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Celebrities As Political Representatives: Explaining the Exchangeability of Celebrity Capital in the Political Field
Celebrities as Political Representatives: Explaining the Exchangeability of Celebrity Capital in the Political Field Ellen Watts Royal Holloway, University of London Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics 2018 Declaration I, Ellen Watts, hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Ellen Watts September 17, 2018. 2 Abstract The ability of celebrities to become influential political actors is evident (Marsh et al., 2010; Street 2004; 2012, West and Orman, 2003; Wheeler, 2013); the process enabling this is not. While Driessens’ (2013) concept of celebrity capital provides a starting point, it remains unclear how celebrity capital is exchanged for political capital. Returning to Street’s (2004) argument that celebrities claim to speak for others provides an opportunity to address this. In this thesis I argue successful exchange is contingent on acceptance of such claims, and contribute an original model for understanding this process. I explore the implicit interconnections between Saward’s (2010) theory of representative claims, and Bourdieu’s (1991) work on political capital and the political field. On this basis, I argue celebrity capital has greater explanatory power in political contexts when fused with Saward’s theory of representative claims. Three qualitative case studies provide demonstrations of this process at work. Contributing to work on how celebrities are evaluated within political and cultural hierarchies (Inthorn and Street, 2011; Marshall, 2014; Mendick et al., 2018; Ribke, 2015; Skeggs and Wood, 2011), I ask which key factors influence this process. -
The House of Lords in 2005: a More Representative and Assertive Chamber?
The House of Lords in 2005: A More Representative and Assertive Chamber? By Meg Russell and Maria Sciara February 2006 ISBN: 1 903 903 47 5 Published by The Constitution Unit School of Public Policy UCL (University College London) 29–30 Tavistock Square London WC1H 9QU Tel: 020 7679 4977 Fax: 020 7679 4978 Email: [email protected] Web: www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/ ©The Constitution Unit, UCL 2006 This report is sold subject to the condition that is shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, hired out or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. First Published February 2006 2 Contents Preface............................................................................................................................................................1 Summary of key points................................................................................................................................3 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................................5 Lords reform doesn’t happen (again)........................................................................................................5 Changing composition: a more representative chamber? ......................................................................7 The Prevention of Terrorism -
Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990
From ‘as British as Finchley’ to ‘no selfish strategic interest’: Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990 Fiona Diane McKelvey, BA (Hons), MRes Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences of Ulster University A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Ulster University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2018 I confirm that the word count of this thesis is less than 100,000 words excluding the title page, contents, acknowledgements, summary or abstract, abbreviations, footnotes, diagrams, maps, illustrations, tables, appendices, and references or bibliography Contents Acknowledgements i Abstract ii Abbreviations iii List of Tables v Introduction An Unrequited Love Affair? Unionism and Conservatism, 1885-1979 1 Research Questions, Contribution to Knowledge, Research Methods, Methodology and Structure of Thesis 1 Playing the Orange Card: Westminster and the Home Rule Crises, 1885-1921 10 The Realm of ‘old unhappy far-off things and battles long ago’: Ulster Unionists at Westminster after 1921 18 ‘For God's sake bring me a large Scotch. What a bloody awful country’: 1950-1974 22 Thatcher on the Road to Number Ten, 1975-1979 26 Conclusion 28 Chapter 1 Jack Lynch, Charles J. Haughey and Margaret Thatcher, 1979-1981 31 'Rise and Follow Charlie': Haughey's Journey from the Backbenches to the Taoiseach's Office 34 The Atkins Talks 40 Haughey’s Search for the ‘glittering prize’ 45 The Haughey-Thatcher Meetings 49 Conclusion 65 Chapter 2 Crisis in Ireland: The Hunger Strikes, 1980-1981 -
MPS-0746712/1 the GUARDIAN 18.3.68 Police Repel Anti—War Mob
MPS-0746712/1 THE GUARDIAN 18.3.68 Police repel anti—war mob at US embassy BY OUR OWN REPORTERS Britain's biggest anti-Vietnam war demonstration ended in London yesterday with an estimated 300 arrests: 86 people were treated by the St John Ambulance Brigade for injuries and 50, including 25 policemen, one with serious spine injury, were taken to hospital. Demonstrators and police—mounted and on foot—engaged in a protracted battle, throwing stones, earth, firecrackers and smoke bombs. Plastic blood, an innovation, added a touch of vicarious brutality. It was only after considerable provocation that police tempers began to fray and truncheons were used, and then only for a short time. The demonstrators seemed determined to stay until they had provoked a violent response of some sort from the police. This intention became paramount once they entered Grosvenor Square. Mr Peter Jackson, Labour MP for High Peak, said last night that he would put down a question in the Commons today about "unnecessary violence by police." Earlier in the afternoon, members of the Monday Club, including two MPs, Mr Patrick Wall and Mr John Biggs- Davison, handed in letters expressing support to the United States and South Vietnamese embassies More than 1,000 police were waiting for the demonstrators in Grosvenor Square. They gathered in front of the embassy while diagonal lines stood shoulder to shoulder to cordon off the corners of the square closest to the building. About 10 coaches filled with constables waited in the space to rush wherever they were needed and a dozen mounted police rode into the square about a quarter of an hour before the demonstrators arrived. -
OIL and SANCTIONS the Times, London, May 9, 1966 The
SOUTHERN AFRICA NEWS BULLETIN Committee on Southern Africa, National Student Christian Federation, 475 Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y., 10027. Room 754. RHODESIA NEWS SUMv4ARY Weekof May 5 -ll EDITORIALS AND PERSONAL COMMEM The Economist - May 7, 1966 Letter to the Editor from Patrick Wall, House of Commons. "I wonder if your article "Talks about Talks" (April 30) has really struck the right balance. The implication is that Rhodesia's economy is being rapidly eroded by sanctions and that the South Africans are not prepared to offer them long-term support. As far as one can ascertain it would seem that Rhodesia's economy has remained remarkably buoyant after nearly sic months of sanctions. It is true that the policy of sanctions may have made Rhodesians more amenable to negotiations but surely this is also true of the British economy. The total cost of the Rhodes ian campaign in visibles and invisibles has been estimated at some 1200 million in a full year and it must now be clar to Mr. Wilson that whether he likes it or not the next step will be the imposition of mandatory sanctions by the United Nations not only on Rhodesia but also on Scuth Africa and the Portuguese territories. The first and major victim of this step would be the British economy--deprived of our third best trade partner the blow might be mortal. I believe that these factors together with the ,strongly expressed views of the Governor and the Chief Justice must be foremost in Mr. Wilson's mind and it is surely he, rather than Mr. -
Charles Trevelyan, John Mitchel and the Historiography of the Great Famine Charles Trevelyan, John Mitchel Et L’Historiographie De La Grande Famine
Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies XIX-2 | 2014 La grande famine en irlande, 1845-1851 Charles Trevelyan, John Mitchel and the historiography of the Great Famine Charles Trevelyan, John Mitchel et l’historiographie de la Grande Famine Christophe Gillissen Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/281 DOI: 10.4000/rfcb.281 ISSN: 2429-4373 Publisher CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d'études en civilisation britannique Printed version Date of publication: 1 September 2014 Number of pages: 195-212 ISSN: 0248-9015 Electronic reference Christophe Gillissen, “Charles Trevelyan, John Mitchel and the historiography of the Great Famine”, Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique [Online], XIX-2 | 2014, Online since 01 May 2015, connection on 21 September 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/281 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/ rfcb.281 Revue française de civilisation britannique est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. Charles Trevelyan, John Mitchel and the historiography of the Great Famine Christophe GILLISSEN Université de Caen – Basse Normandie The Great Irish Famine produced a staggering amount of paperwork: innumerable letters, reports, articles, tables of statistics and books were written to cover the catastrophe. Yet two distinct voices emerge from the hubbub: those of Charles Trevelyan, a British civil servant who supervised relief operations during the Famine, and John Mitchel, an Irish nationalist who blamed London for the many Famine-related deaths.1 They may be considered as representative to some extent, albeit in an extreme form, of two dominant trends within its historiography as far as London’s role during the Famine is concerned. -
Broadcast and on Demand Bulletin Issue Number 377 29/04/19
Issue 377 of Ofcom’s Broadcast and On Demand Bulletin 29 April 2019 Issue number 377 29 April 2019 Issue 377 of Ofcom’s Broadcast and On Demand Bulletin 29 April 2019 Contents Introduction 3 Notice of Sanction City News Network (SMC) Pvt Limited 6 Broadcast Standards cases In Breach Sunday Politics BBC 1, 30 April 2017, 11:24 7 Zee Companion Zee TV, 18 January 2019, 17:30 26 Resolved Jeremy Vine Channel 5, 28 January 2019, 09:15 31 Broadcast Licence Conditions cases In Breach Provision of information Khalsa Television Limited 34 In Breach/Resolved Provision of information: Diversity in Broadcasting Various licensees 36 Broadcast Fairness and Privacy cases Not Upheld Complaint by Symphony Environmental Technologies PLC, made on its behalf by Himsworth Scott Limited BBC News, BBC 1, 19 July 2018 41 Complaint by Mr Saifur Rahman Can’t Pay? We’ll Take It Away!, Channel 5, 7 September 2016 54 Complaint Mr Sujan Kumar Saha Can’t Pay? We’ll Take It Away, Channel 5, 7 September 2016 65 Tables of cases Investigations Not in Breach 77 Issue 377 of Ofcom’s Broadcast and On Demand Bulletin 29 April 2019 Complaints assessed, not investigated 78 Complaints outside of remit 89 BBC First 91 Investigations List 94 Issue 377 of Ofcom’s Broadcast and On Demand Bulletin 29 April 2019 Introduction Under the Communications Act 2003 (“the Act”), Ofcom has a duty to set standards for broadcast content to secure the standards objectives1. Ofcom also has a duty to ensure that On Demand Programme Services (“ODPS”) comply with certain standards requirements set out in the Act2. -
University Microfilms International 300 N
INFORMATION TO USERS This was produced from a copy of a document sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1.Thc sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Pagc(s}". If it was possible to obtain the missing pagc(s) or section, they arc spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure you of complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark it is an indication that the film inspector noticed cither blurred copy because of movement during exposure, or duplicate copy. Unless we meant to delete copyrighted materials that should not have been filmed, you will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame* If copyrighted materials were deleted you will find a target note listing the pages in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photo graphed the photographer has followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again—beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. -
THOTKG Production Notes Final REVISED FINAL
SCREEN AUSTRALIA, LA CINEFACTURE and FILM4 Present In association with FILM VICTORIA ASIA FILM INVESTMENT GROUP and MEMENTO FILMS INTERNATIONAL A PORCHLIGHT FILMS and DAYBREAK PICTURES production true history of the Kelly Gang. GEORGE MACKAY ESSIE DAVIS NICHOLAS HOULT ORLANDO SCHWERDT THOMASIN MCKENZIE SEAN KEENAN EARL CAVE MARLON WILLIAMS LOUIS HEWISON with CHARLIE HUNNAM and RUSSELL CROWE Directed by JUSTIN KURZEL Produced by HAL VOGEL, LIZ WATTS JUSTN KURZEL, PAUL RANFORD Screenplay by SHAUN GRANT Based on the Novel by PETER CAREY Executive Producers DAVID AUKIN, VINCENT SHEEHAN, PETER CAREY, DANIEL BATTSEK, SUE BRUCE-SMITH, SAMLAVENDER, EMILIE GEORGES, NAIMA ABED, RAPHAËL PERCHET, BRAD FEINSTEIN, DAVID GROSS, SHAUN GRANT Director of Photography ARI WEGNER ACS Editor NICK FENTON Production Designer KAREN MURPHY Composer JED KURZEL Costume Designer ALICE BABIDGE Sound Designer FRANK LIPSON M.P.S.E. Hair and Make-up Designer KIRSTEN VEYSEY Casting Director NIKKI BARRETT CSA, CGA SHORT SYNOPSIS Inspired by Peter Carey’s Man Booker prize winning novel, Justin Kurzel’s TRUE HISTORY OF THE KELLY GANG shatters the mythology of the notorious icon to reveal the essence behind the Life of Ned KeLLy and force a country to stare back into the ashes of its brutal past. Spanning the younger years of Ned’s Life to the time Leading up to his death, the fiLm expLores the bLurred boundaries between what is bad and what is good, and the motivations for the demise of its hero. Youth and tragedy colLide in the KeLLy Gang, and at the beating heart of this tale is the fractured and powerful Love story between a mother and a son. -
Insurance Mediation) Regulations, 2005
Register of Insurance & Reinsurance Intermediaries European Communities (Insurance Mediation) Regulations, 2005 Insurance Mediation Register: A list of Insurance & Reinsurance Intermediaries registered under the European Communities (Insurance Mediation) Regulations, 2005 (as amended). Registration of insurance/reinsurance intermediaries by the Central Bank of Ireland, does not of itself make the Central Bank of Ireland liable for any financial loss incurred by a person because the intermediary, any of its officers, employees or agents has contravened or failed to comply with a provision of these regulations, or any condition of the intermediary’s registration, or because the intermediary has become subject to an insolvency process. Ref No. Intermediary Registered As Registered on Tied to* Persons Responsible** Passporting Into C29473 123 Money Limited Insurance Intermediary 23 May 2006 Holmes Alan France t/a 123.ie,123.co.uk Paul Kierans Germany 3rd Floor Spain Mountain View United Kingdom Central Park Leopardstown Dublin 18 C31481 A Better Choice Ltd Insurance Intermediary 31 May 2007 Sean McCarthy t/a ERA Downey McCarthy, ERA Mortgages, Remortgages Direct 8 South Mall Cork C6345 A Callanan & Co Insurance Intermediary 31 July 2007 5 Lower Main Street Dundrum Dublin 14 C70109 A Plus Financial Services Limited Insurance Intermediary 18 January 2011 Paul Quigley United Kingdom 4 Rathvale Park Ayrfield Dublin 13 C1400 A R Brassington & Company Insurance Intermediary 31 May 2006 Cathal O'brien United Kingdom Limited t/a Brassington Insurance, Quickcover IFG House Booterstown Hall Booterstown Co Dublin C42521 A. Cleary & Sons Ltd Insurance Intermediary 30 March 2006 Deirdre Cleary Kiltimagh Enda Cleary Co. Mayo Helen Cleary Paul Cleary Brian Joyce Run Date: 07 August 2014 Page 1 of 398 Ref No. -
Programme Day 1 Monday 19Th August, 2013 Venue: Louth Heritage Centre, Carlingford, Co Louth
D'Arcy book red 2013 14/8/13 14:47 Page 6 Programme Day 1 Monday 19th August, 2013 Venue: Louth Heritage Centre, Carlingford, Co Louth MORNING SESSION 09.00 – 10.00 Registration Chair: Jim D’Arcy Jim D’Arcy was nominated to the Seanad Éireann by An Taoiseach in May 2011. He is the Fine Gael spokesperson on Education in the Seanad and a member of the Joint Committee for the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and the Joint Committee on Education. He was Chairperson of Louth County Council from 2009-2010 and was Chairperson of Dundalk Town Council from 2007-2008. Jim D’Arcy is a life-long member of Fine Gael who was first elected to Louth County Council in 1999 and Dundalk Town Council in 2004. Jim studied History and Politics at the Open University having qualified as a National School Teacher at St Patrick’s College in Drumcondra. Jim is the Seanad spokesperson on Education and Skills and is a fluent Irish Speaker. He was the main mover behind the proposed re-naming of the Boyne Cable Bridge on the M1 Motorway the Mary Mc Aleese Bridge. He is also a Member of the North / South Parliamentary Association. 10.00 Conference Opening: Denis Cummins, President, Dundalk Institute of Technology 10.15 Canadian Ambassador to Ireland, His Excellency Loyola Hearn 10.30 Chair: Senator Jim D’Arcy David Wilson, Professor of Celtic Studies, University of Toronto. D’Arcy McGee; Fenianism & Orangeism A Professor in the History Department and Coordinator of the Celtic Studies Programme at the University of Toronto, David A. -
The Conservative Party & Perceptions of the Middle
THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY & PERCEPTIONS OF THE MIDDLE CLASSES TITLE: THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY AND PERCEPTIONS OF THE BRITISH MIDDLE CLASSES, 1951 - 1974 By LEANNA FONG, B.A., M.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy McMaster University © Copyright by Leanna Fong, August 2016 Ph.D. Thesis – Leanna Fong McMaster University - Department of History Descriptive Note McMaster University DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (2016) Hamilton, Ontario (History) TITLE: The Conservative Party and Perceptions of the British Middle Classes, 1951 - 1974 AUTHOR: Leanna Fong, B.A., M.A (York University) SUPERVISOR: Professor Stephen Heathorn PAGES: vi, 307 ii Ph.D. Thesis – Leanna Fong McMaster University - Department of History Abstract “The Conservative Party and Perceptions of the British Middle Classes, 1951 – 1974,” explores conceptions of middle-class voters at various levels of the party organization after the Second World War. Since Benjamin Disraeli, Conservatives have endeavoured to represent national rather than sectional interests and appeal widely to a growing electorate. Yet, the middle classes and their interests have also enjoyed a special position in the Conservative political imagination often because the group insists they receive special consideration. It proved especially difficult to juggle these priorities after 1951 when Conservatives encountered two colliding challenges: the middle classes growing at a rapid rate, failing to form a unified outlook or identity, and the limited appeal of consumer rhetoric and interests owing to the uneven experience of affluence and prosperity. Conservative ideas and policies failed to acknowledge and resonate with the changing nature of their core supporters and antiquated local party organization reinforced feelings of alienation from and mistrust of new members of the middle classes as well as affluent workers.