Jonas Monié Nordin & Carl-Gösta Ojala an INDUSTRIAL

Fennoscandia archaeologica XXXVII (2020)

Jonas Monié Nordin & Carl-Gösta Ojala

AN INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION IN AN INDIGENOUS LANDSCAPE: THE COPPER EXTRACTION OF THE EARLY MODERN TORNE RIVER VALLEY IN ITS GLOBAL CONTEXT

Abstract During a period of 40 years in the second half of the 17th century, a process of industrialization was initialized in the northern part of the Torne River valley, northern Sweden. The industrialization was the result of global demand for copper and brass, but its practice was a local and regional encounter between different groups of people with a manifold of identities, languages, economic, and social backgrounds. The modern industrial production units, some 100–150 kilometres north of the Arctic Circle, created spaces which functioned as contact zones for Indigenous Sámi and Finnish inhabitants, Swedish and Dutch workers. Local knowledge was pivotal for the establish- ment of the industries. The making of local spaces, closely connected with international networks of people, capital, and knowledge, affected the social and spatial everyday practices at the works and in the surrounding lands. This paper is based on field surveys conducted at five mining and metal works sites in the Torne River valley and a set of maps and drawings from 1660, depicting the structure of the mines and metal works in a Sámi-Finnish landscape. The results are discussed in a global historical archaeological context, connecting the metal extraction of Northern Scandinavia with global hunger for brass and copper.

Keywords: industrialization, Torne River valley, Sámi, Finnish, copper mining, modernity

Jonas Monié Nordin, Stockholm University, 106 91, Stockholm, Sweden: jonas.monie.nordin@ark. su.se; Carl-Gösta Ojala, Uppsala University, box 626, 751 26 Uppsala, Sweden: carl-gosta.ojala@ arkeologi.uu.se.

Received: 30 April 2020; Revised: 28 August 2020; Accepted: 19 September 2020.

INTRODUCTION towards modernity was constructed as a collabo- rative yet contested industrial economy in the In this article, we ask what forms early modern Torne River valley in the 17th century, in tandem extractive industry took in the Torne River val- with the global early industrial development in ley, and how this process was connected with the Caribbean, India, and Western Europe. This the global economy, during the second half of early modernity process was created in collabo- the 17th century. We suggest that the industrial ration between the different groups living in the localities and the extractive landscape can be Torne River valley and external groups, such as understood as a set of contact zones, as inter- the Dutch and Swedish officials and workers. sections of intellectual and material practices The article is based on field surveys conduct- constructing identity and culture (Raj 2007: ed at five early modern mining and metal works 225). Furthermore, we suggest that an early path sites in the Torne River valley, carried out by the

61 authors in collaboration with Åsa Lindgren from status and Indigenous rights, on the same level the Norrbotten County Museum in the autumn as the recognized Indigenous Sámi population, of 2017 (see further details in Lindgren et al. within parts of the ethnopolitical movement of 2020), as well as an analysis of a set of maps the Meänkieli-speaking Tornedalian popula- and drawings from 1660, depicting the structure tion, and within the cross-boundary Kven eth- of the mines and metal works in a Sámi-Finnish nopolitical movement (see e.g. Wallerström landscape. 2006; Elenius 2018; Mella Stenudd 2020). The In the early modern period, the Torne River Meänkieli-speaking Tornedalian population in valley was a multicultural and multiethnic area, the Torne River valley has, in common with the with local Finnish-speaking and Sámi-speaking Sámi populations, been subjected to coloniza- groups as well as other groups of people arriv- tion, assimilation, language oppression, dis- ing in connection with the colonial and indus- crimination, and racial biological investigations trial movements (see e.g. Hederyd et al. 1991; (see e.g. Persson 2018). However, the relations Hederyd & Alamäki 1993; Nordin & Ojala between Sámi and Finnish groups in the Torne 2017; Elenius 2019). As a border zone within River valley region in the early modern period the larger Sámi settlement area, it exemplifies have not been much explored in earlier research, the complexities of identities and cultural ex- and there is a need for more research on this pressions during this period of great social and theme. economic change and transformation. A combi- nation of archaeological, geographical, and his- INDUSTRIALISM AND MODERNITY FROM torical sources is needed in order to study this THE PERIPHERY – A CRITICAL APPROACH multitude of agents and to develop a deeper understanding of these historical processes. The industrial revolution in Britain in the 18th The industrial development in the North had century is perceived, and rightfully so, as one close connections with the colonial expansion of the more decisive processes of change in the led by the Danish, Russian, and the Swedish western and global world (cf. Toynbee 1884). crowns, the Lutheran and Orthodox churches, Every aspect of the modern society has been and individual trade companies (cf. for instance affected in some way by the experience- ofin Hansen & Olsen 2014: 232–37; Ylimaunu et al. dustrialism. The grand narrative of industrialism 2014; Ojala 2017; 2018; Ojala & Nordin 2015; is based on the idea of a conglomerate of fac- 2019). Thus, the wider colonial context in 17th- tors creating the innovative climate in northern century Sápmi and Torne River valley needs to England, leading to the industrial breakthrough, be considered in an analysis of the industrial generally labelled The Industrial revolution. development. The colonial processes includ- Pivotal factors such as a wide set of agrarian ing Christian mission and forced conversion, reforms, the emergence of global markets, tech- destruction of religious sites and ritual objects, nical innovation, and accumulation of capital confiscation and collecting of Sámi material cul- made industrialization possible. ture, changes in languages and traditions, control There are, however, other factors that to a of trade routes, and eventually loss of land and growing degree are acknowledged as decisive water rights and self-determination of the Sámi for the industrial breakthrough. Two factors of people of Northern Fennoscandia (cf. papers in importance for the industrial development in Lindmark & Sundström 2016; Nordin & Ojala Britain concern global entanglement. First, the 2018; Ojala & Nordin 2019). influx of capital through the slave economy Today, the history and heritage of the Torne from the second half of the 17th century, but River valley is much contested, with discus- with a radical increase during the 18th century, sions on the interpretation of historical and ar- enabling industrial development in Europe (e.g. chaeological source material in ethnic terms and Williams 1944; Inikori 2002). Second, the raw with interconnected conflicts over land, fishing, material from the Baltic trade that was essential and hunting rights (Wallerström 2006; Hedman for British and continental European industrial 2007; Ojala 2009; Elenius 2018; 2019). In recent development: the high-quality iron, the copper, years, there have been claims for Indigenous

62 and the copper alloys/brass (e.g. Evans & Rydén century, copper, can in this light be scrutinized 2007; 2018). as one of many arenas of modernity in the early Early modern pervasive economic and social modern global world. processes, such as industrialization, the agrarian The growth of the plantation economy in the revolution, and colonialism are often understood Americas created a drastic growth in demand of from a national perspective. The global turn in metal tools, trade objects, and necessities for the history and historical archaeology, contrary to shipping industry. In this global context, iron, this, suggests that the level of entanglement be- brass, and copper from Scandinavia played an tween different parts of the global world were important role. Iron was needed for the making much more developed than suggested in earlier of tools, nails, and for the making of steel (Evans research, why such processes cannot be under- & Rydén 2007; 2018). Copper was needed for stood from a limited national perspective (cf. making of pans, vats, roofing, and sheathing of Orser 1996; Ogborn 2008; Andrén 2011; Nordin ships (Zahedieh 2013). Brass, an alloy consist- 2020). ing of copper, tin, and zinc, or more often during The so-called global turn in cultural history the early modern period, calamine, was essen- and recent development in post-colonial studies tial for the making of cauldrons, kettles, candle have scrutinized the Eurocentric traditional ideas sticks but also more ephemeral objects such as of the industrial revolution and modernity as en- needles, hooks, and pins (Nordin & Ojala 2017; tities solely sprung from Western European cir- cf. Day 1984; Beaudry 2007). The copper and cumstances. One goal has been to ‘Provincialize brass were essential for the manufacture of Europe’ (Chakrabarty 2012). Modernity as an boiling furnaces for the whaling stations or the episteme has strong Eurocentric connotations: sugar plantations. The making of cooking vats The Renaissance, the nation state, and the in- for the distilling of whiskey or the brewing of dustrial capitalist society are often perceived ales were also founded on access to copper. In as European inventions and of European mak- Indigenous communities in North America cop- ing. Modernity and industrial society are still to per and brass were highly coveted, and among a large degree viewed as the fruits of European the Sámi objects of copper alloy were held in ingenuity and processes exclusively taking high esteem (cf. Immonen 2013). In this con- place in Europe (Mignolo 1995; Bhambra 2007; text, one can claim that the copper from Falun 2014). Industrialization and modernity as results in central Sweden, Røros in central Norway, and of growing contacts between regions and con- Svappavaara in Torne River valley, functioned tinents, based on global entanglements, are sel- as one of the material bases for spurring globali- dom acknowledged. What generally is labelled zation in the early modern world. ’Eurocentric‘ is in fact more often ’Anglo–‘ or ’Western-European-centric‘. The grand histori- EARLY EXTRACTIVE INDUSTRY IN cal narrative of modernity does not only shut out NORTHERN SWEDEN Africa and Asia, but also Eastern Europe, the Arctic, and many other regions. In the early modern period, natural conditions for It is here that early modern Sápmi (i.e. the metal industry in sparsely populated Scandinavia land of the Sámi, roughly covering an area from were rather favourable. There was an abundance Dalecarlia in the south to Finnmark in the north, of water for hydropower, and forests for building and the Kola Peninsula in the north-east), and the materials and producing charcoal. Competition Torne River Valley come into the picture. Sápmi was at the same time rather limited. This indus- is a part of the world often seen as a ’periph- trial expansion brought about the innovation of ery‘ in relation to the major European processes a new form of industrial production, the metal of modernity – but, as will be discussed below, works, the bruk, through the fusion of Dutch and an area which triggered technological develop- Swedish conditions and considerations together ment, social movement and changes in the rela- with global market demand. tions between Continental and Western Europe Historian Göran Rydén (2013) has pointed to and the Far North. The Torne River valley and the particularity of the bruk, but also how they one of its main export commodities in the 17th were consanguine to the plantations of the New

63 World. The Swedish verb bruka means literally started leasing and eventually bought several ’to cultivate‘ and ’to use‘. It is related to the iron works in central Sweden. Here, they pri- words ’to plant‘ and ’plantation‘. The two forms marily produced pig-iron but also iron kettles, of production are also related. A bruk is a sin- pans, stoves, and even statues (cf. Sondén 1911; gle-purpose, concentrated production unit, just Müller 1998). The copper trade proved more like the plantation, with the aim of extracting profitable on the global market and the- broth and refining natural resources, usually metals. ers came to direct more of their resources to the The bruk is run by an intense concentration of brass and copper industry, taking over several of labour force, living on the production site, often the De Geer family’s works (cf. Day 1984: 35–6; in an orderly form. At the Swedish 17th- and 18th- Morton 1985). The Mommas not only invested century bruk (in the following called ‘works’), a in copper refinement in the south but soon be- certain kind of culture or habitus developed, in- came attracted by opportunities opening up in spired by reformed Christian ethics, Dutch aes- the far north. thetics, and early capitalist modes of production In 1634, silver was discovered in Nasafjäll/ (cf. Bedoire 2009). Nasavárre in Pite lappmark and the Swedish Two of the more influential Dutch investors Crown established its first industry in Sápmi. were Abraham and Jakob Momma, who moved Several other, often small silver mines were to Sweden during the early 1640s. At first, they opened in inland Sápmi, usually in the di- invested in import–export trade, encompassing rect control of the Crown, such as Alkavare/ wine, textiles, and luxury commodities for brass, Álggavárre, and Kedkevare/Gierggevárre in copper, iron, hemp, and tar – mainly necessities Lule Lappmark (cf. Awebro 1983; Nordin 2012, for the shipping industry. The Mommas soon 2015; Ojala & Nordin 2015; see Fig. 1). Silver

Figure 1. Map of northern Sweden with some of the sites mentioned in the article. The borders are the present-day state boundaries. (Map: Carl-Gösta Ojala.)

64 was of key interest to the Crown whereas cop- River, at Geavŋŋis (SaN.), later Swedified into per, also considered a precious metal, was more Kengis (Fi. Köngänen). accessible for private investors. Profit was not immediate, and Grape soon In 1643, copper and magnetite iron ore were needed more capital. In 1653, he sold two found at a place called Saivijokk (Junosuando) in thirds of the company to Abraham and Jacob Torne River valley, some 350 kilometres north of Momma. A new company, with renewed roy- Bothnian town Torneå (present-day Tornio, see al privileges was founded (Norberg 1958: Fig. 2). The county governor Frans Crusebjörn 17–8). Concurrently, copper was discovered persuaded a group of burghers in Torneå to form in the Svappavaara Mountain, northwest of a company and start processing the find. He also Junosuando, and from this time industrial expan- provided privileges, such as exemption from sion in the Torne River valley was rather swift. taxes, to support the industry. It proved com- Svappavaara soon developed into the core mine plicated, however, and the company was taken of the consortium, with Kengis as the adminis- over by the German-born Torneå burgher Arendt trative centre. At Svappavaara, a mining village Grape in 1646. After a year, a French type fur- was founded on the mountain, and a furnace vil- nace was erected at the newly founded metal lage some three kilometres down in the valley works in Junosuando/Junosuanto/Masugnsbyn (cf. Kummu 1997). (Norberg 1958: 7–14). Two years later, a metal The involvement of the Momma brothers works with a forge was founded by the Torne entailed at least four main supplements to the

Figure 2. Hans Lybecker’s map of the Torne River valley (right) and the Kalix River (left), from 1643. The town of Torneå is located at the mouth of the Torne River. The symbols of Iron and Copper mark the location of the Junosuando ore finds. (Photo courtesy of Riksarkivet, Stockholm.)

65 industry: 1. swift and direct access to the global trade in Sámi products. Metal extraction was market through the brothers’ trade networks; 2. the raison d’être for the Mommas investments access to knowledge and technology through the in Torne River valley, but trade with Sámi prod- brothers’ collective experience in brass and cop- ucts contributed to their business. The severe per making (they came from an old copper-mak- climate during the 17th century and the ’Little ice ing family, cf. Day 1984); 3. access to skilled la- age‘ meant a drastic growing demand for pelts bourers through tapping into the Dutch wave of and fur products, such as boots, gloves, caps, migration to Scandinavia; and 4. contacts with and jackets, goods that were provided by Sámi the power circles in Stockholm and the Board of producers and exported to continental Europe mines (Sw. Bergskollegium). (cf. Degroot 2018; Nordin 2018). The power of Through their networks and contacts with the the company and its owners was expressed in, Board of mines, the Momma brothers recruited a among other activities, the erection of a manor surveyor to map the industries in the Torne River in Kengis – sometimes called the northernmost valley. Olof Simonsson Nauclér (1626–1706) manor in the world – and a representative of- was markscheider (surveyor) in Falu copper fice building in Hellälä, just outside of Tornio mine and was appointed head surveyor of the town. To this can be added all the ships owned Board of mines. These maps are among the old- and leased by the brothers and constructed at est and most detailed in early modern Sweden their own shipyards and works scattered along but also global industrial history; Nauclér the central Swedish east coast, and their palatial was one of the leading surveyors of his time homes in Norrköping and Stockholm. Arendt (Lindroth 1955: 677). His Lapland journey re- Grape himself owned a farm in-between Kengis sulted in five maps, one covering the Lule River and Torneå town at Nautapuoti on an island in valley and its rapids, used by Carl Linnaeus on the Torne River (Norberg 1958: 10). his Lapland Journey 1732 and now in the origi- The Momma brothers expanded the industrial nal of Linnaeus’ Iter Lapponicum. He also made conglomerate in the Torne River valley during one map each over Kengis works, Masugnsbyn the 1650s and 1660s (Awebro 1993; Nordin & works, Svappavaara mines and Svappavaara Ojala 2017). Maps and written record give tes- works. The latest additions to the Torne indus- timony to a substantial expansion during this trial complex, Leppäkoski/Pahtavaara, Kalix period. The well-preserved physical remains at (located south-east of Torne River valley) and most of the sites also give a good picture of the Raggisvaara were not surveyed by Nauclér (for size and form of the investments. Concurrently details on the Kalix works and Raggisvaara the brothers’ business expanded in Sweden with mines, see Awebro 1986; 2004; Lindgren et al. more brass works, along with the pursuing of 2020). other business opportunities. Along with many Conflicts between Grape and the Momma other traders and entrepreneurs they formed brothers on the one hand, and the burghers of a class of ’nouveau riche‘ (cf. Bedoire 2009: Tornio town on the other, over the rights to trade 188–91). When ennobled in 1669, the Momma with the local Sámi and Finnish population in brothers took the fitting name Reenstierna, the river valley was an ongoing conflict with meaning star of the Reindeer – the reindeer be- heavy economic and social impact (cf. Symonds ing a key factor for their economic success and et al. 2015). The conflict was strengthened when an important trade goods in the form of all the the Kengis consortium obtained royal privilege boots, gloves, and hides made of reindeer skin to trade, hold markets, and to mint tokens, that and traded by the brothers. In fact, the invest- soon were widely spread in the river valley. The ments in Sápmi played an important role for the Swedish kingdom was, despite the economic, brothers’ brand making and as a symbol (Nordin administrative, and political expansion, in con- & Ojala 2017). stant shortage of cash and the Kengis tokens In the early 1670s, the brothers’ expanding swiftly became regionally accepted as coins business consortium was challenged. The third (Norberg 1958: 26–7; cf. Hyötyniemi 1978). Dutch – English Naval war, 1672–74, and the The Momma industry group’s power grew war between Denmark and Sweden 1676–79 through the metal production, and the important proved fatal for their business. The death of the

66 brothers in 1678 respective 1690 meant the end a location of high communicative significance of the Momma family as influential industrial- since prehistoric times, which is indicated by ists in Sweden (cf. Nordin & Ojala 2017). Minor the remains of prehistoric dwelling sites, stray efforts to continue the metal production in the finds of stone tools etc. To the north, following Kengis consortium were attempted in the late the Muonio River, and the Könkämä River, was 17th century and again in the 18th century, with Enontekis/Markkina, the central market place the opening of for example the Sjangeli mines for Torne Lappmark since at least the early 17th in the mountains south-west of Lake Torneträsk/ century, and further to the north was Rounala Duortnosjávri, but never with any substantial church, a central node in the religious geogra- success. It would take until the turn of the 20th phy since the Middle Ages, and further away the century and the founding of the Kiruna mines, Arctic Ocean (Wallerström 2017; Drury et al. that metal production in the Torne River valley 2018: 1561–63; Ojala & Nordin 2019; see Fig. would supersede that of the Momma-Reenstierna 1). brothers, and now it was iron instead of cop- Following the Torne River, one comes to per that created the profit. A local saying in the Jukkasjärvi/Čohkkiras, a central place in the Torne River valley goes: Se oli Mommaan ai- North Sámi area and the central marketplace kaista (Fi.), meaning “It was at the time of the since the early 17th century. Here, the historic Mommas”, alluding to events that took place a Sámi villages of Siggevaara and Tingevaara long time ago and in a time of prosperity. had their church and marketplace (Wallerström 2017). Further along the river is Lake Torneträsk, METAL WORKS AS CONTACT ZONES one of the largest lakes in Sápmi. From the western shore of Torneträsk it is but a short distance Although the ore in Junosuando was the first over the mountains to the Atlantic Ocean. Torne deposit to be discovered, the fertile and strate- River, with its contributories, thus connect the gic land surrounding the rapids of Kengis soon historic fishing communities of the Norwegian became the centre of the works complex along coast with the agricultural communities of the the river valley, stretching from Torneträsk in the Gulf of Bothnia. The river system has a long northwest to Torneå in the southeast. The rea- history of connecting different groups of - peo son to choose Kengis for the processing of the ple with various identities, languages, and tra- iron and copper from Junosuando Masugnsby ditions. The river system furthermore enabled and later Svappavara and other mining sites, the flow of the copper – from the mines to the lies in the powerful Kengis rapids with a verti- works, and further to the south, to the brass cal drop of about four meters. At flood, in spring works of central Sweden and out into the Baltic and summer, the river bursts with enormous and Atlantic worlds. energy and is several meters higher than dur- The location of the Kengis bruk had addition- ing wintertime. Such a power source was almost al advantages. At the rapids, the fishing was, and impossible to control in the 17th century (see still is, extremely good and the meadows along for instance the rapids at Kamajokk/Gámajokk the river allow for some limited agriculture. in Kvikkjokk/Huhttán that caused several ac- Kengis and all the industrial sites belonging to cidents in the 1670s; Abrahamsson 2009: 176). the consortium (except for the Kalix works) are On the other hand, the Torne River could pro- located well above the Arctic Circle. Agriculture vide an abundance of power. The course of the at Kengis never played a substantial role, but the Torne River is recurrently interrupted by rapids early construction of a pleasure garden played but still provides an excellent means of transpor- both a functional and a symbolic role in provid- tation, by boat during the summer or by sleigh ing herbs and some vegetables, and connecting it on the ice during the winter. Another reason for to the architectural ideal of Western Europe and choosing to settle in Kengis was that the river, as the outline of metal works in southern Sweden. a communication system, connected vast areas An inventory from Kengis 1653 suggests of inland northern Sápmi with the Baltic coast. that the works was running at a rather limited The Kengis rapids are situated near the in- scale, but from 1660, two depictions provide an tersection between Muonio and Torne Rivers, extraordinary image of the works. The first is

67 Figure 3. Olof Nauclér’s map over Kengis 1660. Kommerskollegii gruvkartor, Riksarkivet. (Photo courtesy of Riksarkivet, Stockholm.)

Figure 4. Drawing of the Kengis works by the scribe Dennis Joris, 1660. Note the forge in the centre, the manor and pleasure garden to the upper left, and the Sámi settlement in the lower front. (Photo courtesy of Jernkontoret bruksbildskatalog, Stockholm.)

68 the surveyor Olof Nauclér’s Kiengis bärgzbruck pleasure garden. The manor’s garden is fenced uthi öfre Tornöö geometrice aftagit i Novembris and gated and is divided into geometrical par- månadt åhr 1660 (see Fig. 3, Eng., approx.: terres. In the middle of the courtyard, between ‘Kengis works in öfre Tornöö geometrically de- the manor and the garden is a sundial (labelled picted in November 1660’; inventory published Tids sten, ‘time stone’). Just north of the overse- in Svappavaara 350). In the centre of the plan ers’ old dwelling (i) there is a similar feature, but is the water dam (P), the penstock (w) and the without explanatory text (cf. also Nurmi 2019). forge (v). Just a little bit to the south is the man- As we have discussed earlier (Nordin & Ojala or (a) and its enclosure (A). The mighty Torne 2017; Ojala & Nordin 2019; Nordin 2020: 110– River runs from the west to the east, and Kengis 42), there is another important constituent in works is located at a broader part with five small the drawing, namely the two goahti (Sámi huts) islets in the river. Looking more closely at the depicted on the islet (Ängsholmen) in the fore- plan, a well-developed industry is visible. ground. From the written record it is well known Along the penstock, east of the dam is (s) ste- that Kengis works had a large number of Sámi gerhus (a kitchen), a saw mill (t), a forge (v), employees (see e.g. pay rolls from Svappavaara divided into three sections, then a copper refin- and Kengis 1660–1, printed in Lindmark 1963: ing furnace (gårmakeri), stamp mill (bookhus), 72–9; cf. also Ljung 1937; Kuoksu 2003). A for the copper ore, and lastly in this more than closer look at Joris’ drawing and the two goahti 25-meter-long house, a copper forge, for the reveals a third feature, right between the two making of copper plates. Just south of the forge dwellings. It is a quadrangle wooden construc- are two large coal sheds (o) and to the north are tion with emphasized delineations. It is impos- two flour mills (q) and a prison (r). Scattered sible to conclude with certainty what it is sup- around the forge are the workers dwellings (m), posed to depict. Here, we raise the possibility of their outbuildings (b) and chimneyless cabins, interpreting it as relating to contemporary Sámi pörten (n). The southern side of the road has a wooden ritual platforms, known from Lule lapp- somewhat different character. It is, as mentioned mark, and other parts of Sápmi (cf. Bergman et above, dominated by the manor house (a) and a al. 2008). The location of a ritual platform at the courtyard surrounded by servant’s quarters (d), site would seem to be surprising, located close- brewery (c), outbuildings and stables. ly to the settlements of the metal works and in The second depiction, stemming from the light of the missionary processes and the hostil- same year but from another hand, that of the ity towards traditional Sámi religion and tradi- works scribe Dennis Joris, is a drawing show- tion from the officials of the Swedish state and ing Kengis from a different angle (see Fig. 4, church. cf. Nordin & Ojala 2017: 14–6; Nordin 2020: The depicted Sámi settlement on Ängsholmen, 133–4). The drawing presents a unique comple- which we have not been able to locate during our ment to the map. The projection on the drawing fieldwork, can be understood as a precursor of makes it possible to discern what the buildings the works settlement that was still inhabited by looked like. For instance, the new manor (a) that the time of the drawing. The place name, Kengis/ in the map is presented as a large building with Geavŋŋis, the traces of older habitation by the two porches, is a three-storey renaissance man- river (as registered in the Kulturmiljöregistret, or, with two chimneys, weather vanes, a large managed by the National Heritage Board in amount of led stained glass windows with shut- Sweden), and the location of the site by the rap- ters and a brick roof. ids, indicates that it has been in constant use and The workers dwellings are depicted with inhabited by both Finnish and Sámi groups dur- chimneys, and the two workers houses (m) to ing the late medieval and early modern period. the west, distinctly show that in each there lived Ingela Bergman et al. (2008), have identified three to four families, according to the number the existence and use of ritual platforms and of front doors. The pörten are also depicted as sacred wooden objects, värro muorra, in mid- dwellings (they have small windows), but with- 17th century in the Sámi ritual landscape from out chimneys. Another rather surprising detail the mining maps of the Nasafjäll mine from the on the drawing are the features related to the 1640s. Moreover, they have identified that the

69 Figure 5. Ionsva masugn och iärngrufvor i Tornöö Lapmarck geometrice aftagen uthi Novembris månadt åhr 1660. Junosuando furnace and iron mines in the Torne Lappmark, depicted in November 1660. The mines in the lower right and the works settlement in the upper right. (Photo courtesy of Riksarkivet, Kommerskollegii bruks- och gruvkartor, Stockholm.) use of the platforms continued despite Christian missionary activities and religious persecution against the Sámi around the mid-17th century, only to disappear by the end of the century (for an overview of the missionary process in Sápmi, see Rydving 2020). We wish to emphasize that the interpretation of the quadrangle feature on the drawing is tentative, but, at the same time, not unimaginable in a landscape inhabited, shaped and used by Sámi groups since hundreds of years, which still, at the time of the industrial breakthrough, was an Indigenous landscape of the Sámi and Finnish local populations. What is visible from the map and the drawing of Kengis is a space shared between Dutch and Germans industrialist (the manor), Dutch and Swedish workers (the cabins), Finnish workers (the pörten), Sámi inhabitants (the goahti). Looking The name Saivijokk is probably related to more closely at the other works of the consor- the Sámi concept of Sáiva, Sáivu (SaN.), Sájvva tium, it is also possible to identify other features (SaL.), indicating sacred places, often in relation connected to the Sámi use and habitation of the to lakes and particularly lakes with good fish- landscape. ing, although there are different meanings in different Sámi regions (Manker 1957: 19–20; THE PRODUCTIVE AND SOCIAL Pulkkinen 2005; Äikäs 2015: 44). Sáiva can also LANDSCAPE OF THE KENGIS be connected to sacred mountains and the world CONSORTIUM of the dead (Bäckman 1975: 13–7). It should be noted that many toponyms in the Torne River On the first map showing the location of the valley area have Sámi origins (as Kengis), al- Junosuando findings, made by Hans Lybecker in though many have been transformed over time 1643 (see Fig. 2), the symbol for copper is placed into Finnish or Swedish (Vahtola 1991; Swedell next to the symbol for iron. The amount of cop- 2001; cf. also Edlund et al. 2016). Saivijokk was per mined in Junosuando seems, however, to soon changed into the Finnish Rautajoki, mean- have been limited. The ore was found by a farm- ing ‘Iron stream’, and the Saivi-name disap- er, Lars Larsson or Lasun Lassi in Finnish, from peared on most later maps. Junosuando village by the Torne River – hence Sámi sacred places can be traced through the name Junosuando Masugnsbyn (masugn, their names, such as Sáiva, local traditions, and/ means furnace), soon shortened to Masugnsbyn or their conspicuous form and shape in the land- (Fi. Masuni)1 The finding was made in a ravine scape (cf. Manker 1957; Mebius 1968; Bäckman by a small river with the name Saivijokk. The 1975; Äikäs 2015; Westman Kuhmunen 2016). landscape is characterised by great forests and The Saivijokk at Masugnsbyn runs in a steep is rather flat except for the dramatic ravine along and conspicuous ravine, the most dramatic land- the river. scape feature in the area. The studies on Sámi

70 Figure 6. Masugns byn, deserted works site. The building in the centre left is the works scribes’ dwellings, the Gruv stugan. The two terraces with rows of houses can be dis- cerned in the centre and the foreground of the picture. (Photo: Jonas Monié Nordin, 2016.)

religious practice and its traces in the landscape angle of this building is a row of workers apart- are so few and limited that it cannot be taken for ments with an outbuilding (b) and a pörte (d) in granted that this ravine had a ritual or religious between. To the north are two rows of outbuild- role among the Sámi in the region, and there are ings with a couple of worker’s dwellings and a no recorded material traces of sacrificial prac- kotta (goahti, Sámi dwelling), visible as shallow tices. The river’s and the ravine’s role in a sa- depressions on top of the ridge. cred Sámi landscape must thus be considered The row of dwellings is located on the lowest hypothetical. of three natural terraces, near the upper dam, the At Masugnsbyn, a mining village and a fur- row of outbuildings located on the natural ter- nace was soon established. Raw copper and iron race in the middle, and the third row of houses were processed here and transported by reindeer were dug into or put on top of the highest ridge. sleighs down to Torne River and Kengis for fur- The main building formed a demarcation to- ther refinement. The map from 1660 shows a wards the western side (Lindgren et al. 2020: quite developed society (see Fig. 5). The produc- 23–4). Surprisingly, most of the buildings ex- tive space of the map shows two dams, the upper isting 1660 were possible to locate and identify dam, to the northwest is connected to the copper during the fieldwork. The natural terraces had, furnace, the roast and a saw mill, the lower part, at places been improved with rows of stone, close to the iron mines holds a furnace, a flour ordering space with a bruksgata, a main street mill, a shed, and a workers dwelling. In between flanking the industry and the dam, and- anad is a bridge and an open coal shed, to the right of ministrative building overlooking the works, the river. At the far left is a mine called Magnetz forming a pendant vis-à-vis the furnace, and the grufwan: the magnetite mine. mines could also be identified. The hierarchical The dwelling area is situated on top of a set outline is strengthened by what seems to be an of ridges. At a first glance the settlements seem ethnic or linguistic division, identical to what rather scattered but through survey in the field was depicted in Kengis, but in Masugnsbyn also it has been possible to locate the remains of this visible in the field, with the Swedish/Dutch/ 17th-century works. The row of houses, labelled French-speaking, in the cabins, the Finnish- A on the map, and erected north‒south has been speaking people living in the pörten, and a Sámi possible to identify. One of these buildings still family in the kotta. These ethnical and linguistic exists today and is quite unaltered. In 1660, division of space was a recurrent pattern in 17th- this house had two apartments with hallways century Sápmi, visible at the church and market- and housed the works scribe (see Fig. 6). At the places (see e.g. Ojala & Nordin 2019; Nordin

71 Figure 7. Swapaware koppargrufva uthi Tornöö Lapmarck geometrice afrijtat åhr 1660. Svappavaara copper mines in Torne Lappmark, depicted in 1660. The miners’ village in the upper right. (Photo courtesy of Riksarkivet, Kommerskollegii gruvkartor, Stockholm.)

2020: 230–8). A parallel with the goahti can be mine, some 150 kilometres northwest of Kengis. found at the concurrent Kvikkjokk silver works A Sámi man, Olof Tålck (the last name denotes (Nordin 2020: 123). his function or profession as interpreter), had Masugnsbyn was shut down in the late 1670s, found copper ore on the mountain Svappavaara, this short period of activity explains the high which he reported to Abraham Momma. The degree of preservation. Some mining activities place name derives from a North Sámi word, were, however, ongoing during the remain- with unclear meaning and was soon re-named ing part of the century, but concentrated to the Veaikevárri (SaN.) and Vaskivuori (Fi.), mean- mines. Maps from 1736 and 1906 suggest that ing the copper mountain. As in Masugnsbyn, the most of the early structures of the works were landscape is quite flat and dominated by large not in use, suggesting that a substantial part of forests, marshland, and rivers. The dominating the building features identified by us are remains landscape feature is the Svappavaara Mountain. from the first industrial phase (Lindgren et al. This conspicuous peak seems to have been a sa- 2020, app. 6.2–6.3). cred mountain in Sámi traditions, a Passevare according to a tradition recorded in 1729 when Svappavaara settlements the clergyman Henric Forbus travelled the region (Manker 1957: 139). This high degree of preservation is also found at After the discovery of the copper ore the de- the contemporary settlement by the Svappavaara velopment was swift. Mines were opened and

72 Figure 8. Svapaware Kopparhÿttors …uthi Tornöö Lapmarck Geome…tagen åhr 1660. Svappavaara copper works in Torne Lappmark, depicted in 1660. (Photo courtesy of Riksarkivet, Kommerskollegi gruvkartor, Stockholm.) a miner’s village founded nearby, and another Mining activities has commenced several settlement in the valley to the north where a times at Svappavara in connection with global furnace was erected along a stream. Soon the economic conjuncture, after its’ closure in the whole landscape was transformed. Not only was 1680s. In 1965, the mine opened again, closed most of the trees cut down, but the rivers were in the early 1980s, only to re-open in the early dammed, bridged, and summer and winter roads 2010s. The last decades’ mining has meant that were laid out connecting the mines and the fur- the whole northern part of the mountain (A), nace with the Torne River, some 20 km to the the peak, the sacred Sámi site, is now gone. The north. The mines and the furnace were surveyed other parts, including the village, remain surpris- and mapped by Nauclér in the autumn of 1660 ingly intact. (see Fig. 7). Our field survey could in detail confirm the Each mine is depicted with its elevator (spel) features of the mining village (Lindgren et al. and the Stoorgrufvan (B), has an octagonal 2020; cf. also Wennstedt Edvinger 2014). The wheelhouse (hästvind) with a weathervane on four scattered dwellings labelled M, and their top erected adjacent to the mine shaft. The latter outbuildings and cowsheds, N and O, could be was driven by a horse, whereas there was num- identified, but it was also evident that the settle- ber of female employees running both elevators, ment had expanded between 1660 and the late according to the pay rolls from the 1660s and 1670s – early 1680s, when the regular mining 1670s (pay rolls printed in Lindmark 1963). was shut down. At least three more dwellings

73 Figure 9. The Muonapuoti garner dated to the late 1650s. Now in the Svappavaara folklore museum. (Photo: Jonas Monié Nordin, 2017.)

were identified, along with remains of outbuild- of the dwellings a, b, and c, just southeast of the ings cellars, remains of roads, and heaps of roast house. Only one pörte is depicted, which stone (clearance cairns), during the field work is considerably less than at the other sites. In (Lindgren et al. 2020: 19–23). On the map, the an inventory from 1679, which corresponds village looks quite scattered and improvised, but quite well with the map, a kåta (goahti) is listed like in the case of Masugnsbyn works, field sur- among the buildings at the works, but its location vey could show a quite regulated space, consist- could not be determined (Svappavaara 350: 26). ing of a row of houses with the gables facing an The map of 1660 reveals a substantial amount of open area sloping to the south east. The old road improvement. The stream had been straightened was possible to identify and to follow for more and channelled, which we found traces of during than a kilometre in the slow-growing sub-arctic the survey, but it had in later times gone back to forest (Lindgren et al. 2020: 23). its earlier shape. In the valley to the east, along the small river Again, a topographical analysis could reveal Kotijoki (Fi. ‘Home stream’) is the village of a lot. The road leading from the north, vaguely Svappavaara, founded adjacent to the furnace c. depicted on the map, conjuncts with the road 1655. Nauclér’s map over the village, shows two coming from the east and the Torne River, just dams, and two large, 20 x 5 metres long, fur- below a quite steep hill below the secluded farm naces (see Fig. 8). Next to the two furnaces are in the centre of the map. What, at first sight looks the foundation of roast houses where the cop- like scattered groups of houses, in fact makes up per ore was roasted before smelting. Remains of two main streets. Right in the centre is the works the lower, the new furnace, its dam, and a flour scribe’s house, home of the most powerful per- mill, could be identified (on the northern side of son at the works. the road), whereas the remains of the old fur- Today a small local folklore museum is locat- nace were not identified (Lindgren et al. 2020: ed on top of the hill in the centre of the old vil- 15, 19). lage. Three old outbuildings have been brought The continuous settlement in the village had there from other locations in and around the vil- changed several features quite substantially. lage. The Muonapuoti-building (see Fig. 9), has Roads had been adapted to modern traffic; new a log in the timber frame-construction that was houses were erected on top of the old ones. felled between the years 1657 and 1660, accord- Adjacent to the remains of the lower furnace ing to dendrochronological dating (Svappavaara several features shaped as house foundations 350: 20). The name, Muonapuoti (Fi), means could be identified, probably being the remains

74 Figure 10. Remains of roast ovens at Leppäkoski works. (Photo: Jonas Monié Nordin, 2017.)

garner, and its size, and shape corresponds well the Finnish but also the Sámi population. This with the garners (bodar, b) on the map. picture of ‘lived cosmopolitanism’ (Thompson From Svappavaara mining village and works, 2013: 10; see also Kuusela et al. 2016), is also quite a substantial amount of pay rolls, and confirmed by several continental travellers visit- other documents survive from the 1660s and ing Torne River valley and Svappavaara, in the 1670s. From 1661, 54 workers with 23 wives second half of the 17th century. Johan Ferdinand are listed, two of Dutch descent, five Finnish, Körningh, Francesco Negri, and Jean François and five Sámi. In other lists, there are names of Regnard, travelled here in between 1659 and other Dutch/French workers and civil servants, 1680, and writes about the Dutch workers, the as well as Finns, and Sámi. Only fifteen of the Sámi, and the Finns at the works (Nordin 2020: 54 workers are listed (including the ones with 100–42). clear French names) as not primarily Swedish- speaking. However, several of the others are list- Leppäkoski and Pahtavaara ed as coming from farms with Finnish or Sámi names. The finding of the ore by Sámi surveyors is Both the Sámi and the Finns had their names known from Svappavaara and the founding of Swedified making them hard to identify, when the works sites took place on localities previ- not addressed as ’lapp‘ or ’finne‘. Most of the ously inhabited by Sámi, shown through the ar- Sámi worked with transportation and did not chaeological and spatial sources, such as in the live at the works. The main part of the 1045 tons case of Kengis, Masugnsbyn, and Svappavaara. of raw copper produced in Svappavaara between A similar pattern can be identified at other sites 1657 and 1674 was transported, at least part of such as Sjangeli, and Leppäkoski. The mines the way, by reindeer sledges, arranged by Sámi of Pahtavaara, and the Leppäkoski furnace, are (cf. Hoppe 1945). In an inventory for the mines found c. 10 kilometres north of Jukkasjärvi/ and the village of Svappavaara in 1660, 122 Čohkkiras church and marketplace, on a moun- reindeer, and 150 geres (Sámi sledges) are listed. tain ridge in the forested areas between the Torne An additional 200 sledges are also listed (inven- and Vittangi Rivers. There is no evidence of any tory printed in Svappavaara 350: 16). The num- later industrial activity at the sites, even though ber of reindeer and Sámi sledges demonstrate there are traces of probing from the late 19th and close economic and social ties not only with early 20th centuries (Tegengren 1924). Industrial

75 activities started in Leppäkoski in 1668 with a The remains of the settlement were identi- workforce from Svappavaara under the direction fied by the local historian Albin Lindmark in of Hans Bergsman. Bergsman, meaning miner the 1960s and in the 1970s the county museum or metal worker, a rather distinguished title, made some preservation activities, includ- had originally come from Säter in Dalecarlia, ing a limited archaeological excavation to date the central copper production district in Sweden the otherwise unknown industrial site (Nordin (Schefferus 1956 [1673]: 393; Svappavaara 2019). Finds of red earthen ware and some frag- 375: 20). ments of clay pipes, from one of the cabins by The Pahtavaara copper mine is situated on a the Pahtavaara mine, supported the dating to small hillside sloping to the northwest. To the mid – late 17th century (Wallerström n.d., finds south, on top of a ridge overlooking the mine in Norrbotten County Museum). There were are the remains of a small mining settlement, finds of animal bones from reindeer, underlining consisting of a cluster of seven building-remains the Sámi-Finnish connection (Drury et al. 2018: consisting of two dwellings, a probable stable, app. 2). Little is known about the Leppäkoski a smithy, a cellar, a hexagonal building of un- industry, but the recent field survey suggests known function. The two dwelling houses were that it shares several traits with the other works quite substantial, 11 x 7 metres, respectively 10 sites discussed here, such as the urge to express x 10 metres. One was situated on top of the ridge power and hierarchy. The location and the shape, and had a foundation for a substantial staircase, and the form of the main building at Pahtavaara facing the old pathway, and an attached founda- strongly suggest a will to enforce a hierarchical tion that we interpreted as the foundations of a world view based on class and power – features porch. Inside is a cellar and the remains of two that in miniature reflects the situation in Kengis, chimneys. The shape of the building was that but also at other works, industrial sites and plan- of a double house (Sw. parstuga), a significant tations of the early modern world. A second trait building form introduced during the 17th century, shared by Leppäkoski works and the other sites for example in the Silbojokk/Silbbajåhkå silver discussed in this paper, is that the mineral de- works (cf. Nordin 2012). Due to its dominant posits were discovered through local knowledge position, its size and other features, it is reasona- and in the day-to-day business were supported ble to assume that this was the gruvstuga, office. by the local Sámi communities, for instance Due to the cold and dry climate, parts of the wall through transportation services and trade in food timber are preserved, and several corner knots products. are still visible (Lindgren et al. 2020: 12–5). Part of the reason for this might derive The contemporary Leppäkoski copper works, from the role of copper itself. Within the Sámi a couple of kilometres to the northeast, by the societies copper was coveted for the manufac- Vittangi River, is featured by the substantial slag ture of ritual objects such as pendants, rivets, heaps, and a two-meter-high charcoal storage and other objects attached to, for instance, the heap. The dam, the foundation for the furnace, sacred drums, of which the oldest known ex- and the roast oven are all very well preserved amples still surviving are from the 17th century (see Fig. 10). The main road within the industrial (Goavddis, SaN, Goabdes, SaL; see Manker complex is also well preserved, connecting the 1938; Immonen 2013; Hedlund 2017). The shar- furnace and the other features at the site. On a ing of knowledge, from the part of the local small ridge overlooking the industry are some Sámi and Finnish people, about the copper ore remains of buildings, furnished with hearths. with the Kengis consortium indicate local and Here are also several remains of charcoal kilns. individual agency in the interest of obtaining the Along the river are remains of quays in the calm coveted metal and its alloys. The demand for, waters just below the furnace, but also of canals and the lure of, copper and brass were shared and features for the water wheel were found. features that connected the Sámi with the global Also, the course of the river had been modified. merchants, the Native Americans, and the West Below the works, the stream was cleansed from African business entrepots making Torne River boulders to reduce the rapids. valley a local hub in the emerging global modern world.

76 LOCAL WORKS AND GLOBAL sites as contact zones, where people from dif- CONNECTIONS ferent ethnic, linguistic, and social backgrounds met and affected each other. In a context of state This extensive review of the Torne industrial and industrial colonialism, these localities be- consortium of the second half of the 17th century came active nodes where identities were shaped, has served three objectives: first, to show the knowledge, and experiences were shared, and structure of the industrial sites and the unique power relations played out. Moreover, these lo- level of preservation; second, to demonstrate calities became contact zones between cultural the similarities of outline, style, and architecture and religious traditions, and served as sites of in- within the industrial complex – showing that an troduction of new perspectives on land, nature, overarching architectural program or idea was magic and modernity. implemented, and that the industrial complex of The constructing of contact zones was also 17th-century Torne River valley was not solely based on modern traits connected with a drive adapted to a West European aesthetic frame- to shape and change social, and extractive space. work, but also active in the shaping of that very The works founded in Torne River valley in the style; and third, to emphasize the multicultural second half of the 17th century were all built on character of the early modern industrialization, the principles of separation of people according and the many traces of local adaptation through to class and ethnic identity, and accumulation of the role of local and Indigenous participation, capital. The latter is visible in the recurrent ex- and collaboration, including Sámi and Finnish amples of modern traits in the layout of space, knowledge, agency, and traditions. such as the implementation of time devices in Most of the copper veins were found by Sámi the making of a capitalist space and the idea that people and several of the sites seem to have been time is money – or as in the words of Benjamin related to a sacred Sámi geography. At least two Franklin: “money makes money as part of God’s of the sites have indications of being sacred sites plan” – creating a fundament for the modern so- and at a third, Kengis, there is a tentative indica- ciety (Weber 1920 [2020]). What we can observe tion of ongoing Sámi ritual praxis around 1660. at the copper works of the Torne River valley Other finds were made by Finnish farmers and is not a local isolated path to modernity, but the most of the work force in the mines and at the blend of local, Indigenous, regional, and global works consisted of Finns. At this point, we can traits in the making of the modern world. The conclude that the early mining took place in a Industrial revolution of England in the second shared Sámi and Finnish landscape, and that half of the 18th century had, it might be argued, industrialization was in fact fully dependent on one of its predecessors in the dramatic chang- Sámi and Finnish knowledge and agency. The es in the production of metals in Scandinavia, pay rolls from Svappavaara show a clearly mul- including parts of Sápmi and the Torne River ti-ethnic environment with the Dutch/French, valley. southern Swedish, Finnish, and Sámi workers. Global hunger for brass and copper was a The close relation between the different decisive motor in this development and so was groups led to a transfer of ideas and cultural the industrial and technical knowledge and skill traits. This process is difficult to follow in detail, of the Dutch workers and investors. Another but sacred sites, such as a holy mountain, pos- pillar propelling the first wave of industrial sibly a sacred river, and all other Sámi features development – or the very beginning of the around Masugnsbyn, Kengis, and Svappavaara, industrial revolution – was made possible by suggest the parallel existence of a plethora of the Indigenous knowledge of the Sámi and the traditions and identities during the early years Finnish inhabitants of the Torne River valley. of the industrial expansion. To this can be added the importance of trading with Sámi goods ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS to the European continental market, where the Momma-Reenstierna brothers played a key role. This paper is an outcome of the research pro- Assessing all these sources, supports our ject A Colonial Arena, funded by the Swedish understanding of the metal works and mining Research Council (2013-1475), in collaboration

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