, Edward G. Ryan, Lion of the Law (Madison, senting opinion written by Justice Roberts, 310 U.S. 254— 1960), 105. 267(1940). 306 r

WHi (X3) 39135 When the federal court for the Western District of Wisconsin met m Wausau for the first time in 1939, the staff lined up for its photograph. Standingin the front row, secondfrom the left, is United States District Attorney John J. Boyle. Deputy United States Deputy Marshal Charles Steele is secondfrom the right in the second row. United States Supreme Court reversed the and intemperate, and did not comport with Circuit Court of Appeals and affirmed the de­ the standards of propriety expected of a pros­ cision of Judge Stone's district court. The Su­ ecutor," they nonetheless were considered as preme Court held that neither the elimination "minor aberrations . . . which could not have of competitive evils nor any other desirable influenced the minds of jurors." Each of the result is a justification for price-fixing ar­ twelve corporations was thereupon fined rangements. The fact that the arrangements $5,000, and the five individuals were fined had been known of or even acquiesced in by $1,000 each. government employees or officials had no The majority opinion, concurred in by jus­ bearing. "Any combination," the Court ruled, tices Felix Frankfurter, Stanley F. Reed, "formed for the purpose and with the effect of Harlan F. Stone, and Hugo L. Black, was writ­ raising, depressing, fixing, pegging, or stabi­ ten by Justice William O. Douglas. Justices lizing the price of a commodity in interstate or James C. McReynolds and Owen J. Roberts foreign commerce is illegal per se under the dissented on the grounds of improper venue, Sherman Act. Proof that a combination was failure to prove a conspiracy, failure to show formed for the purpose of fixing prices, and that the buying programs restrained competi­ that it caused them to be fixed or contributed tion, and the highly improper and highly prej­ to that result, is proof of the completion of a udicial content of Crawford's statements. price-fixing conspiracy."'" Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes and Jus­ The extravagant remarks before the jury tice Frank Murphy did not participate in con­ by attorney Crawford particularly drew a sideration ofthe case. sharp rebuke from the high court, which The second indictment stemming from the warned that "trial courts should ever be alert Madison grand jury, charging many of the to prevent them." In this case, however, even same defendants with fixing the profit mar­ though some of Crawford's remarks "ap­ gins for jobbers, was settled out of court. Ulti­ pealed to class prejudice, were undignified mately, eleven individuals and thirteen com­ panies were fined $5,000 each on each of three separate counts, and charges against twenty- "310 U.S. 151 (1940). seven individuals were dismissed. 307 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983

The single most significant result of the essential line of activity are likely candidates Madison oil trial was the majority decision and for regulatory treatment—and that this is es­ opinion by the Supreme Court that reaffirmed pecially true with reference to so-called natu­ the strength of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act ral monopolies or lines of business dealing and narrowed its thrust. The reasonableness with natural resources."'^'' When the Supreme of a cooperative effort to set prices could no Court ruled that the NIRA and other coopera­ longer be advanced as justification for such a tive programs were unconstitutional, the combine. "Stabilization is but one form of ma­ Sherman Anti-Trust Act—which for all prac­ nipulation," Justice Douglas declared in the tical purposes had been dormant since 1911 opinion.^^ Any such concerted effort as that when Standard Oil of New Jersey had been entered into by the oilmen had to be done in dissolved through action brought under the cooperation with the government and within Act—"flowered again with all its brilliance," to the strict confines of antitrust law. As impor­ borrow a phrase from Ralph Horween's law tant as the decision was (and remains) in anti­ club address. trust law, the lengthy Madison trial was but an­ It is unlikely, however, that the Madison other complicated episode in the legal history trial was a deliberate attempt by the govern­ ofthe oil industry. Many ofthe immediate ec­ ment to test the legal waters. Similar cases onomic problems that led to the trial, espe­ against oil companies (some the same ones in­ cially the temporary glut of oil and gas on the dicted in Madison) already were pending on market, were swept away by the war years of the East and West coasts when the Madison the 1940's and by the seemingly insatiable ap­ trial opened. In some respects the trial was an petite of consumers in the 1950's. Not until the embarrassment to the government. Particu­ 1970's did the related problems of supply, de­ larly unseemly was the situation of one federal mand, marketplace, cost, and conservation department suing an industry for doing what once more confront the industry and the na­ another department had once told it to do, tion, and this time under far different circum­ and the prosecutors had to deal with the issue stances. of Secretary Ickes and his earlier involvement with the buying programs. Had the government preordained the trial as a major attack on the oil industry, the De­ ITHIN the political perspec­ partment of Justice likely would have picked tive ofthe 1930's, the trial did w more experienced prosecutors than the two signal, probably more by default than design, relative novices assigned to the case, or would a change in the Roosevelt administration's atti­ have orchestrated the trial strategy. In a re­ tude toward the oil industry and perhaps to­ cent interview, former government attorney wards all big business. In the early years of the Hammond E. Chaffetz claimed, "We never New Deal, the official response to the prob­ had any direction from Washington. In fact, it lems of big business wavered between those was the other way around. Justice officials re­ who believed in direct government interven­ acted to our suggestions. The case wasn't a tion and regulation of business and those, happy thing for the prosecution." such as Harold L. Ickes, who fostered the co­ operative atmosphere of the NRA. As Presi­ Chaffetz continued: "Had the oilmen come dent Roosevelt vacillated between the two fac­ to us at any time during the investigation, tions, a third group argued for control some kind of accommodation probably could through the legal channels of antitrust laws. have been reached. We had almost no evi­ That certain industries were more likely to be dence against the heads of the companies, legal targets than others was suggested by At­ most ofthe men actually brought to trial. Doc­ torney General Homer Cummings, whcj uments pertinent to the buying programs usu­ stated in an address in November, 1937: "In­ ally were signed by junior-level people. deed, there are those who are persuaded that Frankly, the attitude ofthe oil companies puz­ economic groups that in one way or another zled us [prosecuting attorneys]."'^'' have arrived at a position of dominance in any Once the trial opened, the silence sur- ''Swisher, Selected Papers of Homer Cummings, 239. ^••Interview with Hammond E. ChaflFetz, Kirkland and '2310 U.S. 223(1940). Ellis Law Firm, Chicago, August 11, 1982. 308 GRANT: OIL ON TRIAL

rounding the oil companies lifted, and chief fetz. "We, Henry Lewin and I, were sent to defense attorney Donovan strove to persuade Chicago to talk with federal court people thejury that the defendants were not holding about opening the grand jury proceedings in back information. Once the trial was in mo­ Chicago. The Justice Department felt that tion, however, the direction of it and the ten­ Chicago would be the logical place for the sions among participants were set. The prose­ trial, but the district judge there practically cution's strategy during the trial, according to pleaded with us not to come. He had a heavy Hammond Chaffetz, was that each time a de­ case load at that time, and he was afraid that fense witness told the defense version of the this particular case would be time consuming. facts, "we would read at length to the jury So, he and Mr. Lewis and I talked about De­ from the company's documents, showing what troit and Milwaukee. the real facts were." Company documents, "Thejudge suggested that we give Madison particularly letters and memos, were a contin­ a look, too. He knew Madison and said it was a uing problem for defense attorneys. Ralph nice place with lakes and the University. Well, Horween remembers that most ofthe defend­ a university town sounded like a good idea to ants were unaware of the technical and legal us. We checked train schedules to all three aspects ofthe NIRA, and letters and memos places, and the first train we could catch went written, particularly by underlings who were to Madison, so we took it. When we got there, trying to enhance their importance, conveyed we walked around a bit and strolled along a message that often was not supported by ac­ Lake Mendota up to the campus and watched tual events or practices. Harold Fleming, staff the students for awhile and decided that Madi­ correspondent for The Christian Science Moni­ son was a good site for the trial. We talked with tor, commented in his series about the Sher­ Judge Stone and with the United States attor­ man Anti-Trust Act that documents "torn ney in Madison, and they urged us to come to from their context" present special problems Madison. We figured, too, that it would be a for corporate defendants. "Most trouble­ lengthy affair, and what we saw of Madison some," he wrote, "are the inter-office memos and its student population certainly was more of over-smart subordinates who, to gain favor appealing to us back then than downtown Chi­ with their superiors, report their shrewd dis­ cago or Detroit, and we never got to Milwau­ posal of government officials, competitors, kee to check it out. As far as I'm aware, that's and SO on, bearing only a vague relation to the why Madison was chosen. There were no ulte­ corporation's actual policies."-^^ rior political motives that I knew about. Just The lack of direction from the Justice De­ two young men who liked the town." partment to its attorneys extended to the se­ lection of a site for the trial, according to Chaf­ ^''The Christian Science Monitor, January 29, 1943, p. 9.

Sailboats on Lake Mendota frame the Capitol on an August day in 1939. I.ot3074 White House Sale: A Wisconsin Commentary on the Election of 1912

Edited by Terry L. Shoptaugh

HE election of 1912 will always auction, conveys muchof the bitterness of that T-be remembered for the ex­ Roosevelt-Taft rivalry of 1912. It was written traordinarily bitter struggle that was fought by James J. Hoskins (1849-1934) of between Theodore Roosevelt and William Dodgeville, Wisconsin, sometime between the Howard Taft for the Republican party's presi­ conclusion of the election and the inaugura­ dential nomination. Once close friends, tion of Wilson on March 4, 1913. Hoskins, a former President Roosevelt and his successor Dodgeville lawyer and businessman, was a Taft had parted ways over numerous personal staunch Republican who had served in nu­ differences and the general question of the merous local offices as well as chairman of the GOP's commitment to progressive reforms. In Iowa County GOP Committee in 1880. He ap­ June, 1912, Roosevelt lost his bid for the Re­ parently had intended this piece for publica­ publican nomination at the national conven­ tion, but an endorsement on the cover sheet tion in Chicago, a convention dominated by indicates that it was "Not Printed." Most of Taft's forces through their control of execu­ Hoskins' auction items are self-explanatory tive patronage and delegate selection. references to characteristics of Taft or Roosevelt charged that the convention had Roosevelt, and to their struggle which had so been "steam-rolled" against him and gainst disheartened loyal party members like the au­ progressive ideas; he therefore decided to at­ thor. Only the more obscure references and tempt election as a third-party candidate un­ symbols have been elucidated in accompany­ der the new. Progressive party banner. His bid ing notes. failed, of course, and in a campaign distin­ guished by invective and spleen, Roosevelt and Taft succeeded in splitting the votes regu­ White House Public Sale. larly given to the Republican candidates. As a Being compelled by unavoidable circum­ result, Woodrow Wilson, the Democratic can­ stances to give up our Lease to Uncle Sam's didate, was elected with a minority of popular Manor and barton, we, the undersigned, will votes. Wilson was only the second Democrat to offer for sale, and sell at Public Auction, at the win the Presidency since the Civil War. The East front door of the White House, D.C. on Roosevelt-Taft contest had perhaps even fur­ ther consequences in committing the Republi­ 'Hoskins Family Papers, State Historical Society of can party to a conservative course, a course it Wisconsin. This document is undated, and included with has largely followed during the twentieth cen­ thejamesj. Hoskins correspondence ofthe collection. I tury. would like to thankjohn Kaminski and Gaspare Saladino, editors of the Documentary History of the Ratification of the The following document, a satirical an­ Constitution, for their aid and advice in preparing this doc­ nouncement of an imagined White House ument for publication. 310 Copyright © 1983 by The State Historical Society of Wisconsin All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ^ .if-

%'

WHi (X3) 39605 Green Bay Mayor Winford Abrams introducing President William Howard Taft when he visited that city m 1911.

March 3rd A.D. 1913, at 10 O'clock, A.M. the One Billy Possum, slightly out of condition; a following described property, to wit:— gift to Pres. Taft, by the Southern delega­ One Elephant, smooth mouthed, age uncer­ tion at the Chicago Convention.^ tain; small scar on right side, having been There will also be offered at the same time gored by a bull Moose. Though well fed, the following described property, from the looks thin after a strenuous campaign. Oyster Bay plantation, to wit:— One Kitchen Cabinet containing valuable One bull Moose, car[r]ved in June, 1912, but relics. extra large for its Age, and imported from One Set of Golf sticks, slightly worn. Africa. One Steam Roller, good as new, used only one One Teddy Bear, captured in the wilds of Af­ year. rica; but well trained and a big attraction One Job-lot of Post Office fixtures. for a Side-show. One old Cannon, battle scar[r]ed; useful only as a relic.^ Library School, for their indispensable help in identifying this reference and gaining access to a reprint copy of the above short story.) Joseph G. Cannon (1836-1926), representative from Hoskins evidently intended this item to represent the Illinois and Speaker ofthe House for nearly two decades, southern votes that provided Taft with the margin of vic­ was a leading spokesman for the conservative wing of the tory in the Republican national convention. In reflecting Republican party, and a principal supporter of Taft. In upon the convention some six weeks after Taft's nomina­ 19i2, Cannon was defeated for reelection when a Pro­ tion, Theodore Roosevelt bitterly charged that, since the gressive challenger succeeded in splitting the GOP vote. Civil War, the Republicans had built in the South "a party 'In May, 1912, a children's short story, entitled "Unc' in which the negro should be dominant, a party consisting Billy Possum Arrives," was widely syndicated in American almost exclusively of negroes," many of whom sold their newspapers. Written by Thornton Burgess, this story told loyalty for federal appointments in the Post Office, etc. the tale of Billy Possum, whose slow southern dialogue, Roosevelt went on to say that these appointees made up threadbare appearance and hen-house raiding epito­ what he termed "rotten-borough" delegations to the na­ mized the prevailing image of southern blacks in Ameri­ tional conventions. "There has in the past been much ve­ can popular thought. (I would like to thank Jack Holzhue­ nality in Republican National Conventions in which there ter of the State Historical Society, and Karen Rizzo of the was an active contest for the nomination for President,"

311 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983

One McCormick Spell-binder and Muck-rake from date of sale. Twenty-five per Cent dis­ Combined; used only one Season.^ count for Cash. All Sums under thirty Cents, One Big Stick, slightly worn, but well sea­ spot Cash. soned. Free lunch at Noon. Bull Moose sandwiches One New National Platform, made of socialist and Elephantine Chop Suey, with Badger Ca­ planks. per Sauce, a la fallette, will be served.'' One Sombrero, some-what frazeled [sic], but Taft and Roosevelt still in the Ring. Owners. Terms of Sale.—Four years time on approved Billy Bryan, Auctioneer. security Notes, bearing 3 per Cent interest, Woody Wilson, Clerk.

the former President charged, "and this venalitv has been and a leading supporter of Roosevelt's third-partv cam­ almost exclusively among the rotten-borough delegates, paign. McCormick was himself elected, as a Progressive, and for the most part among the negro delegates from to the Illinois state legislature in 1912, these Southern States in which there was no real Republi­ ^Inserted at this point, in an unidentified hand, is the can party. Finally, in the Convention at Chicago last June, statement, "Nothing will be reserved as we positively have the breakup of the Republican Party was forced by these to move," This remark was probably added by an associate rotten-borough delegates from the South. In the Primary of Hoskins'. Hoskins' reference to Robert M. La Follette States [i.e. those states that selected delegates by the pri­ was an indication ofthe disappointment of Wisconsin Re­ mary method] of the North the colored men in most publican's for his behavior during the election. La Follette places voted substantially as their white neighbors voted. had himself entertained hopes of winning the Progressive But in the Southern States, where there was no Republi­ endorsement for President until Roosevelt's decision to can Party, and where colored men, or whites selected seek another term took away his support. As a result, La purely by colored men, were sent to the convention, rep­ Follette refused to campaign for Roosevelt or Taft, and resenting nothing but their own greed for money or office Wisconsin's electoral votes went to the Democratic candi­ the majority was overwhelmingly antiprogressive." date, Woodrow Wilson. (Roosevelt to Julian La Rose Harris, August 1, 1912, in More detailed information concerning the Taft- Elting E, Morison, ed, for The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, Roosevelt dispute and the 1912 election can be found in VII:584—590). Roosevelt consequently made little effort Frank K. Kelly, The Fight for the White House: The Story of to organize Progressive support among blacks in the 1912 (1961); William Manners, TR and Will: A Friendship South. Neither he nor Taft won a single southern elec­ That Split the Republican Party (1969); and the relevant por­ toral vote in the autumn balloting. tions of Mark Sullivan, Our Times: The United States, 1900- "•Joseph Medill McCormick (1877-1925) was in 1912 1925, volume IW (1932). the editor of the Progressive newspaper, Chicago Tribune,

312 READING AMERICA

Down and Out in the Great Depression: Letters from gathered in this volume. Most of them come the "Forgotten Man." Edited by ROBERT S. from the industrial East, the Midwest, and the MCELVAINE. (University of North Carolina, South. Chapel Hill, 1983. Pp. xvu, 251. Photographs, McElvaine selected these letters "because notes, sources of letters, index. $23.00, cloth. they represent themes that emerged from the $8.95, paper.) larger body of letters examined." Each chap­ ter reflects the responses of different groups During the 1930's the Roosevelts encour­ of people to the Depression and the aged Americans to write to them. And write Roosevelts. There are chapters devoted to the they did. For the first time in American his­ middle class, to blacks, to the old and sick, the tory, more than half of those who wrote to the children, the desperately poor, and the con­ White House were members of the working servatives, among others. His highly informa­ class. Letters poured in at the rate of five to tive and very readable introduction provides a eight thousand per day. Every letter received a concise summary of Hoover's and Roosevelt's prompt answer from one of fifty people hired attempts to cope with the national economic to handle White House correspondence. (Pre­ disaster. He explains some of the reasons be­ vious administrations had needed only one hind their actions, and records what the vari­ such person.) ous public responses were to those actions. It is Franklin D. Roosevelt had the mail ana­ packed with facts and figures that illuminate lyzed on a regular basis, often reading a sam­ the backgrounds of the letters that follow. pling of the letters himself. His aide, Louis In 1929, 20 per cent of Americans received Howe, said "[FDR] always maintained that a 54.4 per cent of the nation's family personal personal letter from a farmer or a miner or lit­ income. The poorest 40 per cent received but tle shopkeeper or clerk who honestly ex­ 12.5 percent. More than 71 per cent of all divi­ presses his conviction, is the most perfect in­ dend income went to 1 per cent ofthe popula­ dex to the state ofthe public mind." tion. By 1933, between 13 and 14 million Robert S. McElvaine, associate professor of Americans, or one-fourth of the labor force, history at Millsaps College, sifted through were unemployed. Adding their families to 15,000 such letters randomly selected from the count brought the number of people with the more than 15 million letters collected in no source of income to about 40 million. Mal- the National Archives, the Eleanor Roosevelt Papers in the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, the Robert F. Wagner Papers in the George­ MARY LOU M. SCHULTZ is a free-lance editor and book re­ town University Library, and the Norman viewer. She holds a bachelor's degree in American history Thomas Papers in the New York Public Li­ from the University of Wisconsin and has done postgrad­ brary. From them he culled the 173 letters uate work in American history and urban affairs at Boston University. Copyright © 1983 by The State Historical Society of Wisconsin 313 All rights of reproduction m any form reserved WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 nourishment and despair led to an illness rate he surely would do something to correct the among the unemployed that was 66 per cent situation. greater than that amtjng families with a full- Indeed, most of these letters expressed a time worker. Each year the Depression wore warm regard for the Roosevelts and spoke of on, the suicide rate crept up a bit. them in the same breath as God; some even President Herbert Hoover opposed federal addressed them in titles usually reserved for relief for the unemployed. Instead, in 1930, he royalty. But whether they wrote to complain established "POUR"—the President's Organi­ of the inefficient administration of relief orga­ zation for Unemployed Relief—which, McEl­ nizations in their community or to beg Eleanor vaine says, "was a sounding board for sugges­ Roosevelt to send them one of her old coats or tions from the public and, principally, a dresses, or lend them money to ptirchase med­ propaganda agency, issuing optimistic and ical care for their sick children, all of the letter soothing advertisements." Will Rogers was writers applauded and blessed the Roosevelts moved to comment: "There has been more for caring abotit "the forgotten man." 'optimism' talked and less practiced than at Of course, there were many Americans any time during our history." who swore when Roosevelt's name was men­ Hoover objected to federal relief programs tioned and acidly referred to him as "fhat on the grounds they would create vast, un- Man." McElvaine has given them their say in wieldly federal bureaucracies. He also feared this book, too. Most of these writers were pros­ federal relief "would destroy the sense of com­ perous enough to weather the Depression munity in localities, strengthen the central without outside help. Fo them, the poor who government at the expense of individuals and sought relief and those who had failed finan­ local governments, and undermine self- cially "must be lazy, incompetent, or stupid" reliance and hence make people dependent." and deserved their sorry state in life. He preferred to depend upon voluntary char­ Roosevelt received one such letter from an In­ ity and state and local relief to handle the situ­ diana woman in 1937. In it she caustically re­ ation. ferred to the child welfare "racket" and the McElvaine contends that Franklin "pampered poverty rats." She strongly advo­ Roosevelt's relief system grew "when the eco­ cated disenfranchisement of such "human nomic crisis reached up into the middle strata parasites." and became politically dangerous." Most of These collected letters testify to the diver­ FDR's "alphabet agencies" provided some re­ sity of responses Americans had to the Great lief to the unemployed middle class, but did Depression. Both in his introduction and his little or nothing for those who were already choice of letters, McElvaine makes clear that poor and unskilled at the Depression's outset. Americans' reactions changed over time as the It is this latter group-—the forgotten men, Depression continued year after year and women, and children of the United States— their frustration and fear mounted. who bombarded the White House with letters, The middle class, for example, diminished often illiterate and barely legible, describing its diatribes against the "shiftless poor" as the poverty, frustration, illness, and despair more and more of them had to seek govern­ they faced daily in trying to find work ancl ment relief. Some of the letters expressed in­ hold their families together. tense xenophobia and advocated shipping re­ What comes across in their letters, however, cent immigrant groups back where they had is rather ironic. The nation's poorest people— come from. Others re\ eal strong class or racial those forgotten in their own time and subse­ biases. Still others blamed businessmen and quently forgotten by most historians— politicians for the Depression and railed repeatedh' affirmed their belief that Roosevelt against the higher taxes the poor were forced was doing everything he could to help them. If to pay. his programs, such as the Public Works Ad­ Spanning the continent and representing a ministration, the Civilian Conservation Corps, wide variety of groups, these letters give elo­ and the Agricultural Adjustment Administra­ quent voice to the people embodied in govern­ tion, were not helping them personally, it was ment statistics and reports. Through his pre­ because Republicans had gained control of served letters, history's "forgotten man"—and them at the local level or the local administra­ woman and child—speaks to us across fifty tors were corrupt and greedy. But, they always years, reminding us how America has noted, if only the President were aware of this. changed, and how it hasn't.

314 BOOK REVIEWS

Carl Schurz: A Biography. By HANS L. TRE- 1850. An exile from his native land, Schurz FOUSSE. (fhe University of Tennessee Press, traveled to the United States in 1852, and soon Knoxville, Tennessee, 1982. Pp. xiv, 386. Il­ settled in Watertown, Wisconsin, where he lustrations, bibliography, index. $29.95.) first entered politics in 1856. During the next half-century, Schurz's refusal to be bound by Carl Schurz has always sparked controversy political parties earned him both applause and among American historians. Claude M. Fuess's scorn among politicians. Despite his subject's 1932 biography celebrated Schurz as the "in­ position in American politics, however, Tre­ carnation of our national conscience," a fousse incessantly returns to his major theme; "mighty spiritual force," in short, a great that Schurz's greatest contribution to both his American statesman. More recently, John fellow immigrants and his adopted country Sproat, Ari Hoogenboom, and others have was as the leader of "the German-American spoken of Schurz in more disparaging terms community." as one who, for all his merits, often tailored his Most historians will question whether the principles to suit his personal ambitions. concept of a "German-American community" Schurz's long career in public service, as Re­ possesses much analytical value. The recent publican spokesman, diplomat, Civil War gen­ outpouring of scholarship examining eral, U.S. Senator, Secretary of the Interior, nineteenth-century voting behavior suggests editor, and prominent advocate of indepen­ dent political movements, has usually been the focal point of this debate. While fJans Tre- Special Book Orders ftjusse covers this ground most ably, he argues that Schurz is best underst(X)d in his "great The Society will order any book role as a teacher and leader of German- currently offered by any American Americans." publisher at 10 per cent discount for Trefousse possesses admirable qualifica­ members or at full list price for tions to undertake the difficult task of coming non-members. Please send the author's to terms with Schurz. His previous studies of name, the full tide, and (if known) the prominent Civil War politicians has estab­ publisher to: Special Book Orders, State lished him as an authority on the period. More Historical Society of Wisconsin, 816 State importantly, his command of German has al­ Street, Madison, WI 53706. A handling lowed him to exploit Schurz's correspondence charge of $ 1.50 will be added to each order and accounts of his early life in Germany. He under $20.00, and $2.50 for orders over gives us a detailed account of Schurz's adven­ $20.00. Please do not send payment with your tures as a revolutionary during the turmoil of order. The Society will ship and bill you when the 1848, and his daring rescue of fellow liberal order is filled. Gottfried Kinkel from a Spandau prison in

315 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 that one cannot speak of "the German vote," a a proposal. His actions as an independent poli­ term Trefousse employs frequently, because tician angered personalities as diverse as religion, social environment, and generational Grant and Henry Adams. While Trefousse differences divided Germans politically. Simi­ notes these contradictions, he is at a loss to rec­ larly, Trefousse's claims concerning Schurz's oncile them. No wonder many politicians impact as the political leader of German- charged Schurz with hypocrisy. Americans is difficult to substantiate. Al­ Perhaps John Hay provided scholars with though Schurz frequently relied on ethnic ap­ the key to understanding Schurz when he con­ peals in wooing voters, his success was limited fided to his diary that Schurz "has every qual­ at best. Most Germans in Wisconsin cast their ity of romance and of dramatic picturesque- ballots for the Democratic party: indeed, Paul ness." For Schurz was a child of German Kleppner's 1979 study of nineteenth-century romanticism, caught up in the image of hero­ voting behavior suggests that the percentage ism exemplified by Richard Wagner's soaring of Germans voting Democratic may have in­ symphonies. He often pictured himself as the creased during Schurz's stay in the Badger lone hero overcoming overwhelming odds to State in the 1850's. Several historians have suc­ triumph over evil in a glorious struggle. Per­ cessfully challenged the belief that Schurz and haps this image can help us to understand the Germans provided Abraham Lincoln with Schurz's behavior in public life, especially his his margin of victory in 1860. Trefousse at­ preference for political independence, fre- tempts to sidestep these arguments by re­ fousse provides ample support for such an in­ minding us that, regardless of how Germans terpretation, but rarely realizes its potential as actually voted, many politicians perceived a guiding theme in Schurz's flamboyant life. Schurz as exercising a "decisive influence" on Still, Trefousse's volume easily supersedes all German voting. He concludes that "what is previous biographies of Schurz, and should thought to be true is more important than stimulate further interest in Schurz's fascinat­ what is really true." ing career. Perhaps. But to admit that Schurz's impact on German voting behavior is suspect is to sug­ BROOKS D. SIMPSON gest that many German-Americans did not University of Wisconsin—Madison heed Schurz very often, if at all, in politics. They may have honored Schurz the symbol while dismissing Schurz the politician. That politicians misunderstood Schurz's impact on A Populist Assault: Sarah E. VanDe Vort Emery on German-American voting (a misperception American Democracy, 1862—1895. By PAULINE that Schurz may have shared and certainly cul­ ADAMS and EMMA S. THORNTON. (Bowling tivated) tells us about Schurz's major source of Green University Press, Bowling Green, Ohio, political influence among political leaders, not 1982. Pp. 146. Appendix, notes, index. among German-American voters. Only when $13.95.) Trefousse discusses the last decade of Schurz's life does he define the nature of Schurz's lead­ When examining women who have as­ ership and influence among German- sumed leadership roles, historians have Americans, when Schurz was celebrated as the turned to biography, unfolding the lives of prototype ofthe successful immigrant. such notable figures as the Grimke sisters, Ca­ Trefousse also fails to explain Schurz's er­ tharine Beecher, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton. ratic course during Reconstruction. In 1865 Recently, women's historians have recognized Schurz advocated federal action to secure land the need to dig beneath the surface, attempt­ and the vote for Southern blacks; in 1871 he ing to study middle-rank leaders, the women opposed legislation to protect black suffrage who filled less popular positions at the and supported amnesty for former Confeder­ grassroots level. By following this approach, ate leaders. He battled for civil service reform Pauline Adams and Emma S. Thornton have while grumbling that President Ulysses S. unearthed the Michigan reformer Sarah E. Grant ignored his demands for patronage. He Van De Vort Emery, a staunch advocate of spoke against the annexation of San Domingo, populist demands in the late nineteenth cen­ scoffing at Grant's claims that European pow­ tury. Like many reformers in the Gilded Age, ers were interested in coaling stations in the Emery directed her verbal "assaults" against Caribbean; yet he had helped the German the rampant political corruption in the gov­ minister frame argumentsjustifyingjust such ernment. By supporting such causes as tem- 316 BOOK REVIEWS perance and woman's suffrage, Emery often former, like Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who was waged her polemical battles over more than noted for her powerful rhetorical style. economic issues. Because of the paucity of Unfortunately, this study is misconceived available primary sources, Adams and Thorn­ from the beginning. Female middle-rank ton have avoided a traditional biographical leaders need to be studied, but not as isolated study. Instead, they evaluate the three over­ individuals totally removed from the network riding themes in Emery's formula for reform: of women who participated in the same re­ a more democratic economy, a more active form movements. By examining a larger sam­ role for women in political decision-making, ple of female reformers from Michigan or and Emery's use of language as a rhetorical women involved in the populist campaign in weapon tt) shape public opinion. several states, historians could unearth more Although this study attempts to rectify the answers about women in leadership roles. problematic and limited scope of a biography, Standing alone, isolated from the women she it reveals other more serious limitations. Ilely- knew, the lecturers she heard, the movers and ing heavily upon Emery's popular book. Seven shakers who shared the same beliefs, Emery Financial Conspiracies Which Have Enslaved the becomes another nameless woman adrift in a American People (1887), Adams and Thornton sea of nineteenth-century social reformers. provide a systematic but simplistic and super­ ficial survey of Emery's solution for political NANCY G. ISENBERG reform. Their analysis only skims the surface University of Wisconsin—Madison of how Emery's arguments reflected the vi­ sions of most Americans, as well as other social reformers. Adams and fhornton have little difficulty pinpointing the conspiracy theory as the central tenet of Emery's economic ideol­ Read This Only to Yourself: The Private Writings ogy. However, they fail to develop this theme, of Midwestern Women, 1880—1910. By ELIZA­ ignoring the substantial historiography pro­ BETH HAMPSTEN. (Indiana University Press, vided by Richard Hofstadter, Bernard Bailyn, Bloomington, 1982. Pp. vii, 242. Notes. David B. Davis, and other students of the $22.50.) "paranoid style." The most glaring weakness of this study is The various disciplines which make up the author's failure to compare Emery's ideas "women's studies" have, in the last decade, to those of other female reformers. Although greatly enlightened the academic community they mention Emery's association with and the public about the variety and complex­ Frances E. Willard, the president ofthe Wom­ ity of women's experiences. Elizabeth Hamp­ an's Christian Temperance Union, Adams sten, associate professor of English at the Uni­ and Thornton make no attempt to contrast ei­ versity of North Dakota, has made an ther the content or the style of their temper­ interesting effort in this direction. Read This ance appeals. In a similar way, they take note Only to Yourself utihzes the "private" writing of of Emery's service as a Universalist Sunday- ordinary women in North Dakota between the school teacher, but overlook how Universalist years 1880 and 1910. Professor Hampsten ar­ theology influenced her approach to social gues that the concept of region is irrelevant to problems. The fact that several prominent the study of women's lives; thus, she interprets women in the woman's suffrage campaign— her materials in terms of a more general rural including Mary A. Livermore, the Rev. Olym­ culture of women, rather than in terms ofthe pia Brown, and the Rev. Phebe Hanaford— female dimension of a regional experience. were also active leaders in the Universalist The distinction she believes most crucial is that church was hardly a coincidence. among "classes" of women, although no clear Adams and Thornton do offer one useful denominator of class is given in her book. approach for understanding Emery by devot­ Hampsten disregards occupation, "family sit­ ing two chapters to her "way with words." uation," age, and other usual determinants of They emphasize the significance of her rhe­ status in favor of "women's expectations of so­ torical skills which often strengthened the cial position." She has divided her documents content of her reform arguments. Once again, on this basis and analyzes them accordingly. however, the authors fall short. Adams and The book covers a variety of topics, including Thornton ignore the possibility of comparing class and place in women's writings, class and Emery to a contemporary journalist or re­ sexuality, disease and death, and finally, in- 317 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 eludes biographical chapters on a few women ings against it. Because these women do not for whom there was an abundance of material. write frequently of topography, county lines, This book will be troubling to historians for or other such determinants, Hampsten an­ a number of reasons. First, the author appears nounces that regionalism as a concept is bank­ to be suggesting that women's lives are largely rupt, at least as far as women are concerned. It unchanged by time or by place of residence. It is true that women related differently to the is true that certain elements in women's lives land because they were not the primary are enduring; childbearing is of necessitv a fe­ farmers of it. They may not have been tied male role. Domestic work has, by custom, been clearly to county or other political divisions be­ women's work. But those roles do not stand cause they did not vote or participate directly apart from their context. They can be ancl in politics. But the descriptions they have left must be understood historically. Being a wife in published memoirs, autobiographies, and and a mother in frontier North Dakota in the like reveal an intense response, both pro 1880 was a different experience from being a and con, to the Great Plains, flampsten's own mother in New York City at the same time. examples reveal women's descriptions of the While it is doubtless true that there are com­ land or weather. She does not see them as an mon experiences in women's lives over broad awareness of place, however, because they spans of time and place, to focus on these ex­ sound "detached" to her; they are written by periences to the exclusion of historical and re­ women "indoors looking out." But women gional elements is to ignore complexity rather writing to friends and relatives may not feel than to dispel apparent illusion. Women dtt the need to establish their physical context in not stand outside time and place any more every letter. Women writing for "public" pur­ than men do. poses explain clearly where they are and what The second problem relates to the interpre­ effect the Plains had on them. Memoirs of this tation of private writings as documents. Fhey sort abound and cannot be overlooked if we are obviously important, but thev ought to be are truly to understand women's experiences used as cautiously as any "public" source is in the past. used. Professor Hampsten makes the implicit The book has a number of good qualities assumption that the writings she examines are that recommend it. It does focus on issues too complete expressions of the lives of the often overlooked by historians. Fhe lives of women who wrote them. In particular, she rural women are important and interesting. places great stress on "omissions" and "si­ Historians have assumed that they know all lences," that of which the wc:)men do not speak. there is to know about rural life when much Fhis is questionable on several grounds. As a remains undiscovered. The lengthy quotes in­ general rule, what people do not say is an am­ cluded in the volume are perhaps the most biguous lot. There is no reason to believe that useful part of the book, fhey give a good these writings tell all that women had to say sense of the people doing the writing, fhey about themselves, nor is it clear whether the should spur other scholars to go on similar "ommissions" and "silences" discussed by searches for such treasures. The final chapters Hampsten are product oftheir intention or of are especially well done. Specialists in litera­ Hampsten's. A novelist may use omission as ture will find Professor Hampsten's analysis of part of his or her craft, but the utility of apply­ language and style interesting and her rejec­ ing the interpretive devices of literary criti­ tion of regionalism controversial. The book cism to the letters of ordinary women is dubi­ contribtites as well to the growing body of fem­ ous. Hampsten herself observes that the inist criticism. writings are "conversational"; but she inter­ prets her writers more as self-conscious au­ PAULA NELSON thors than as conversationalists. University of Iowa Last, Professor Hampsten argues that re­ gionalism as a literary concept does not apply to the private writings of women. She bases At the Point of Production: The Local Hzslmj tj lite her concept of regionalism on one book writ­ I.W.W. Edited by JOSEPH R. CONLIN. (Green­ ten in 1957 about professional writers in the wood Press, Westport, Connecticut, 1981. Pp. South. Nowhere does she refer to the \ast viii, 429. Notes, bibliography, index. $29.95.) body of Plains regional literature and analysis. After establishing this one inadequate stand­ Three quarters of a century after it was ard, she turns and ineasitres her subjects' writ- founded in 1905 the Industrial Workers ofthe 318 BOOK REVIEWS

Wtjrld (IWW) has acquired a certain mythic, persuasively argues that these changes created larger-than-life status as a champion of the the preconditions for the strike's failure. Simi­ American working masses in their struggle larly, Ronald McMahan locates the 1927 Colo­ against the ravages of an ascending capitalist rado coal strike amidst a complex interplay of order. The names of "Big Bill" Haywood and economic and ideological factors, including Joe Hill have become permanently etched in the contradictory character ofthe IWW itself. the hagiography of the American left. At the Robert Snyder's study of the 1912 textile Point of Production: The Local History of the IWW, workers' strike in Little Falls, New York, Roy a collection often studies on local struggles en­ Wortman's analysis of the Akron rubber gaged in by the IWW contributes much to sep­ workers' strike that occurred a year later, and arating myth from reality, leaving us with a Patrick Lynn's treatment of the 1913 Pitts­ clearer understanding of this remarkable or­ burgh stogie workers' strike are all good, solid ganization. studies that evidence sympathy for their sub­ Number Ten in Greenwood Press's Contri­ jects while maintaining scholarly objectivity. butions in Labor History series. At the Point of Pro­ Guy Rocha's investigation of the 1931 Boulder duction, edited by Joseph R. Conlin, "is in­ Dam construction workers' strike is com­ tended for scholars and students already mendable for the same reasons. familiar with the rudiments of IWW history . The remaining four studies, however, do . . with the purpose of stimulating further re­ not measure up. James Fickle's contribution search int(5 the local history of the Wobblies." on the struggle of lumber workers in the Piney The collection is preceded by an excellent Woods of Louisiana and Texas during 1911— historiographical essay by Conlin that situates 1912 is undistinguished. Neither Earl Bruce the ten studies in context. An extensive bibli­ White's account of the repression of oil work­ ography (compiled by Dione Miles) of sources ers in Kansas and Oklahoma during World on the local history of the IWW provides am­ War I nor James Newbill's description of ple material for further inquiry. efforts in 1933 to organize agricultural labor­ The first three studies concern the role of ers in Washington's Yakima Valley evidence a the IWW in four eastern industrial cities; Lit­ serious understanding on the part of their au­ tle Falls, New York; Akron, Ohio; Paterson, thors of what the IWW was all about. Both are New Jersey; and Pittsburgh, 'f hree others illu­ essentially narratives lacking analysis and sub­ minate IWW activity "on the extractive fringe" stance. in Louisiana and Texas, Nebraska, and Kan­ By far the least useful of the lot, David Wa- sas. The final three amplify IWW struggles in gaman's pedestrian look at IWW in Nebraska Yakima, Washington; Golorado; and Nevada adds little to our knowledge. Wagaman seems during the post World War 1 period when it to have naively and uncritically taken newspa­ had ceased to be a significant component of per accounts of Wobbly activity as good coin, the American left. thus renderingatbest a caricature of the orga­ Acknowledging that Melvyn Dtibof sky's We nization. Shall Be All will remain the definitive general Taken together these studies tell us much history of the IWW for some time to come, about the nature of the social formation in Conlin offers these essays as examples of the which local IWW struggles were set, some­ sort of "specialized inquiries" and "intensive thing of the diverse ethnic composition of the studies of \ocd\ Wobbly action" required to Wobblies, and a bit about the ideological dif­ bring the IWW into sharper focus. ferences, exacerbated at the local level, over While Conlin's admonition regarding the the goals of the organization. The fact that future direction of IWW historiography is women comprised the majority of strikers well taken, one might wish that he had been a during the Little Falls and Pittsburgh strikes bit more discriminating in his selection of suggests the need for further inquiry into the studies worthy of emulation. Of the ten, two role women played in the IWW. Likewise, the clearly stand out for their rigorous scholar­ relationship between the IWW and blacks ship, imaginative methodology, and readable warrants a more sustained investigation, as style. James O. Osborne's examination of the does the interactitjn between local units of the famous Paterson silk workers' strike in 1913 IWW and the Socialist party, and the role presents a careful analysis ofthe profound de­ former Wobblies played in the formation of mographic, structural, and political changes the CIO. that occurred in Paterson during the decades One theme emerges from these studies. In surrounding the turn ofthe century. Osborne every instance the IWW was confronted with 319 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 an overwhelming, relentless onslaught of the The narratives contain splendid sketches of combined forces of the owners of production Wisconsin pioneers on the grass-roots level: and their superstructural and juridical allies, farmers, sextons, small-town merchants, phy­ the police, the courts, the military, and the me­ sicians, and other local leaders. (Svein Nilsson dia. Against this formidable array of adversar­ paid very little attention to the clergymen, ies, it is small wonder that the IWW experi­ journalists, educators, and politicians who enced disastrous defeats much more were Norwegian-American leaders on a wider frequently than it enjoyed the fruits of victory. scale.) Virtually the whole book deals with Yet after reading At the Point of Production one Wisconsin, and roughly half of it concentrates can only conclude that the reputation of the on Dane County, which is described in vivid IWW as a champion, however imperfect, of detail. the American working class is sotmdly based. Wheat was the basis of the market economy in most of the communities visited by Svein PATRICK M. QUINN Nilsson. There was also a great deal of produc­ Northwestern University tion aimed at domestic self-sufficiency. The virgin fields had originally yielded twenty-five to thirty bushels of wheat per acre, btit the ex­ hausted soils of 1868 yielded no more than A Chronicler of Immigrant Life: Svein Nilsson's Ar­ fourteen to fifteen. Nilsson noted that pro­ ticles in Billed-Magazin, 1868—1870. Trans­ gressive farmers were beginning to turn to lated and introduced by C. A. CLAUSEN. (Fhe mixed market production, including livestock Norwegian-American Historical Association, farming. He gave many examples, inchiding a Northfield, Minnesota, 1982. Pp. x, 172. Illus­ farmer in Racine County who took care of his trations, map, notes, index. $12.00.) own cattle and fed them scientifically on a mash of grain and chopped hay, rather than During the summer of 1868, Svein Nilsson, leaving their care to milkmaids in the tradi­ a recent immigrant from Norway, visited the tional Norwegian manner. major settlements of his countrymen in south­ In general terms, Svein Nilsson believed eastern Wisconsin in order to interview old that American freedom and opportunity settlers. He talked with many grizzled pio­ brought about a transformation in the life, neers, including Ole Nattestad, the very first culture, and character of Norwegian immi­ Norwegian settler in the state of Wisconsin. grants settled in Wisconsin. Negative aspects Nilsson took notes as rapidly as he could write. of Norwegian life such as the rigid class lines Out of these wonderful materials, the "oral and haughty attitudes of the aristocracy history of their day" as Odd S. Lovoll calls seemed to disappear in democratic America, them, he wrote a series of articles that made while bawdy old Norwegian customs like bun­ him the Herodotus of pioneer Norwegian set­ dling, dancing, and carousing gave way, at tlements in America. least in most settlements, to parlor pianos, His articles originally appeared during singing societies, reading, and self-education. 1868-1870 in Billed-Magazin, a Norwegian- Svein Nilsson's informants praised the ex­ language periodical published brieffy in Madi­ cellence of American laws but frequently also son. C. A. Clausen deserves thanks for the remarked on the laxity and corruption of law present, carefully translated edition in the En­ enforcement. In general, Nilsson considered glish language. Norwegian immigrants to be better than aver­ Svein Nilsson's method was to jot down age citizens: frugal, industrious, and law abid­ notes during his interviews, and later to use ing. He praised the Germans as well but criti­ these notes to reconstruct a narrative in the cized the Irish. His Norwegian-American words of his informant. These narratives were informants who had pioneered in southeast­ woven into a history of settlements, township ern Wisconsin invariably recalled the Indians by township. Nilsson recorded individual rec­ as good neighbors, peaceful, friendly, and ollections that had already coalesced into local helpful. On the other hand, they were fre­ oral traditions; by publishing them, he trans­ quently critical ofthe Yankees, whom they de­ formed them into a historical account which is scribed as pretentious, superficial, frequently both durable and susceptible of critical analy­ corrupt, lawless, and violent, though Svein sis. He also commented on the state of each Nilsson did express admiration for the gra­ settlement in 1868 on the basis of his own ob­ cious and civilized Yankees of the city of Be­ servations. loit. It is interesting, though, that the bloody 320 BOOK REVIEWS savages of the Wisconsin frontier, as these a fanatical leader. Late Victorian culture pro­ Norwegian immigrants saw it, were not Indi­ duced a widely selling novel in which the sinis­ ans but rather Mormon brigands and other ter Svengali employed the malign power of gun-toting Anglo-Americans. hypnotism to ensnare the hapless frilby; and Perhaps the major lesson of this book is that in Hollywtjod for many years hypnotism or the processes of immigration and frontier set­ mesmerism was a standard tactic of mad scien­ tlement received their sense of direction from tists in grade-B movies. Mesmerism however, personal ties. Time and again, Svein Nilsson's when it was translated into American terms in informants revealed the networks of such ties the Age of Jackson as a formal, semi-scientific between the pioneers of Norwegian immigra­ and semi-religiotis program, took on a more tion as they decided to emigrate, moved from benign guise. It fitted in aptly with a religious place to place, expkned the frontier, and then culture that was in process of secularization. reestablished Old World neighborhoods in The mesmerists' doctrines, William the New Land. McLoughlin argues, appealed to people in This book offers a rich glimpse into the search of new ways "to maintain faith in our­ process of settling southeastern W'isconsin. It selves, our ideals, and our covenant with God is a case study of how human communities even while they compel us to reinterpret that move from place to place and attempt to re­ covenant in light of new experience." You construct themselves under the transforming could have it both ways, satisfying the evangel­ conditions of pioneer life on the frontier. ical and romantic hunger for a transcendent reality beyond one's self while at the same time J. R. CHRISTIANSON squaring it with a hard-headed "scientific" ap­ Luther College proach to reality. Although a foreign import, mesmerism soon swam in the same broad stream with other, home-grown forms of "mind cure." As Fuller sums up: "Psychologi­ cal theories transposed the form of personal Mesmerism and the American C'jure tj Souls. By piety from categories of theological transcen­ ROBERT C. FULLER. (University of Pennsylva­ dence to tbtjse of 'natural law' ancl thus ac­ nia Press, Philadelphia, 1982. Pp. xvi, 227. commodated the conceptual needs of an age Notes, selected bibliography, index. $20.00.) enticed by the promise of science and technol­ ogy. Psychological principles had the further We still occasionally hear a person who has advantage of recasting the forces upon which a winning or compelling personality described human nature is dependent onto the more as "magnetic." The 1934 (second) edition of comfortable vernacular of scientific laws of Webster's New International Dictionary retained cause and effect." also another, more exotic meaning of that From that promising beginning, the author word: "Having, susceptible to, or induced by, argues, it was downhill all the way. As electro­ hypnotism, so called; as, a magnetic sleep." Few magnetic theory moved beyond its arcane be­ now realize that there was a time when these ginnings, the attempt to link hypnotism with two definitions shared a common meaning. physics—except for an occasional Christian Hypnotism according to the eighteenth- Science reference to "malicious animal century savant Franz Antc:)n Mesmer was, liter­ magnetism"—was shuffled off as an embar­ ally, magnetism; the mysterious force that de­ rassment. Even the urge to link or lose one's flected the needle of a compass was the same own self in a larger, cosmic presence shriveled, power that governed experimental subjects in as "mind cure" increasingly became a tech­ a hypnotic trance. And when the entrance- nique for manipulating one's self and others ment was self-induced, one could reach down in the interest of personal success. Always, the (or up?) to the source of this ultimate force mystic's temptation is solipsism; in the last and transfer its beneficent effects upon others. footnote in the book. Fuller comments that One could employ it to heal them of their dis­ "the problem with the mind curists' belief in eases, both spiritual ancl mental; or, at least, the illimitable power c:)f our minds" was that "it one could use it to win friends and influence did nothing to establish the psychological people. foundations of moral self-understanding." A Franz Mesmer's name survives also in a promising beginning at a rapprochement t)e- more sinister form, as when a journalist de­ tween psychology and religion went astray. scribes a political crowd as being mesmerized by Fuller believes, because "modern men and 321 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1983 women continued to search lor ways of recon­ the ICBM, his computer work being of signal ciling themselves, not only with higher spirit­ importance. Even his celebrated game theory ual power, but also with one another." seems profoundly amenable to military appli­ cations. He described himself as "violently PAUL A. CARTER anti-Communist, and a good deal more milita­ University of Arizona—Tucson ristic than most," and advocated aggressive nuclear war against the Soviet Union during the United States nuclear monopoly. Then, as now, nuclear policy was made by a small group, of which von Neumann was a member, John von Neumann and Norbert Wiener: From especially after his accession to the Atomic En­ Mathematics to the Teclinologies of Life and Death. ergy Commission in 1955. By STEVE J. HEIMS. (MIT Press, Cambridge, Wiener also did military work during the 1980. Pp. XV, 547. Illustrations, notes, index. world wars, but at the advent ofthe cold war in $10.95.) 1946, he announced that henceforth he would refuse to cooperate with the military. His work This dual biography sheds light on some began to center increasingly on the "technol­ central issues of modern science and society. ogy of life." He collaborated with medical re­ John von Neumann (1903—1957) and Nor­ searchers and biologists in formulating math­ bert Wiener (1894—1964) had much in com­ ematical descriptions of physiological mon. Both were prodigies who developed processes, particularly nerve systems. It is a early into first-rate mathematicians. They fine irony that this profound humanitarian, a were masters of pure mathematics who de­ warm and emotional man, believed that hu­ rived inspiration from real-world applica­ man beings are, literally, machines. Unlike tions. Both had central European Jewish von Neumann, who was attracted to the pow­ roots: von Neumann was born and raised in erful, Wiener was an outsider. He held that Budapest, while Wiener's father (a linguist thtjse in power are unscrupulous, if not and Yiddish scholar whose works are still in wicked, and scientists bear responsibility for print) had immigrated to the United States the uses to which their work is put. This was from Russian Poland. Both became re­ not (and is not) a mainstream position, and he nowned: von Neumann for his government was ridiculed by his colleagues for these efforts, work on computers and nuclear weapons, though of course his professional credentials Wiener for his popular writings on cybernet­ were unchallengeable. ics. They displayed an uncanny coincidence of The two had a different approach to mathe­ interests, including quantum theory, the the­ matics as a body of truths. Von Neumann was ory and design of computers, mathematical a scientific optimist and a formalist. By all ac­ meteorology, machine-organism analogies, counts he had a powerful mind that was virtu­ and several areas of pure mathematics. They ally a computer—his friend, Nobel laureate in admired one another and communicated reg­ physics Eugene Wigner, was in awe of him. ularly. Von Neumann seemed to think that mathe­ Fhe divergences were equally pronounced. matical descriptions capture the central core Von Neumann's father was a banker who of reality. In mathematical theorizing, for ex­ chose to serve the notoriously anti-Semitic ample in game theory, he had a tendency to Austro-Hungarian aristocracy and was enno­ abstract out what tjtbers might see as essential bled by them for it. John von Neumann em­ features of a problem. 1 hese are the features, braced this alliance, as is shown by his append­ of course, that are not amenable to mathemat­ ing "von" to his name. Wiener's father, though ical treatment, at least with the techniques at an intellectual, was no stranger to manual la­ hand. bor, and immigrated to the United States in Wiener had a more limited conception of order to establish a socialist commune (which the uses of mathematics. He was particularly was never realized). Each son followed in his skeptical of mathematical applications in the father's footsteps. social sciences. Unlike many mathematicians, Von Neumann filled the role of "court as­ who considered it a catastrophe, Wiener wel­ trologer" by putting the best science at the dis­ comed Godel's theorem of 1931 which posal of the military establishment. He proved, in effect, that mathematics cannot be worked on the Manhattan Project and played proven to be consistent. Wiener identified a critical role in devekjping the H-Bomb and communication, control, and feedback as cen- 322 BOOK REVIEWS tral concepts in analyzing machines, orga­ Neumann's collegues considered him a para­ nisms, and societies, an approach he chris­ gon of science, but in some respects he repre­ tened "cybernetics" from the Greek for sents the end of a tradition. It is difficult in­ "steersman." He developed elaborate analo­ deed in this age of technological shocks and gies from his work in statistical time series and horrors to maintain unbridled confidence in electrical engineering, and presented the the­ the beneficence of technology. Wiener, the ory to a general audience. Unlike von bringer of truth as Heims calls him, took a Neumann, Wiener felt that technology was much better pulse ofthe future. not necessarily beneficial—the cardinal con­ Heims has done an admirable job of sepa­ sideration is how human beings are affected. rating the message from the noise, as Wiener The works of these two are very much with might say. He is particularly strong in describ­ us today. Von Neumann was a major figure in ing the social and political background, and in the theory, design, and construction of the identifying the values underlying scientific ac­ first electronic digital computers. Wiener's cy­ tivity. bernetic approach has been incorporated into mainstream culture, as well as various MICHAEL BERTRAND branches of biology and engineering. Von Madison, Wisconsin

Book Reviews

Adams and Thornton, A Populist Assault: Sarah E. Van De Vort Emery on American Democracy, 1862—1895, reviewed by Nancy G. Isenberg ,^16

Clausen, translator, A Chronicler of Immigrant Life: Svein Nilsson's Articles in Billed-Magazin, 1868-1870, reviewed by J. R. ChrisUanson .^20

Conlin, editor. At the Point of Production: The Local History ofthe I. W. W., reviewed by Patrick M. Quinn '. .S18

Fuller, Mesmerism and the American Cure of Souls, reviewed by Paul A. Carter . .;^21

Hampsten, Read This Only to Yourself: The Private Writings of Midwestern Women, 1880-1910, reviewed by Paula Nelson \ 317

Heims, John von Neumann and Norbert Wiener: From Mathematics lo the Technologies of Life and Death, reviewed by Michael Bertrand .322

McElvaine, editor, Down and Out in the Great Depression: Letters from the "Forgotten Mara," reviewed by Mary Lou M. Schultz 313

Trefousse, Carl Schurz: A Biography, reviewed by Brooks D. Simpson 315

323 Wisconsin History Among the items included is a pamphlet written by Richard D. Powers entitled 100 Checklist Years of Research: Wisconsin's Agricultural Ex­ Recently published and currently available Wisconsiana periment Station. added to the Society's Library are listed below. The compilers, Gerald R, Eggleston, Acquisitions Librarian, and Susan Dorst, Order Librarian, are interested in "A Century of Growth on Christ": St. Paul Lu­ obtaining information about (or copies of) items that are theran, 100th Church Year, 1883-1983. not widely advertised, such as publications of local (Green Bay, Wisconsin, 1983. Pp. 36. Illus. historical societies, family histories and genealogies, No price listed. Available from St. Paul privately printed works, and histories of churches, institutions, or organizations. Authors and publishers Evangelical Lutheran Church, 1020 Chi­ wishing to reach a wider audience and also to perform a cago Street, Green Bay, Wisconsin 54301.) valuable bibliographic service are urged to inform the Cover title is St. Paul Ev. Church and School, compilers of their publications, including the following Centennial Anniversary, 1883-1983. information: author, title, location and name of publisher, price, pagination, and address of supplier. Write Susan Dorst. Acquisitions Section, Davies, Phillips G. The Welsh in Wisconsin. (Madison, Wisconsin, 1982. Pp. 39. Illus. $2.00 plus $ .50 postage and handling. Available from Publication Orders, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 816 State Street, Madison, Wisconsin 53706.) Bailey, Mrs. Sturges W. Index to the History of Sauk County, Wisconsin, Illustrated, Western Dornfeldt, Jeanne. Inside Insights. (Milwaukee, Historical Company, Chicago, 1880. (Madi­ Wisconsin, T/D Pubhcations, ©1982. Pp. son, Wisconsin, Wisconsin State Genealogi­ 73. Illus. $4.95 plus $ .65 postage and han­ cal Society, Inc., 1982. Pp. 50. No price dling. Available from author. Route 1, Box listed. Available from WSGS Bookstore, c/o 174, Horicon, Wisconsin 53032.) Reminis­ 465 Charles Lane, Madison, Wisconsin cences of the author's seventeen years as 53711.) head librarian and teacher at the Fox Lake Correctional Institution. Bonham, Earl E. One-Ring Circus. (Baraboo?, Wisconsin, no date. Pp. 44. Illus. No price Geographical and Statistical History of the County listed. Available from author, 327 Hitch­ of Winnebago, with Interesting Incidents Among cock, Baraboo, Wisconsin 53913.) History the Aborigines and Pioneer Settlers, with Twelve ofthe E. E. Bonham Circus, which began in Illustrations to Which is Prefixed a General View Prairie du Sac in 1922 and toured the coun­ ofthe State of Wisconsin Together with a Census try until 1928. Table from its First Settlement to the Present Time. (Winneconne?, Wisconsin, 1983? Pp. Cary, John W. The Organization and History of 83. Illus. $7.50 plus $1.30 postage and han­ the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railway dling. Available from the Winneconne His­ Company. (New York, New York, Arno torical Society, 226 N. 9th Avenue, Winne­ Press, 1981. Pp. 392. $35.00. Available conne, Wisconsin 54986.) Reprint of the from the Ayer Company, Merrimack Book 1856 edition pubhshed by Mitchel and Os­ Service, Salem, New Hampshire 03079.) born. Reprint of the 1893 edition. Guide to Wisconsin Survivors of the Holocaust: A Centennial Celebration: Wisconsin Agricultural Documentation Project of the Wisconsin Jewish Experiment Station, Stock Pavilion, UW- Archives; edited by Sara Leuchter. (Madi­ Madison, March 24, 1983, Folder. (Madison, son, Wisconsin, 1983. Pp. viii, 206 plus 5 Wisconsin, 1983. 1 vol. Illus. No price microfiche. Illus. $12.50 plus $1.50 postage listed. Available from Agricultural Experi­ and handling. Available from Publication ment Station, 136 Agricultural Hah, 1450 Orders, State Historical Society of Wiscon­ Linden Drive, University of Wisconsin- sin, 816 State Street, Madison, Wisconsin Madison, Madison, Wisconsin 53706.) 53706.) The guide is a finding aid for the 324 WISCONSIN HISTORY CHECKLIST

material held by the Wisconsin Jewish Ar­ Anthony Levi, 1819—1889 and Angela Mar- chives at the State Historical Society. sera, 1829-1885, Novate, Italy and Genoa, Wisconsin. (La Crosse, Wisconsin, 1983. 39 Hild, Millicent Zindel. Index to Biographical leaves. No price listed. Available from au­ History of La Crosse, Trempealeau & Buffalo thor, 815 So 9th St., La Crosse, Wisconsin Counties, Wisconsin 1892. (Madison, Wiscon­ 54601.) sin, Wisconsin State Genealogical Society, Inc., 1982. Pp. 42. No price listed. Available Peplinski, Josephine Marie. A Fitting Response: from WSGS Book Store, c/o 465 Charles the History ofthe Sisters of St. Joseph ofthe Third Lane, Madison, Wisconsin 53711.) Order of St. Francis, Part 1, the Founding. (South Bend, Indiana, ©1982. Pp. xvih, Index to History of Sheboygan County, Wisconsin, 231. Illus. No price listed. Available from Volume Two, by CarlZillier. (Sheboygan, Wis­ The Sisters of St. Joseph of the Third Or­ consin, 1982. Pp. 93. No price listed. Avail­ der of St. Francis, Center City Place, P.O. able from Information Services, Mead Pub­ Box 688, South Bend, Indiana 46624.) The lic Library, 710 Plaza 8, Sheboygan, religious order has been active in a number Wisconsin 53081.) Zillier's book was pub­ of schools in the state. lished in 1912. Seymour, Marlyne Schantz. A Family History of Kelly, Tom. Birkie Fever: 10-Year History of the Johannes Schanz. (Elkhorn?, Wisconsin, American Birkebeiner. (Osceola, Wisconsin, 1982? Pp. 16. No charge. Available from ©1982. Pp. 159. Iflus. $12.95. Available author, 211 Estates Court, Elkhorn, Wis­ from Specialty Press Publishers & Whole­ consin 53121.) salers, Inc., Box 426, Osceola, Wisconsin 54020.) History ofthe cross country ski race Skidmore, Nellie L. The Land Lives On. (Bal­ held annually at Telemark since 1973. sam Lake?, Wisconsin, 1983. Pp. 31. Illus. No price listed. Available from author. Box Klimko, Robert L., Jr. The Swiss-Family Ro- 64, Balsam Lake, Wisconsin 54810.) Remi­ serens. (Appleton?, Wisconsin, 1982? 1 vol. niscences about the Clarence DeLawyer (various pagings). lUus. $25.00. Available farm in southeastern Burnett County. from author, 915 Clark Street, Appleton, Wisconsin 54911.) Spominska Zgodovina: Historical Memories— Willard, Wis. (Willard, Wisconsin, Luther Valley 1982: Family Histories for Avon, Slovenska Druzba, 1982. Pp. 220. Illus. Center, Magnolia, Newark, Plymouth and $16.00 plus $1.31 postage and handling. Spring Valley Townships and the Villages of Available from Mr. & Mrs. John Snedic, Footville, Hanover, and Orfordville in Rock Greenwood, Wisconsin 54437.) County, Wisconsin. (Footville, Wisconsin, 1982. Pp. 202. Illus. No price listed. Availa­ Town of Day, 101 Years, 1881-1982. (Strat­ ble from Luther Valley Historical Society, ford?, Wisconsin, 1982. Pp. 315. Illus. No Les Curry, Pres., 418 Ely St., Box 155, Foot­ price listed. Available from Patti Laessig, ville, Wisconsin 53537.) Town of Day Centennial, Route 3, Box 355, Stratford, Wisconsin 54484.) Olsen, T. V. Birth of a City. (Rhinelander, Wis­ consin, Pineview Publishing, ©1983. Pp. Trask, Kerry A. Journeys to the Place of Spirits: 151. Illus. $5.95. Available from author, the Journals of an Imaginary Traveler to Mani­ P.O. Box 856, Rhinelander, Wisconsin towoc. (Manitowoc, Wisconsin, Manitowoc 54501.) Volume two in the series The Rhine­ County Historical Society, Occupational lander Country detailing the history of Monograph 49, 1983 Series. Pp. [8]. Illus. Rhinelander and the surrounding area. No price listed. Available from Newsletter, 1115 North 18th Street, Manitowoc, Wis­ Penchi, Loretta. The Family and Descendants of consin 54220.) 325 Accessions ject; including correspondence with friends and family in the North, newsclippings, a di­ ary, and tape-recorded interviews with the Ga- Services for microfilming, xeroxing, and photostating all briners; presented by Robert and Vicki Ga­ but certain restricted items in its manuscript collections briner, Madison. are provided by the Society, Papers, 1965—1969, including correspon­ dence of Amy Jacques Garvey with Leslie Fishel of the State Historical Society of Wis­ consin, miscellaneous clippings, and printed matter, all regarding the work of her husband Marcus Garvey, a pioneer in black racial pride Manuscripts and power in the United States and a Jamaican national hero; presented by Mrs. Garvey. Small Collections: Records, 1963—1967, of Papers, 1964—1966, of Eugene Hunn, a the Madison chapter of the Alexander De­ Californian doing civil rights work in Holly fense Committee, an international organiza­ Springs, Mississippi; including letters to his tion formed to protest South African apart­ parents, freedom school newsletters, clip­ heid and to assist South African political pings, and letters from other civil rights volun­ prisoners; including correspondence, lists of teers; separated from the records of the Par­ supporters, newsclippings, and background ents Mississippi Freedom Association of material; separated from the Social Action California, presented by Dorothy Hunn, Vertical File. Santa Monica, California. Miscellaneous articles, 1961—c. 1975, by Journals and ntjtes, 1967, written by Robert Philip Altbach, a national chairman ofthe Stu­ Jackall, a sociology instructor and director of dent Peace Union and activist faculty member the Georgetown University Community of the University of Wisconsin-Madison, in­ Action Program, working on voter registra­ cluding an unpublished report on the role of tion of blacks in Ruleville and Drew, Missis­ young liberals in politics in Madison; pre­ sippi; recording his work, the response of local sented by Philip Altbach, Madison. residents, and his co-workers; loaned for cop­ Records, 1964, of Citizens for Civil Rights ying by Mr. Jackall, Williamstown, Massachu­ in Mississippi, a White Plains, New York, sup­ setts. port group formed by parents of civil rights Papers, 1964—1965, of James Kates, a civil volunteers; including minutes, newspaper ar­ rights volunteer from New York who worked ticles, and correspondence with members of on voter registration in Panola County, Missis­ Congress on the safety ofthe volunteers; sepa­ sippi, in 1964, and with the Natchez Freedom rated from the papers of James Kates, pre­ Project the following summer; consisting of sented by Jean Kates, White Plains, New York. letters to his family and newspaper articles; Copies of inscriptions from additional cem­ presented by Jean Kates, White Plains, New- eteries in New York and Massachusetts, com­ York. piled by Marjorie S. Dows and others; pre­ Papers, 1964-1965, of Walter M. Kauf- sented by Marjorie S. and Robert H. Dows and mann (1933—), a Californian who spent the Mr. and Mrs. William Souve, Rochester, New summer of 1964 as a civil rights worker in Phil­ York. adelphia, Mississippi; including correspon­ Transcription of a meeting of the Cases dence with other volunteers and friends, a di­ Committee of the Mayor's Commission on ary, affidavits, documents on picketing ofthe Human Rights, held October 10, 1962, "to ex­ Bank of America in San Francisco for discrim­ plore the scope of the problem of racial dis­ inatory hiring practices, and newsclippings crimination in housing in the City of Madi­ and miscellany on Kaufmann's work as an at­ son." Several persons testified regarding their torney and fundraiser for the Congress of Ra­ experiences in finding housing in Madison, cial Equality in Bakersfield, California, and among them Sydney Forbes, who spoke at CORE'S Western Region; presented by Mr. some length; presented by Sydney Forbes, Kaufmann, Van Nuys, California. Madison. Papers, ca. 1965, of Milton Kotler, a resi­ Papers, 1964-1966, of Robert and Vicki dent fellow ofthe Institute for Policy Studies, Gabriner primarily concerning their civil consisting largely of memoranda he wrote set­ rights activities with the Fayette County, Ten­ ting forth the theoretical background of ur­ nessee, voter registration and education pro- ban governance at the neighborhood level and 326 ACCESSIONS reporting on the East Central Citizens Organi­ sippi; including minutes, newsletters, and zation, Columbus, Ohio, an incorporated citi­ clippings; presented by the Asstjciation via zens' group which exemplified the totally self- Dorothy Hunn, Santa Monica, California. governing approach in trying to deal with Genealogical charts by Laurence P. Rich­ poverty; plus two clippings on a prison college mond, 1964, accompanied by copies of letters, project which Kotler developed; presented by 1896-1904, to Mrs. James Richmond, Lodi, Mr. Kotler, Washington, D.C. Wisconsin, from Melville M. Bigelow, Cam­ Papers, 1969-1977, of Paul Krehbiel, an bridge, Massachusetts, giving information on anti-war activist at the State University of New the families of Bigelow, Elderkin, and Rich­ York at Buffalo, consisting of clippings about mond; presented by H. S. Van Ness, Lodi. the release of his FBI file in 1976 under provi­ Papers, 1912-1954, of the Reverend sion of the Freedom of Information Act and George Vollmer consisting primarily of his articles by Krehbiel on domestic surveillance; calls to pastorates in various Evangelical Lu­ a few pages of the FBI file, 1970-1974; and theran churches in Wisconsin, Minnesota, and flyers and information on the local chapter of Iowa; presented by Philip Barnett, Milwau­ Students for a Democratic Society, 1969- kee. 1970; presented by Mr. Krehbiel, Peekskill, Photostat copy of a genealogical chart com­ N.Y. piled by Lorena Dennis, Fond du Lac, Wiscon­ Xeroxed copy of a 1977 report of legal sin, with information through 1981, on the de­ cases handled that year by the Mississippi scendants of Jacob Henry Waldschmidt office of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil (1831-1924), a farmer in the Fond du Lac Rights Under Law; presented by the Commit­ area; loaned for copying by Fremont O. tee, Jackson, Mississippi, via Lawrence Guyot. Breitengross, Wauwatosa. (The bulk of the Committee's records are at Papers, 1967—1969, of Lyn Wells, a former Tougaloo College.) staff member and organizer for the Southern Xeroxed articles, 1952—1972, by Joyce Student Organizing Committee, consisting of Maupin, a trade unionist and founder of Un­ correspondence to her family regarding her ion Women's Alliance to Gain Equality, con­ experiences as an organizer in North Caro­ cerning working women, day care centers, lina, speeches, articles, and form letters; pri­ and other women's issues; many first ap­ marily concerning anti-Vietnam War activi­ peared in The Militant under the byline Joyce ties; presented by Mrs. Ruth Wells, Garrett Cowley; presented by Joyce Maupin, San Park, Maryland. Francisco, California. Fragmentary records, 1966—1968, of the Records, 1975—1977, on the San Francisco West Side Federation, Chicago, Illinois, an or­ chapter of the New American Movement, a ganization formed to encourage participation national organization for a mass-based demo­ in community decision-making processes; in­ cratic socialism; including handwritten min­ cluding a history, an annual report, a proposal utes and notes, a 1976 calendar, some broad­ ofthe Lawndale Peoples' Planning Committee sides and resolutions, and a copy of a letter to by WSF staff member Lewis Kreinberg, a pa­ the national office explaining tbe reasons for per on strategies of power in community orga­ the chapter's dissolution; presented by Anne nizations, and other documents; presented by Farrer, Chicago. Lewis Kreinberg, Chicago, Illinois. Miscellaneous correspondence, publicity, Papers, 1964, of Christopher Wilson, a Cal­ and literature distributed at Nukewatch, a ifornian who was a civil rights volunteer in rally and symposium sponsored by The Pro­ Mississippi in the summer of 1964; consisting gressive magazine and the Madison Press Con­ of his letters to his parents, a canvassing roster nection in Madison, July 13-15, 1979, to focus from voter registration work in Hattiesburg, on issues involving nuclear power and weap­ and newsclippings, including some on his tes­ ons, government secrecy, and national secu­ timony before the California Democratic State rity; presented by Sarah Cooper, Madison. Central Committee urging their endorsement Records, 1964-1966, ofthe Parents Missis­ ofthe Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party; sippi Freedom Association of California, a presented by Mr. and Mrs. Richard Wilson support group formed in the Los Angeles area and Christopher Wilson, Santa Monica, Cali­ by parents of civil rights volunteers in Missis­ fornia.

327 Contributors

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DAVID RICH LEWIS is a native of Utah. He re­ JAMES J. LORENCE, a native of Racine, received ceived his bachelor's degree from Utah State his B.S. (1960) and his M.S. (1964) degrees University (1979) and master's degrees from from the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. the University of Toronto (1980) and the Uni­ In 1970 he completed the Ph.D. degree at the versity of Wisconsin—Madison (1983). He is University of Wisconsin—Madison, where he currently a doctoral candidate in American specialized in American foreign relations. history at Wisconsin. Mr. Lewis is interested in Since 1966 he has taught at the University of settlement on the westering American fron­ Wisconsin Center—Marathon (Wausau), tier. He has published previously in the Utah where he is currently professor of history. He Historical Quarterly (1982). is co-author of Woodlot and Ballot Box: Mara­ thon County in the Twentieth Century (1977) and author of Organized Business and the Myth ofthe China Market: The American Asiatic Association, 1898-1937 (1981). He has published several articles on teaching and on recent American history, including three on Wisconsin subjects. Mr. Lorence is a member of the Wausau His­ toric Landmarks Commission and the Wiscon­ sin Historical Records Advisory Board. He is working on a biography of Congressman TERRY L. SHOPTAUGH is a doctoral candidate Gerald J. Boileau of Wausau. in American history at the University of New Hampshire, where he received his master's degree. He also earned a master's degree in li­ brary science from the University of Wisconsin-Madison and, from 1981 to 1982, MARILYN GRANT is associate editor of the Wis­ held a fellowship in historical editing at the consin Magazine of History and editor-in-chief Documentary History ofthe Constitution Pro­ of the Society's annual Wisconsin Calendar. ject in Madison. Currently, Mr. Shoptaugh is archivist for the Regional History Collection at Southeast Missouri State University, Cape Girardeau. He continues his research in ante­ bellum politics and is finishing his dissertation, a biography of Amos Kendall.

328 THE BOARD OF CURATORS

ANTHONY S. EARL, Governor ofthe State ROBERT M. O'NEIL, President ofthe University

DOUGLAS C. LAFOLLETTE, Secretary of State MRS. WILLIAM B.JONES, President ofthe Friends ofthe State Historical Society of Wiscoruin

CHARLES P. SMITH, Stale Treasurer ROBERT B. L. MVRPH\, President, Wisconsin History Foundation

THOMAS H. BARLAND, Eau Claire MRS. FANNIE HICKLIN, Madison OSCAR C. BOLDT, Appleton WILLIAM HUFFMAN, Wisconsin Rapids E. DAVID CRONON, Madison MRS. PETER D. HUMLEKER, JR., Fond du Lac MRS. JAMES P. CZAJKOWSKI, Wauzeka WILLIAM C. KIDD, Racine MRS. L. PRENTICE EAGER, JR., Evansville NEWELL G. MEYER, Eagle MRS. WILLIAM B. GAGE, Williams Bay (iEORGE H. MILLER, Ripon PAUL C. GARTZKE, Madison JOHN M. MURRY, Hales Corners JOHN C. GEILFUSS, Milwaukee FREDERICK I. OLSON, Wauwatosa MRS. HUGH F. GWIN, Hudson DR. LOUIS C. SMITH, Cassville JOHN T. HARRINGTON, Milwaukee MRS. WILLIAM H. L. SMYTHE, Milwaukee

WILFREDJ. HARRIS, Madison WILLIAM F. STARK, Pewaukee MRS. R. L. HARTZELL, Grantsburg WILSON B. THIEDE, Madison PAUL E. HASSETT, Madison CHARLES TWINING, Ashland MRS. WILLIAM E. HAVES, De Pere EDWARDJ. VIRNIG, New Berlin NATHAN S. HEFFERNAN, Madison GERALD D. VISTE, Wausau MRS. JEAN M. HELLIESEN, La Crosse CLARK WILKINSON, Baraboo KIRBY HENDEE, Madison

Frierids ofthe State Historial Society of Wisconsin

MRS. WILLIAM B.JONES, Fort Atkinson, MRS. CHARLES LOHMEYER, Lake Barrington President Shores, Illinois, Secretary

MRS. RICHARD G. JACOBUS, Milwaukee MRS. CONNOR T. HANSEN, Lake Mills, Treasurer Vice-President MRS. JOHN ERSKINE, Racine, Past President

Fellows Curators Emeritus

VERNON CARSTENSEN ROBERT H. IRRMANN, Beloit MERLE CURTI MRS. EDWARD C.JONES, Fort Atkinson ALICE E. SMITH HOWARD W. MEAD, Madison MILO K. SWANTON, Madison THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY SHALL promote a wider appreciation of the American heritage with particular emphasis on the collection, advancement and dissemination of knowledge ofthe history of Wisconsin and ofthe West. —Wisconsin Statutes, Ctiapter 44

WHi(X:i) 39606 Eugene V. Debs speaking at a railroad employees rally in 1916.

^-^^TE HISTo^ fsbs?

''OF WIS*--