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From Crime to Illness – Shifts in the Iranian Press Discourse on Drugs (1995–2000)

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From Crime to Illness – Shifts in the Iranian Press Discourse on Drugs (1995–2000) Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich www.zora.uzh.ch Year: 2019 From Crime to Illness – Shifts in the Iranian Press Discourse on Drugs (1995–2000) Arn, David Posted at the Zurich Open Repository and Archive, University of Zurich ZORA URL: https://doi.org/10.5167/uzh-177328 Dissertation Published Version Originally published at: Arn, David. From Crime to Illness – Shifts in the Iranian Press Discourse on Drugs (1995–2000). 2019, University of Zurich, Faculty of Arts. From Crime to Illness Shifts in the Iranian Press Discourse on Drugs (1995-2000) Thesis presented to the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences of the University of Zurich for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by David Arn Accepted in the fall semester 2010 on the recommendation of Prof. Dr. Andreas Kaplony and Prof. Dr. Katajun Amirpur Zurich, 2019 Table of Contents I Introduction 2 II A Short History of Opium in Iran 8 III A Short History of the Press in the Islamic Republic 91 IV. Aims, Sources and Methodologies of the Analysis 132 1 Aim And Scope of the Analysis of the Iranian Press Discourse on Drugs 132 2 Selection, Quantity, and Quality of the Drug Related Newspaper Articles 134 3 The Methodology of Critical Discourse Analysis 148 V. Analysis of the Iranian Press Discourse on Drugs 163 1 Discourse Events: the Basic Structure 163 2 A Chronology of Topics and Arguments 171 3 The Imagery: the Language as collective symbols 230 VI. Synthesis and Interpretation of the Iranian Press Discourse on Drugs 250 1 Homogenizing Powers 253 2 Heterogenizing Powers 274 3 Summary: Professional Journalism 289 VII Conclusion and Outlook 294 VIII Appendix: Drug Related Newspaper Articles in the Iranian Daily Press 299 XI Bibliography 326 1 I. Introduction When the author of this study travelled for the first time to Iran, in 1999, he was surprised to be confronted with so many drug dealers and drug addicts, more or less openly selling and consuming drugs in the street. It was not long after he learnt that the Islamic Republic has one of the world’s highest addiction rates to drugs, particularly opiates. Not long ago, Switzerland had introduced a major drug policy change by introducing the controlled distribution of heroin to long-time intravenous drug users. This provoked a heated discussion in the Swiss media and society at large, eventually leading to a broad-based acceptance of such harm reduction measures in the country. As a result, the author of this study started to develop a keen interest in similar discussions about local drug addiction and the best ways to confront it in Iran. This promised to be an interesting entry point to this research as drugs are not only prohibited by law, but also proscribed by religion, which is deeply ingrained in the Islamic Republic. When the author visited Iran in 1999, the country had experienced acute internal tensions since the revolution of 1979. While the author was travelling through the country, huge student demonstrations took place in Tehrān against the conservative ruling elite. This was a manifestation of a broader conflict between a new generation of reformist politicians and the conservative elite that is in control of almost all centers of powers in Iran. This factional line of division runs through the whole political landscape, and arguably society as a whole. Spearheading the reformists at the time was Moḥammad Ḫātamī, who had just been elected president of the country in May 1997. The reformists were, thus, in control of the executive, whose power is in many ways limited in Iran. The real power in Iran lies with the Supreme Leader ‘Alī Ḫāmenehʼī and the conservatives allied with him. This conflict between a conservative and a reformist faction actually dates back to the beginning of the Islamic Republic; but it increasingly escalated from the mid 1990s. Political & cultural background The struggle between the two factions was, arguably, first and foremost about power and influence. But it became manifest in a fundamental ideological difference, namely concerning the conception of political and religious authority and the approach towards governance. Such a basic tension is already contained in the constitution of the Islamic Republic and even in its name, as it contains both, elements of a “theocratic” or clerical political order, and of a republican or democratic order. This contradiction was the result of a 2 political compromise in the beginning of the Islamic Republic but it continued to characterize Iran ever since. Tensions between the representatives of the two ideological strands appeared in the forefront in the matters of everyday politics. Since the end of the long war against Iraq, political, social and economic challenges of the country were plenty. The early decision-makers of the Islamic Republic had come forward with the ideological claim to thoroughly reform the Iranian society, eliminating all previous problems. This resulted in much success, especially in the fields of education and health care. Due to the war, many previous problems, however, persisted. At the beginning of the 1990s, the political elite increasingly admitted that it had failed to solve poverty, unemployment, rural development, urbanization, and last but not least drug addiction. They, consequently, started to address these problems seriously, but it remained divided along the old ideological fracture line. As a result, in the field of drug policy, however, the government gradually made a volte-face from the previously repressive drug policy to an increasingly liberal drug policy, including some of the most progressive harm reduction measures in the region. Such economic and social reforms had already started during the administration of the moderate and pragmatic president Akbar Rafsanǧānī. But it only took a truly progressive turn under the reformist administration of Ḫātamī, in many political, social and cultural fields. The reformists adopted an entirely new political program, propagating concepts like rule of law, democracy, civil society, and particularly press freedom. Thus, they decidedly departed from the almost two decades of political, economic, social and cultural authoritarianism and rigidity. With their explicit encouragement, new political groups formed; cultural production grew exponentially; non-governmental organizations developed; student organizations demonstrated; and women, long being considered second-class citizens, became increasingly active and vocal in the public sphere. Arguably the most crucial change in this regard, took place in the media landscape, particularly in the press. From 1998, a large number of outspoken and critical reformist newspapers appeared that were crucial for the promotion of the reformist agenda. However, it must be noted that the conservatives vehemently opposed this new political development. They saw their hold on power threatened by such new, participatory concepts, and strongly disagreed with the new cultural freedoms, ostensibly fearing a dilution of the Islamic character of the Republic. As a result, they started to attack the reformists, and 3 with them large sections of the civil society, which was taking profit from the new opportunities by actively participating in the political, social and cultural live. This power struggle, arguably, was primarily taking place within and over the press. In the absence of legal political parties in Iran at the time, the newspapers became surrogates or at least mouthpieces for the political factions, in particular for the reformists. The conservatives, who were in control of all influential centers of power in Iran, had other means to fight back against the reformists and their newspapers; especially through the security forces and the courts. By 2000, they largely succeeded in banning almost all critical reformist newspapers. The reformists would continue to control the administration until 2005, and the factional conflict persists to this day. Aim and scope of the study While concomitantly serving as organs for the political factions, Iranian newspapers have a more general function when reporting on general political, economic, social and cultural issues. They were naturally expected to report about drug-related issues. Since such “social problems” are often still a taboo in Iran, the author initially was not certain if the press covers this topic at all. A first research stay in Iran in the year 2006, however, soon proved that the Iranian press reports in detail about the local situation of drug consumption, drug addiction, drug trafficking and drug policy, including ever more progressive addiction therapy and harm reduction measures, as well as drug prevention. The present study, therefore, aims at analyzing Iranian press discourse on drugs. The press was chosen as a research subject because it is arguably the freest public forum in Iran, much more than the strictly controlled television and radio. It also reflects the broadest range of publicly expressed opinions in Iran. Given its crucial role as a venue for factional disputes, the press could be expected to mirror sharp factional differences on t important sociopolitical topic of drugs. The present study is interested in how the Iranian press writes about drugs, drug addiction and drug policy in Iran: which drugs they report to be prevalent; how they judge drug addiction; which drug policy measures they discuss; and how they conceive their own role in informing about such topics. The study will analyze the range of the main topics and arguments, diverging opinions, changes and developments, and further peculiarities concerning the format, style, sources and language of this discourse. Since content analyses of Iranian newspapers are generally scant, such an analysis proves to be of critical importance. The study further aims at analyzing the interplay of different factors that influence the Iranian 4 press discourse on drugs. Naturally such factors are the official drug policy and the press policy; but also international drug policy discourse, religious discourse and scientific discourse.
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