Women in Politics

9 Women in politics

Yvonne Galligan and Fiona Buckley

The centenary commemorations of the women’s suffrage campaign and associated Acts, notably the Representation of the People Act, 1918, and the Parliament (Qualification of Women) Act, 1918, shine a spotlight on women’s political representation over the past 100 years. Suffragists thought that their victory heralded the end of inequality in political life for women. Yet, women’s political under-representation persisted, and by the mid-1990s gender equality in public office became a test of democratic legitimacy and accountability for feminists and advocates of political reform. This framing of the democratic deficit was rein- forced by the United Nations (UN) World Conference on Women in 1995, at which women’s empowerment was a central theme. Thereafter, the Irish government was one of over a hun- dred governments held accountable to the UN for its commitment to realising gender equality in power and decision-making. Thus, at the close of the twentieth century, the paucity of women in politics gradually became a litmus test for the health of democracy. The structural exclusion of one half of the citizenry from an equal share of power created a strong normative claim for redress, based on justice and equality as the fundamental principles of democracy. Important though this normative argument is for a focus on women, Irish parties have paid variable attention to the representativeness of parliament, and the presence of women in the Oireachtas remains low by European standards. Perhaps this lack of urgency reflects public indifference to the representative nature of the Dáil, as the 2011 and 2016 Irish National Election Surveys (INES) would seem to indicate. When asked what characteristics were important in a TD (such as being of the same social class, having the same level of education, being of the same age), being of the same gender as the respondent was the least important, though it was still some- what more relevant for women than for men (Farrell et al., 2018). This raises the question, then, as to why we should be concerned about gender as a representative characteristic in political life. Yet, perhaps this snapshot in time provided by the INES survey does not reflect public indifference to the gender of elected representatives. Instead, it may be that1st the publicProofs thinks – thisNot issue for is Distribution. now addressed and that it is time to incorporate other diversity characteristics into the electoral sphere. This is quite a typical view among voters in Britain (Cowley 2013), and could have echoes among the Irish public. Or, it may also be that the public – male and female – think that their interests are adequately represented, and so the sex of politicians is not an issue. Whatever the explanation, there is evidence to show that the public was attentive to the gender of politicians in previous times. In 2007, on the eve of the economic crash that was to send shock waves through the Irish economy and society, 60 per cent of those surveyed in a similar INES poll indicated that ‘things would improve if there were more women in politics’. While just about half of men agreed, 71 per cent of women did so, indicating a pent-up demand among the female public

PRI.indb 216 28-08-2017 22:54:04 Women in politics 217 for better descriptive representation. Moreover, in 2011, even though respondents attached little importance to the idea of having a TD of the same gender as themselves, 62 per cent believed that there should be more women TDs, with 29 per cent wanting no change and only 3 per cent saying they wanted fewer female TDs (Farrell et al., 2017). That pressure for greater female presence in politics was articulated further in the 2014 Constitutional Convention report on women in public life, where an overwhelming majority (97 per cent) of the 100 citizens and political participants wanted to see government take more action to encourage women’s public and political engagement.1 The public view, an important aspect in understanding the politics of presence and its underlying drivers, can differ also on policy. In a study of voters and politicians’ attitudes on policy issues in a European Parliament election, female voters in Ireland were found to be more progressive than males on the four policy issues interrogated – same sex marriage, abortion, women and paid work, and the welfare state (McEvoy 2016: 766). This finding points to women and men collectively holding different views on policy issues, and by extension, it can be argued that these policy differences should be represented in parliament. The same research shows that women MEPs hold more liberal views on abortion, as well as on women and paid work, than their male counterparts. Interestingly, it also finds that as more women enter the European Parliament, men become more liberal in their policy positions, and both women and men then more fully represent women’s interests and positions (McEvoy, 2016: 772–6). The discussion above highlights the complex dynamics of gender politics in practice, making it relevant for our understanding of how group-based interests are expressed in representative politics. Gender – male, female and non-binary – infuses all representative characteristics. In studying women/gender politics in Ireland, we draw attention to one aspect of representative politics, and in so doing, highlight the working of Irish democratic processes and practices from a viewpoint that adds nuance to the rich knowledge base provided by other perspectives. We begin this chapter by taking a detailed look at the pattern of women’s representation in social and political decision-making. This is followed by an exploration of the causes and the consequences of women’s absence from public life. We chart the gradual inclusion of women’s interests – some old, others new – in the political agenda, before con- cluding with a general assessment of current patterns and future challenges.

Women in society The dearth of women in positions of political power in Ireland is only part of the wider pattern of women’s absence from, or under-representation in, decision-making centres gener- ally. Socio-cultural research confirms a positive link between women’s access to legislatures, female employment levels and societal attitudes towards gender equality (Alexander and Welzel, 2007; Inglehart1st and Norris,Proofs 2003; – NotInglehart for et Distribution. al., 2002). These are factors in the persistent under-representation of women in Irish politics also. The early years of the state saw the passage of discriminatory constitutional provisions and laws that restricted women’s access to employment, accentuated their role in the private sphere, banned birth control and facilitated the second class status of women (Beaumont, 1997). These included Article 41.2.1 of the current (1937) constitution: ‘In particular, the State recognises that by her life within the home, woman gives to the State a support without which the common good cannot be achieved.’ Even in 1937, this provision was hotly con- tested by a coalition of feminists and trade union activists (Luddy, 2005). By the 1970s, however, women’s subservient role and status was challenged (Galligan, 1998; Connolly 2002).

PRI.indb 217 28-08-2017 22:54:04 218 Yvonne Galligan and Fiona Buckley Restrictions on women’s employment were lifted and legislation outlawing unequal pay was introduced. In subsequent decades, the proportion of women in the labour force increased. In 2015 the female employment rate stood at 63 per cent with the corresponding figure for men at 75 per cent (Eurostat, 2016). Thus, one of the background reasons for women’s under- representation – their low labour force participation – was less relevant. Caring responsibilities have regularly been identified as depressing women’s political and civic participation. The same goes for women’s employment patterns. In 2016, employment rates of women and men aged 20–44 were much the same when they had no children (approximately 86 per cent). However, the figure falls to 60 per cent for women when their youngest child is aged three years or under. The comparable figure for men is 82 per cent, representing a gender gap of 22 percentage points (IBEC, 2016: 8). Given the high costs of childcare in Ireland, estimated to be €16,500 per annum in a two-child household (Barry, 2014: 11), it is little surprise that some parents opt out of the labour force. This care work largely falls on women to perform, indicating the persistence of traditional gender roles in Ireland. Many women balance family life and work by engaging in part-time employment. In 2013, women constituted 73 per cent of those working 19 hours per week or fewer, often in low paid jobs (CSO, 2014). The varied level of women’s engagement with the workforce, as compared with men’s high and con- tinuous employment patterns, goes some way to explaining the persistence of a gender pay gap, measuring 14 per cent in 2014 (Eurostat, 2016). However, policy measures to ease the cost of childcare since 2010 have resulted in a significant growth in publicly-funded childcare places, amounting to over 100,000 places for three- and four-year-olds in 2017 (Ní Aodha, 2017). Since the 1970s, women have made significant inroads in the professions. This is espe- cially evident in the areas of law and justice. In March 2017, the Minister for Justice, Attorney General, Chief State Solicitor, Garda (police) Commissioner, Director of Public Prosecutions, Chief Justice and chairperson of the Policing Authority were all women. In 2015, female solicitors (4,623) outnumbered male solicitors (4,609), reputed to be ‘the first time a female majority has existed in any legal profession anywhere in the world’ (Kelly, 2015). The proportion of female gardaí increased to 26 per cent in 2016, up from 19 per cent in 2006, while the number of female sergeants, inspectors, superintendents and chief superintendents doubled in the same time period (Dáil Debates 345:16, 28 September 2016). Over a third of all judges were women in 2017, up from 23 per cent in 2009 (see Table 9.1). However, the judicial arena is not immune from sexism. A 2016 Bar of Ireland survey found that just 16 per cent of all senior counsel were women, while two-thirds of women barristers recounted experiencing discrimination during their careers (Keena, 2016).

Table 9.1 Women in the judiciary, 2009–17

Court 2009 2017

1stTotal Proofsnumber – NotWomen for Distribution.Total number Women of judges N (%) of judges N (%)

Supreme Court 8 2 (25.0) 9 4 (44.4) Court of Appeal n/a n/a 9 2 (22.2) High Court 38 5 (13.2) 40 13 (32.5) Circuit Court 38 12 (31.6) 38 15 (39.5) District Court 62 15 (24.2) 63 21 (33.3) Total 146 34 (23.3) 159 55 (34.6)

Source: www.courts.ie (last accessed 30 June 2017).

PRI.indb 218 28-08-2017 22:54:04 Women in politics 219 The public service is a key employer of women in Ireland, offering job security and flex- ibility. However, within the highest rank of the civil service, a gender imbalance persists, despite improvements over the years. In 2007, four women occupied the top position of secretary general (25 per cent), while a further twelve (13 per cent) held the position of deputy secretary general or assistant secretary (CSO, 2007: 22). Since the economic crisis, the civil service workforce has reduced in size, but women retained and increased their presence in senior positions: in January 2017, 29 per cent of secretary general positions, and 28 per cent of deputy secretary general or assistant secretary positions, were held by women (see Table 9.2). Furthermore, over a third of posts at principal officer level were held by women, indicating a strong supply of women well positioned to contest future promotional opportunities. Yet, there is no room for complacency. As Table 9.2 demonstrates, there is a ‘largely pyramidal [structure] with relatively few women compared to men rising to senior positions’ (National Women’s Strategy, 2013: 10, 51). In January 2017 the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform announced measures to address the under-representation of women at the senior levels of the civil service, including a 50–50 gender target for appointments at senior levels. Statistics on state board membership in 2013 indicated that 36 per cent of positions were held by women; close to, but still short of, the target of 40 per cent originally set by government as far back as 1993. To accelerate gender balance on state boards, in 2014, the government introduced new measures, which included the development of a talent bank of women willing to serve as board members, as well as a renewed commitment to the 40 per cent target, accompanied by an aim to achieve this by the end of 2016.2 However, in January 2017 a survey revealed that just over half (54 per cent) of boards had yet to reach the 40 per cent target (Doyle, 2017). Women’s representation on company boards also remains low. In 2016, just 13 per cent of board members of Ireland’s largest publicly listed companies were women, below the EU average of 21 per cent (European Commission, 2016). To address the under-representation of women on company boards, the EU set targets to ensure that at least 40 per cent of board members of publicly listed companies are women by 2020. In Ireland, a potential pool of suitably qualified women is available to fill these positions, as evidenced in the

Table 9.2 Civil service grades by biological sex, 2013–17

Grade Women Men

N % N %

Secretary general (2017) 5 29.4 12 70.6 Deputy and second secretary (2015) 5 23.8 16 76.2 Assistant secretary (2015) 60 28.0 155 72.0 Principal officer (2015) 452 36.2 798 63.8 Assistant principal (2015) 1st Proofs –1,518 Not for Distribution.44.2 1,915 55.8 Administrative officer (2013) 123 56.2 96 43.8 Higher executive officer (2013) 1,686 53.2 1,484 46.8 Executive officer (2013) 3,338 66.6 1,674 33.4 Staff officer (2013) 1,239 78.6 338 21.4 Clerical officer (2013) 8,383 77.3 2,457 22.7

Sources: 2017 figure authors’ own; 2015 figures calculated from information available from Dáil Debates 885: 2, 2 July 2015; 2013 figures from Central Statistics Office (http://www.cso.ie/en/releasesandpublications/ep/p- wamii/womenandmeninireland2013/socialcohesionlifestyleslist/socialcohesionlifestyles/#d.en.65499), accessed 27 February 2017.

PRI.indb 219 28-08-2017 22:54:04 220 Yvonne Galligan and Fiona Buckley proportion of female graduates. Women accounted for 52 per cent of all graduates in 2014 (Higher Education Authority, 2016a). Yet, just 14 per cent of Irish companies are headed by a female chief executive, and while 34 per cent of junior level management positions are held by women, their representation falls off at each subsequent senior grade (Taylor, 2016). In addition to childcare, organisational culture, in the form of gender biases, acts as a barrier to women’s career advancement. This is very evident in the field of academia, where high profile cases have exposed gender discrimination in the area of promotion.3 While gender balance exists at lecturer level, just 19 per cent of professors are women. To address the lack of women in senior levels of academia, the Higher Education Authority (HEA) supports the introduction of mandatory gender quotas for promotion in higher education institutions (Higher Education Authority, 2016b).

Women in political institutions In the late nineteenth century, Irish women campaigning for the vote saw it as the key to increasing women’s influence in national life. The Irish suffrage movement, strongly influ- enced by the women’s franchise campaign in Britain, sought to bring a feminist voice to Irish politics. However, the strengthening independence movement led to this aim being joined, and arguably overshadowed, by the demand for national sovereignty promoted by prominent Sinn Féin women (Cullen, 1997: 272). The supremacy of the nationalist discourse over that of feminism is important in understanding the low representation of women subsequent to independence. While winning the vote in 19184 was presented as a victory for feminists in Britain, the extension of the franchise to women in Ireland was interpreted as a step on the way to self-government. From this point on, women’s place in political life was linked to their association with the ‘national question’, and among the few women who made it to political office in the post-1918 decades, many had close family and personal connections with the revolutionary era (Galligan 2017: 159–63). In the following sections, we trace the participation of women in Irish political life to the present, focusing on their representation in national and local politics, and their involvement in political parties.

National level When people are asked to reflect on the role of women in Irish politics, the names of Constance Markievicz, Mary Robinson and Mary McAleese readily come to mind. Their accomplishments serve as milestones in the history of women’s political representation in Ireland. Constance Markievicz was the first woman parliamentarian in Ireland, and her appointment as Minister for Labour in 1919, though largely a symbolic appointment, placed her among the first women worldwide to achieve such political office. Mary Robinson’s election as the country’s first1st female Proofs president – Not in 1990 for made Distribution. Ireland only the second country in Europe (after Iceland) to have a woman head of state elected by popular vote. In 1997, Mary McAleese became the first woman in the world to follow another woman into the office of elected head of state (see Appendix 3 for biographical details of leading political figures). These achievements placed women firmly on the political map in Ireland and brought international recognition to the country for the advancement of women in politics. However, these highlights are more symbolic than substantial. The role of president is primarily ceremonial (see Chapter 7), and Markievicz’s appointment as Minister for Labour in 1919 was emblem- atic of the contemporary fusion of the nationalist and suffrage causes. It would be 60 years before another woman served in cabinet.

PRI.indb 220 28-08-2017 22:54:04 Women in politics 221 The reality is that women have been grossly under-represented in Irish politics. Of the approximately 1,300 people elected to Dáil Éireann between 1918 and 2016, just 114 (9 per cent) were women. Between the 1992 and 2011 general elections, the number of women TDs increased by a mere five, to 25 (see Table 9.3). With only 15 per cent of women TDs, Ireland was in 107th position in a global league table for women’s parliamentary representation at the end of 2011, a significant drop from its 1996 position (39th).5 The drop of nearly 70 places is primarily due to the surge in countries adopting affirmative measures, such as gender quotas, following the United Nations (UN) Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in September 1995. The stagnation in growth in Irish women’s political representation, up to and including the 2011 general election, drew attention from international observers. In the comments on Ireland’s progress under the UN’s Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), concern was expressed about the ‘significant under-representation of women in elected political structures, particularly in the Oireachtas’ (United Nations, 2005: 8). It encouraged the State ‘to take sustained measures to increase the representation of women in elected bodies’ (United Nations, 2005: 8). In Ireland though, despite much rheto- ric about the need for more women in politics, politicians and political parties largely shied away from advocating equality measures, such as gender quotas, preferring instead the softer strategy of gender targets (Galligan and Wilford, 1999; Buckley, 2013). The economic downturn of 2008 was a cat