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Home , Alfred McClung Lee, Archie Green, Ellsworth Faris, Paul Hawken, Social, Social inequality

SOCIAL AND 1 and Sociology: Agendas for the Twenty-First Century

Joe R. Feagin University of Florida

The world’s peoples face daunting challenges in the twenty-first century. While apologists herald the globaliza- tion of , many people on our planet experience recurring economic exploitation, immiseration, and envi- ronmental crises linked to capitalism’s spread. Across the globe social movements continue to raise the issues of social justice and democracy. Given the new century’s serious challenges, sociologists need to rediscover their roots in a sociology committed to social justice, to cultivate and extend the long- standing “countersystem” approach to , to encourage greater self-reflection in sociological analysis, and to re-emphasize the importance of the teaching of soci- ology. Finally, more sociologists should examine the big social questions of this century, including the issues of economic exploitation, social , and the looming environmental crises. And, clearly, more sociologists should engage in the study of alternative social futures, including those of more just and egalitarian soci- eties. Sociologists need to think deeply and imaginatively about sustainable social futures and to aid in building better .

e stand today at the beginning of [T]oday the contradictions of American civi- Wa challenging new century. Like lization are tremendous. Freedom of politi- ASA Presidents before me, I am conscious cal discussion is difficult; elections are not of the honor and the responsibility that this free and fair....The greatest power in the address carries with it, and I feel a special land is not thought or , but .... Present profit is valued higher than future obligation to speak about the role of sociol- need....I know the United States. It is my ogy and sociologists in the twenty-first cen- country and the land of my fathers. It is still tury. As we look , let me quote W. E. a land of magnificent possibilities. It is still B. Du Bois, a pathbreaking U.S. sociologist. the home of noble souls and generous In his last autobiographical statement, Du people. But it is selling its birthright. It is Bois (1968) wrote: betraying its mighty destiny. (Pp. 418–19)

Direct correspondence to Joe R. Feagin, De- Today the social contradictions of Ameri- partment of Sociology, Box 117330, University can and global are still im- of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611, (feagin@ mense. Many prominent voices tell us that it ufl.edu). I would like to thank the numerous col- is the best of times; other voices insist that it leagues who made helpful comments on various is the worst of times. Consider how the drafts of this presidential address. Among these apologists for modern capitalism now cel- were Hernán Vera, Sidney Willhelm, Bernice ebrate the “free ” and the global capi- McNair Barnett, Gideon Sjoberg, Anne Rawls, Mary Jo Deegan, Michael R. Hill, Patricia talistic economy. Some of these analysts Lengermann, Jill Niebrugge-Brantley, Tony even see modern capitalism as the last and Orum, William A. Smith, Ben Agger, Karen best economic system, as the “end of his- Pyke, and Leslie Houts. tory” (Fukuyama 1992). In contrast, from American Sociological Review, 2001, Vol. 66 (February:1–20) 1 2 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW the late 1930s to the 1950s many influential Many of the World’s People Still economists and public leaders were commit- Live in Misery ted to government intervention (Keynesian- ism) as the way to counter the negative ef- First, while it may be the best of times for fects of capitalist markets in the United those at the top of the global economy, it is States and other countries—effects clearly not so for the majority of the world’s seen in the Great Depression of the 1930s. peoples. The pro-capitalist polices of many The view that a capitalistic market alone national governments and international orga- should be allowed to make major social and nizations have fostered a substantial transfer economic decisions would then have been of wealth from the world’s poor and work- met with incredulity or derision (George ing classes to the world’s rich and affluent 1999; also see Block 1990). Half a century social classes. Social injustice in the form of ago, Karl Polanyi ([1944] 1957), a prescient major, and sometimes increasing, inequali- economic historian, critically reviewed the ties in and wealth can be observed history of the free-market idea: “To allow across the globe. Thus, in the United States the market mechanism to be sole director of income inequality has reached a record level the fate of human beings and their natural for the period during which such data have environment, indeed, even of the amount been collected: The top one-fifth of house- and use of purchasing power, would result holds now has nearly half the income; the in the demolition of ” (p. 73). bottom one-fifth has less than 4 percent. Since the 1960s, conservative business Moreover, the top 1 percent of U.S. house- groups have pressed upon the world’s politi- holds holds more in wealth than the bottom cal leaders, and upon the public generally, 95 percent, and the wealthy have doubled the idea of a self-regulating market mecha- their share since 1970. Moreover, more nism, thereby organizing a successful Americans live in than a decade ago. counter-attack against Keynesian ideas As of the late 1980s, 31.5 million people (Steinfels 1979). These new apologists for lived at or below the officially defined pov- capitalism have heralded the beneficial as- erty level, while in 1999 the figure had in- pects of a globalizing capitalism and have creased to 34.5 million (Collins, Hartman, exported the free-market model in an eco- and Sklar 1999; Oxfam 1999). In recent de- nomic proselytizing project of grand scope. cades the number of millionaires and billion- Free marketeers have persuaded many people aires has grown dramatically. Yet many or- across the globe that class is in de- dinary workers have seen their real wages cline and that capitalism and its new tech- decline—even while the costs of housing, nologies will bring to all coun- transportation, and medical care have in- tries. Similarly, other influential supporters creased significantly in real terms. of the status quo have argued optimistically Of the 6 billion people on earth, a large that major forms of social oppression, such proportion live in or near poverty and desti- as racial and oppression, are also in tution, with 1.2 billion living on less than one sharp decline in Western societies. dollar a day. The numbers living in poverty are increasing in areas of South Asia, Africa, THE DOWNSIDE OF A and . Today one-fifth of the CAPITALISTIC WORLD world’s people, those in the developed coun- tries, garner 86 percent of the world’s gross Nonetheless, many people in the United domestic product, with the bottom fifth gar- States and across the globe insist that this is nering just one percent. In recent years the not the best of times. long ago world’s richest 200 people, as a group, have underscored the point that modern capital- doubled their wealth, to more than 1 trillion ism creates bad economic times that encom- dollars for the year 2000 (Oxfam 1999). pass both social injustice and inequality. While there has been much boasting about Looking at the present day, I will briefly de- among those pushing glo- scribe a few examples of the troubling con- bal capitalism, between 1980 and the late ditions currently being created or aggravated 1990s most of the world’s countries saw sus- by modern capitalism: tained annual growth rates of less than 3 per- SOCIAL JUSTICE AND SOCIOLOGY 3 cent per capita, and 59 countries actually ex- ditions, low wages, underemployment or un- perienced economic declines (Toward Free- employment, loss of land, and forced migra- dom 1999). Moreover, in most countries tion. Ordinary working people and their great income and wealth inequalities create —in most nationality, racial, and major related injustices, including sharp dif- ethnic groups across the globe—face signifi- ferentials in hunger, housing, life satisfac- cant negative social impacts from an encir- tion, , and political power. cling capitalism. Viewed from a long-term perspective, the high levels of wealth and income inequality, Capitalism Imposes Huge and the increase in that inequality, signal yet Environmental Costs another critical point in human history where there is a major foregrounding of social jus- Third, the global capitalistic economy gen- tice issues. erates profits at the huge cost of increasing environmental degradation. Since the 1970s, Working Families Are Exploited and the levels of some greenhouse gases (e.g., Marginalized carbon dioxide) in the earth’s atmosphere have grown significantly because of the in- Second, global capitalism may bring the best creasing use of fossil fuels, widespread de- of times for corporate executives and the forestation, and industrial pollution. Global well-off, yet for many of the world’s people warming, which results from this increase in it brings recurring economic disruption, ex- greenhouse gases, is melting polar ice packs, ploitation, marginalization, and immis- increasing coastal flooding, generating se- eration. The international scene is increas- vere weather, creating droughts and reshap- ingly dominated by highly bureaucratized ing agriculture, and facilitating the spread of multinational , which often op- disease. In addition, as a result of human ac- erate independently of nation states. Work- tions, the earth’s ozone layer is severely de- ing for their own economic interests, these pleted in some areas. This alone results in a transnational corporations routinely “de- range of negative effects, including in- velop” their markets—and destroy and dis- creases in skin cancer incidence and major card regions, countries, peoples, cultures, threats to essential species, such as phy- and natural environments. For example, toplankton in the oceans (M. Bell 1998; transnational corporations now control much Hawken, Lovins, and Lovins 1999). of the world’s agricultural system. In devel- A lack of sufficient water and poor water oping countries small farmers are shoved quality are large-scale problems in many aside by large agribusiness corporations or countries. Half the world’s wetlands and are pressured to produce crops for an inter- nearly half the forests have been destroyed national market controlled by big trans- in just the last century. The destruction of national corporations—thereby reducing the forests is killing off many plant species, in- production of essential foodstuffs for local cluding some supplying the oxygen we populations (Sjoberg 1996:287). breathe. The consequences of these environ- Today there are an estimated 1 billion un- mental changes will be the greatest for the employed or underemployed workers around world’s poorest countries, many of which the world, with 50 million unemployed in are in areas where the increasing heat of glo- the European countries alone. Hundreds of bal warming is already having a serious im- millions, including many millions of chil- pact on water availability, soil erosion, de- dren, work in onerous or dangerous work- struction of forests, agriculture, and the places. Some 30 million people die from spread of disease (Sachs 1999). hunger annually in a world whose large ag- Today, some environmental experts are se- ricultural enterprises produce more than riously discussing the possibility that most enough food for every person (Ramonet of the planet’s plant and animal species will 1999). The real effects of expanding capital- be gone by the twenty-second century. Jared ism for a large proportion of the planet’s in- Diamond, a leading physical scientist, has habitants are not only greater inequality but reviewed the evidence and concludes that also job restructuring, unsafe working con- movement toward an environmental catas- 4 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW trophe is accelerating. The only question, in modities. We can have a market economy, his view, is whether it is likely to “strike our but we cannot have a market society. In ad- children or our grandchildren, and whether dition to markets, society needs institutions we choose to adopt now the many obvious to serve such social goals as political free- countermeasures” (Diamond 1992:362). And dom and social justice. (P. 24) there are yet other related problems facing As Soros sees it, without a more egalitarian humanity, such as those arising out of the global society, capitalism cannot survive. new technologies associated with world- In a recent interview, Paul Hawken (Haw- wide, capitalist-led . ken and Korten 1999), an environmentally oriented critic of modern capitalism, has re- Global Capitalism Reinforces counted the story of a business consultant Other Injustice and Inequality who conducted a workshop with middle managers in a large that makes, Fourth, in addition to the economic and en- among other things, toxic chemicals such as vironmental inequalities generated or aggra- pesticides. Early in the workshop the execu- vated by contemporary capitalism, other tives discussed and rejected the idea that cre- forms of social injustice and inequality re- ating social justice and resource equity is es- main central to the United States and other sential to the long-term of a societies. I only have space here to note society such as the United States. Later, briefly such major societal realities as racial these managers broke into five groups and and ethnic oppression, , homopho- sought to design a self-contained spaceship bia, bureaucratic authoritarianism, violence that would leave earth and return a century against children, and against later with its occupants being “alive, happy, the aged and the disabled. These persisting and healthy” (Hawken and Korten 1999). forms of discrimination and oppression gen- The executives then voted on which group’s erally have their own independent social dy- hypothetical spaceship design would best namics, yet they too are often reinforced or meet these objectives. exacerbated by the processes of modern The winning design was comprehensive: capitalism. It included insects so no toxic pesticides were allowed on board. Recognizing the im- WHAT KIND OF A WORLD portance of photosynthesis, the winning DO WE WANT? group decided that weeds were necessary for a healthy ecosystem, so conventional herbi- The world’s majority now lives, or soon will cides were not allowed. The food system live, in difficult economic and environmen- was also to be free of toxic chemicals. These tal times. By the end of the twenty-first cen- managers “also decided that as a crew, they tury, it is likely that there will be sustained needed lots of singers, dancers, artists, and and inexorable pressures to replace the so- storytellers, because the CDs and videos cial institutions associated with corporate would get old and boring fast, and engineers capitalism and its supporting governments. alone did not a village make.” In addition, Why? Because the latter will not have pro- when the managers were asked if it was rea- vided humanity with just and sustainable so- sonable to allow just one-fifth of those on cieties. Such pressures are already building board to control four-fifths of the ship’s es- in the form of social movements sential resources, they vigorously rejected in many countries. the idea “as unworkable, unjust, and unfair” A few of the world’s premier capitalists (Hawken and Korten 1999). already see the handwriting on the wall. Note that this example spotlights the criti- The billionaire investor George Soros cally important ideas of human and environ- (1998), for instance, has come to the con- mental interdependence and of social justice. clusion that free markets do not lead to Even these corporate managers, when hypo- healthy societies: thetically placing themselves in the closed system of a spaceship, rejected environmen- Markets reduce everything, including human tal degradation, a boring monoculture, and beings (labor) and nature (land), to com- major resource inequalities. SOCIAL JUSTICE AND SOCIOLOGY 5

As I see it, social justice requires re- Perhaps there are clues in the gaia theory source equity, fairness, and respect for di- for a broader sociological framework for versity, as well as the eradication of exist- viewing the development of human societ- ing forms of social oppression. Social jus- ies. We human beings are not just part of an tice entails a redistribution of resources interconnected biosphere, but are also linked from those who have unjustly gained them in an increasingly integrated and global web to those who justly deserve them, and it of structured social relationships. This com- also means creating and ensuring the pro- plex “sociosphere” consists of some 6 billion cesses of truly democratic participation in people living in many families and commu- decision-making. A common view in West- nities in numerous nation states. Nation ern political theory is that, while “the states and their internal organizations are people” have a right to self-rule, they del- linked across an international web. Indeed, egate this right to their representatives—to we human beings have long been more in- the government leaders who supposedly act terconnected than we might think. Accord- in the public interest and under the guid- ing to current archaeological assessments, ance of impartial laws (Young 1990:91–92). we all descended from ancestors who mi- However, there is no impartial legal and po- grated out of Africa some millennia in the litical system in countries like the United past. Today, most human beings speak re- States, for in such hierarchically arranged lated languages; about half the world’s societies those at the top create and main- people speak an Indo-European language. In tain over time a socio-legal framework and recent decades the expansion of telecommu- political structure that strongly support their nication technologies has placed more group interests. It seems clear that only a people in potential or actual contact with one decisive redistribution of resources and de- another than ever before. For the first time cision making power can ensure social jus- in human history, these technologies are rap- tice and authentic democracy. idly creating one integrated body of human- The spaceship example explicitly recog- ity (Sahtouris 1996). nizes the interdependence of human beings Yet, this increasingly interconnected and other living species. For some decades sociosphere remains highly stratified: Great now central ideas in physics and biology benefits accrue to those classes dominant in have stressed the interconnectedness of what international capitalism. Today most of the were once thought to be discrete phenomena. globe’s political and business leaders, as Thus, the “gaia theory” in biology suggests, well as many of its academic experts, have according to Lovelock (1987), that come to accept capitalism as the more or ... the entire range of living matter on less inevitable economic system for all Earth, from whales to viruses, and from oaks countries. However, at the same time, grow- to algae, could be regarded as constituting a ing numbers of people are recognizing that, single living entity, capable of manipulating because of globalizing capitalism, the earth the Earth’s atmosphere to suit its overall is facing a massive environmental crisis, needs and endowed with faculties and pow- one that has the potential to destroy the ba- ers far beyond those of its constituent parts. sic conditions for human societies within a (P. 9) century or two. Issues of ecological de- This is more than a metaphorical descrip- struction—as well as broader issues of so- tion, for in fact we live on a planet that, we cial inequality and injustice—are being are increasingly realizing, is truly interwo- forced to the forefront not by corporate ex- ven. All of earth’s aspects—from biosphere, ecutives but by some 30,000 people’s to soils and oceans, to atmosphere—are seen groups and movements around the globe. as parts of one interconnected living system These include environmental groups, indig- with important cybernetic features. Thus, enous movements, labor movements, environmental irresponsibility in one place, health-policy groups, feminist groups, anti- such as the excessive burning of fossil fuels racist organizations, and anti-corporate in the United States, contributes to negative groups (Klein 2000). Such groups agree on effects elsewhere, such as to global warm- many critical environmental and political- ing in Australia. economic goals. 6 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Indeed, many people in other regions of desire to be accepted as a fully legitimate the world seem to be ahead of us in the discipline in the larger society, especially by United States in their understanding of the powerful elites. The lead article in the July damage done by the unbridled operations of 1895 issue of the American Journal of Soci- multinational corporations. These groups are ology, written by Albion Small, founder of pressing for meaningful international decla- the first graduate sociology department (at rations and treaties, such as the various the University of Chicago), listed among the declarations on the environ- major interests of the journal editors the ment and human . In the United States analysis of “plans for social amelioration” awareness of the negative impact of global- (Small 1895:14). A decade later, Small pre- izing capitalism is now substantial and may sented a paper at the American Sociological be growing. A 1999 U.S. poll found that ’s first meeting in which he argued over half the respondents said they were vigorously that was not an sympathetic with the concerns of activists end in itself but should serve to improve so- who had aggressively protested a recent ciety (Friedrichs 1970:73). Small was not World Trade Organization summit in Seattle alone in this commitment. In the first decade (Business Week 1999). In many places in the or two of U.S. sociology, leading scholars United States today there is growing opposi- advocated the pursuit of knowledge for its tion to the economic and environmental de- own sake and the assessment of that knowl- cisions of those executives heading trans- edge in relation to its current usefulness to national corporations. society. Unquestionably, social justice appears as Moreover, from the beginning there has a recurring concern around the globe. For been a robust “countersystem” tradition that reason alone, we sociologists must vig- within U.S. sociology—a tradition whose orously engage issues of social justice or be- participants have intentionally undertaken come largely irrelevant to the present and research aimed at significantly reducing or future course of human history. eliminating societal injustice. The counter- system approach is one in which social sci- A LONG TRADITION: SOCIOLOGY entists step outside thought pat- AND SOCIAL JUSTICE terns to critique existing society (Sjoberg and Cain 1971). From the perspective of this Given impending national and international research tradition, social scientists have all crises, sociology appears to be the right dis- too often accepted the status quo as their cipline for the time. Sociology is a broad in- standard. It is noteworthy too that much terdisciplinary field that draws on ideas from countersystem analysis develops ideas about other social sciences, the humanities, and the alternative social systems. For instance, any physical sciences. Our intellectual and meth- serious exploration of the countersystem tra- odological pluralism, as well as our diver- dition must acknowledge the past and cur- sity of practitioners, are major virtues. Such rent influence of Marx’s critical analysis of richness gives sociology a particularly good capitalism, which included ideas about an position as a science to examine the com- alternative social system. Marx’s counter- plexities and crises of a socially intercon- system analysis has, directly or indirectly, nected world. Those sciences with diverse influenced many social scientists, including viewpoints and constructive conflicts over several of the sociologists to whom I now ideas and issues have often been the most turn. intellectually healthy. As P. H. Collins In the late nineteenth and early twentieth (1998) has put it, “Sociology’s unique social centuries, a number of white women, black location as a contested space of knowledge men, and black women sociologists—as well construction allows us to think through new as a few white male sociologists—did much ways of doing science” (p. 10; also see innovative sociological research and at the Burawoy 1998). same time took strong informed positions in Views of sociology’s goals have long re- regard to ending the oppression of women, flected a dialectical tension between a com- black Americans, the poor, and immigrants. mitment to remedy social injustice and the Among the now forgotten women and black SOCIAL JUSTICE AND SOCIOLOGY 7 male sociologists were , Flo- her colleagues accented a new sociological rence Kelley, Emily Greene Balch, Ida B. tradition that developed empirical data in or- Wells-Barnett, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, der to better deal with issues of both social and W. E. B. Du Bois. All were practicing theory and public policy. Their 1895 book, sociologists, and all developed important so- Hull-House Maps and Papers (Residents of ciological ideas and research projects. Most Hull-House [1895] (1970), reported on the were members of the American Sociological sociodemographic mapping of Chicago’s ur- Society (Deegan 1987). ban areas well before that statistical ap- Jane Addams was a key founder of U.S. proach became important for the University sociology. Head resident of Chicago’s pio- of Chicago’s male sociologists. Interestingly, neering Hull-House complex, she was an ac- these sociodemographic data were used to tive sociologist and charter member of the help local residents understand their commu- American Sociological Society. She inter- nity patterns, not just to provide data for acted professionally with other leading soci- publications in academic journals. More- ologists and intellectuals. During the 1890s over, one indication of the disciplinary im- and later, there was great intellectual fer- pact of these early women sociologists is ment at Hull-House. Not only were union that between 1895 and 1935 they published leaders, socialists, and other social reform- more than 50 articles in what was then the ers welcomed there, but a few major male leading sociology journal, the American social theorists, such as and Journal of Sociology (Deegan 1988:47). , regularly interacted In 1896 W. E. B. Du Bois became an as- with the women sociologists there (Deegan sistant in sociology at the University of 1988:5). Addams was one of the first U.S. Pennsylvania. Du Bois was hired to do a sociologists to deal conceptually and empiri- study of black Philadelphians using, as he cally with the problems of the burgeoning noted, the “best available methods of socio- cities, and she was advanced in her socio- logical research” (Du Bois [1899] 1973:2). logical analysis of justice and democracy. His book, The Philadelphia Negro ([1899] She viewed democracy as entailing more 1973), was the first empirical study of a than fairness and legal equality: black community to be reported in sociologi- We are brought to a conception of Democ- cal depth and at book length. Therein Du racy not merely as a sentiment which desires Bois not only analyzed sociological data on the well-being of all men, nor yet as a creed patterns of life in the black community (in- which believes in the essential and cluding ) but also as- equality of all men, but as that which affords sessed what he viewed as the immorality of a rule of living as well as a test of faith. discrimination. The last part of this path- (Addams 1902:6) breaking book includes a study of domestic In her view ordinary Americans had to par- workers by Du Bois’s white colleague Isabel ticipate actively in major decisions affecting Eaton, a former Hull-House sociologist. The their lives for there to be real democracy. research collaboration of these early black Addams and the numerous women (and a and white sociologists is also part of the now few men) sociologists working at Hull- forgotten . Moreover, in House not only accented a and spite of Du Bois’s stellar qualifications— democratic model of society but also used major sociological research, a Harvard their sociological research and analysis to Ph.D., and work with leading European so- ground their efforts for tenement reform, cial scientists—no white-run sociology de- child-labor legislation, pro- partment offered him a regular position. grams, , and anti-war goals (Dee- Over time, Du Bois would make very impor- gan 1988). They worked in immigrant and tant contributions to the sociological study other poor urban communities and sought to of community, , social problems, and build a grassroots base for . class relations, as well as to the historical Moreover, working in collaboration, they did study of and Reconstruction. the first empirical field research in U.S. so- We should recognize too that in this early ciology. Like earlier in the period there were important black women nineteenth century (see below), Addams and sociologists, such as Ida B. Wells-Barnett 8 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW and Anna Julia Cooper, whose work has re- universities. This approach is “instrumental” cently been rediscovered (Lemert and Bhan in that it limits social research mainly to 1998; Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley those questions that certain research tech- 1998). Though neither was affiliated with niques will allow; it is “positivist” in that it academic sociology, both were practicing commits sociologists to “rigorous” research sociologists and theorists of society. In their approaches thought to be like those used in work they were among the earliest social sci- the physical sciences (Bryant 1985:133). A entists to analyze data on the conditions of pioneer in this approach was Franklin H. African Americans and of women in U.S. Giddings at Columbia University. In an early society in terms of social “subordination” 1900s’ American Journal of Sociology dis- and “repression” (Cooper 1892; Wells- cussion, Giddings (1909) argued, in strongly Barnett 1895). gendered language, By the 1920s and 1930s leading white We need men not afraid to work; who will male sociologists were downplaying or ig- get busy with the adding machine and the noring the pioneering sociological work of logarithms, and give us exact studies, such the early countersystem sociologists. For ex- as we get in the psychological laboratories, ample, the dominant introductory textbook not to speak of the biological and physical of the interwar decades, Park and Burgess’s laboratories. Sociology can be made an ex- (1921) lengthy Introduction to the Science of act, quantitative science, if we can get in- Sociology, views sociology as an academic dustrious men interested in it. (P. 196, ital- ics in original) and abstract science. This text contains in its 1,040 pages only a few bibliographical ref- By the 1920s the influential William F. erences to the work of Du Bois, but no dis- Ogburn, who trained at Columbia University cussion of his research work, and only one under Giddings and was later hired at the terse sentence on, and two bibliographical University of Chicago, aggressively argued references to, the work of Addams. for such a detached and Park and other prominent sociologists approach. In his 1929 presidential address to were increasingly critical of an activist soci- the American Sociological Society he called ology and were moving away from a con- for a sociology emphasizing statistical meth- cern with progressive applications of social ods and argued that sociologists should not research toward a more “detached” sociol- be involved as sociologists in improving so- ogy. Their work was increasingly linked to ciety; instead they should focus on effi- the interests of certain corporate-capitalist ciently discovering knowledge about society. elites, such as those represented by the Whoever is in power, “some sterling execu- Rockefeller family foundations. While they tive,” might then apply this objective socio- frequently researched various types of urban logical research (Bannister 1992:188–90). “disorganization,” usually in qualitative methods and statistical analyses were field studies, they rarely analyzed deeply the gradually becoming the emphasized and pre- harsher realities of social oppression—espe- ferred research strategies in mainstream so- cially gender, class, and racial oppression— ciology. in the development of cities. Park and sev- Over the next few decades, most main- eral of his colleagues played a major role in stream sociologists, including those in lead- shifting the emphasis from a sociology con- ing departments, did not research major cerned with studying and eliminating serious public events and issues, especially from a societal problems to a more detached and critical perspective. One study of 2,559 ar- academic sociology concerned with “natu- ticles appearing in the American Sociologi- ral” social forces—without the humanitarian cal Review from 1936 to 1984 examined attitude or interpretation of what Park some- major social and political events for five pe- times called the “damned do-gooders” riods within this time frame—events such as (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998: the Great Depression and McCarthyism— 15–18; Raushenbush 1979:96). and found that overall only 1 in 20 articles Moreover, during the 1920s and 1930s dealt with the major events examined for support for a detached and instrumental- these periods (Wilner 1985). Moreover, from positivist sociology increased at major U.S. the 1920s to the 1940s remarkably few of the SOCIAL JUSTICE AND SOCIOLOGY 9 leading U.S. sociologists researched, or from corporate foundations and government spoke publicly and critically of, the agencies. As Deegan (1988) has noted re- growing fascist movements in the United garding the dominant sociologists at the Uni- States and Europe, some of which would versity of Chicago, soon help generate a catastrophic war. Ap- parently, one reason for this neglect was the These later men therefore condemned politi- increasing emphasis on a “value-free,” cal action for sociologists, while the ideas of the elite, in fact, permeated their “pure-science” approach to sociology (Ban- work.... Rather than condemn the exploi- nister 1992:175–89). tation and oppression of daily life, the later Still, some important critics emerged. Chicago men described it. They justified it Writing in the early 1940s in an appendix to through their acceptance of it. (P. 304) his An American Dilemma, Gunnar Myrdal ([1944] 1964) specifically criticized the In the decades after World War II, many move by Park and Ogburn toward a more mainstream sociologists continued the move detached sociology: toward the pure-science ideal and away from the concerns for social justice and the mak- The specific logical error is that of inferring ing of a better society. There was a great ex- from the facts that men can and should make pansion of federally funded research in the no effort to change the “natural” outcome of the specific forces observed. This is the old physical sciences, and leading sociologists do-nothing (laissez-faire) bias of “realistic” worked aggressively to grasp a share of the . (P. 1052) new federal money, often by stressing an in- strumental-positivist sociology that at- Anticipating later discussions and debates, tempted to imitate those physical sciences. Myrdal developed a critique of the new ac- In the late 1950s some 15 prominent social cent on a “value-free” social science: scientists, including leading sociologists, Scientific facts do not exist per se, waiting signed onto a statement, “National Support for scientists to discover them. A scientific for Behavioral Science,” which pressed the fact is a construction abstracted out of a U.S. government for funds for social sci- complex and interwoven reality by means of ence: arbitrary definitions and classifications. The processes of selecting a problem and a basic We assume the probability of a break- hypothesis, of limiting the scope of study, through in the control of the attitudes and and of defining and classifying data relevant beliefs of human beings.... This could be a to such a setting of the problem, involve a weapon of great power in Communist hands, choice on the part of the investigator. unless comparable advances in the West ([1944] 1964:1057) produce effective counter-measures. (Quoted in Friedrichs 1970:88) As Myrdal viewed the matter, value neu- trality in social science is impossible, for in Contrary to their statements elsewhere about making choices about how to assess and re- value neutrality, the political orientation of search society there is always something of these and other influential social scientists of value at stake. While scientific conventions the time made transparent the centrality of provide guidelines for choices, they neces- values that were then shaping social science sarily involve value judgements, and no one research. can avoid value judgments simply by focus- Also evident is the strong interest of lead- ing on just social “facts.” ing social scientists in -funded research. By the 1930s and 1940s the critical, coun- These researchers were largely successful in tersystem approaches of sociologists like their efforts, and substantial bureaucracies Addams and Du Bois were losing out to a have developed to fund social science re- politically safe, academic, and distancing search under the auspices of the federal gov- sociology. Sociology was increasingly be- ernment and private foundations. This gov- coming a discipline whose college and uni- ernment and corporate underwriting of much versity departments were dominated by mainstream sociological research has fed the white male sociologists and often linked to emphasis on a quantitatively oriented or in- elite interests—including ties such as grants strumental-positivist sociology and on soci- 10 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW ologists as research entrepreneurs. Not sur- than any other social science books except prisingly, social scientists who have secured history books (Bressler 1999:718). major funding from federal government Let us now consider a few of the socially- agencies and large corporate foundations relevant agendas for the twenty-first century have rarely done research that draws on the that can be inaugurated or accelerated by so- countersystem tradition and is strongly criti- ciologists with many different research per- cal of established institutions in the corpo- spectives and methods. rate or governmental realms. From the 1930s to the present, the accent on academic grant- Bring Social Justice Back getting, the heavy emphasis on certain types to the Center of quantitatively-oriented research, and the movement away from the social justice con- First, it is time for the discipline to fully re- cerns of earlier sociologists have been asso- cover and celebrate its historical roots in a ciated trends (see Cancian 1995). sociology committed to social justice in ide- A detached-science perspective has been als and practice. In recent decades no soci- influential in many areas of sociology for ologist has published even one substantial some decades now, but not without strong article in a major sociology journal (e.g., the countering perspectives (e.g., see Vaughan American Journal of Sociology, American 1993). Since the late 1960s there has been a Sociological Review, and Sociological periodic resurgence of interest in an activist Theory) on the sociological ideas of the sociology, including an increased concern women sociologists in the founding genera- with research on (and the eradication of) in- tion (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley stitutional discrimination and other forms of 2001). It is time for us sociologists to rem- social oppression (e.g., see Omi and Winant edy this neglect and help to reclaim the im- 1994). Significantly, the recent history of portant ideas of those women sociologists sociology has been dialectical, with support- and sociologists of color who are among the ers of the detached-science perspective of- founders of our discipline. ten being central, yet regularly challenged A strong case can be made that the British by those advocating a sociology committed social scientist Harriet Martineau (1802– to both excellent sociological research and 1876) is the founder of empirical sociology social justice. in the West. She was apparently the first so- cial scientist both to use the term sociology AGENDAS FOR SOCIOLOGY: and to do systematic sociological research in THE NEW CENTURY the field (Hoecker-Drysdale 1992). She helped to invent a new sociological ap- Looking toward the next few decades, I see proach that brought empirical data to bear important conceptual, empirical, policy, and on questions of and public activist tasks for which the rich diversity of policy. She wrote the first book on socio- contemporary sociology can help prepare us. logical research methods (Hill 1989), in These tasks often relate to questions of so- which she argued—preceding Emile Durk- cial justice. Indeed, one major reason that heim by half a century—that research on so- some subfields of sociology are periodically cial life is centrally about studying social attacked by conservative, and often ill-in- “things” accurately and should involve re- formed, journalists and media commentators search on “institutions and records, in which is that analyses of discrimination, domina- the action of a nation is embodied and per- tion, and social justice are generally threat- petuated” (Martineau [1838] 1989:73). ening to those who desire to maintain the sta- She was a contemporary of tus quo. Moreover, we should keep in mind and translated his major work on positive that sociologists have already had a broad (sociology) into English. impact. Sociological ideas and research are Martineau’s first major sociological analysis frequently used in public discourse by those was based on observations from a field trip grappling with societal problems, and soci- across the United States—a multi-volume ology books are more widely reviewed (and set titled Society in America (1837). In that perhaps even read) outside the discipline work she developed sociological insights as SOCIAL JUSTICE AND SOCIOLOGY 11 penetrating and original as those of her more relations always more equitable, so as to as- celebrated male counterpart, Alexis de sure the free development of all our socially Tocqueville. Martineau was also a feminist useful forces. (P. 387) theorist and anti-slavery activist, and wrote extensively and sociologically on social is- A successful movement to complex organic sues for the general public. societies requires ever more social justice, Contemporary sociologists should also ... and we can be sure that this need will recognize the importance of, and draw more become ever more exacting if, as every fact from, the ideas of early U.S. sociologists presages, the conditions dominating social like Jane Addams and W. E. B. Du Bois. As evolution remain the same. (P. 388) I noted previously, these pioneering U.S. sociologists offer solid role models in their Nurture the Countersystem dual commitments to social-scientific Approach knowledge and to social justice, equality, and democracy. They gave central attention Second, contemporary sociologists need to to the theoretical, empirical, and policy di- enlarge and cultivate the long-standing mensions of sociological research. The countersystem approach, not only in regard work of the early women and African to investigating and injus- American sociologists, as well as that of tice but also in regard to assessing alterna- progressive white men, may well point us tive social systems that may be more just. toward a new conceptual paradigm for soci- Today, the sociology handbooks and ency- ology. Such a paradigm would accent the clopedias on my bookshelves have little to centrality of differences, , and say about the concept of social justice. One inequalities—as well as recurring move- significant task for social scientists is to ments for social justice—within societies document empirically, and ever more thor- like the United States. oughly, the character of major social injus- It is also time that we recognize these so- tices, both nationally and internationally. We cial justice themes in the writings of some also need more conceptual work that devel- of the classical “founding fathers” of sociol- ops and enriches the concepts of social jus- ogy. For example, Emile Durkheim has of- tice and equality. In my view, social justice ten been portrayed in relatively conservative is not only a fundamental human right but is terms, as being principally concerned with also essential for a society to be sustainable social order and stability. Yet Durkheim in the long term. Even the corporate execu- wrote eloquently about the impetus for so- tives in the aforementioned spaceship ex- cial justice in societies. He argued that a ample developed some understanding that forced division of labor, like that found in a justice and equity are essential to the long- class-riven society, was pathological and term sustainability of a social system. made organic impossible. Social As I have suggested above, social injus- inequality, created by such social mecha- tice can be examined not only in terms of nisms as routine inheritance across genera- the maldistribution of and services, tions, compromises organic solidarity. For but also in regard to the social relations re- Durkheim ([1893] 1933:384–88) organic sponsible for that maldistribution. These so- solidarity and social justice require the cial relations, which can range from cen- elimination of inequalities not generated by trally oppressive power relations to less cen- variations in personal merit: tral mechanisms of discrimination, deter- mine whether , families, and If one class of society is obliged, in order to other groups are excluded from society’s im- live, to take any price for its services, while portant resources and decision making pro- another can abstain from such action thanks cesses. They shape the development of to the resources at its disposal which, how- group and identities and the sense ever, are not necessarily due to any social superiority, the second has an unjust advan- of personal dignity. In the end, social justice tage over the first at law.... [The] task of entails a restructuring of the larger frame- the most advanced societies is, then, a work works of social relations generally (Feagin of justice.... [O]ur ideal is to make social and Vera forthcoming). 12 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

We sociologists have made a good start [Questions] that arouse human passions, es- toward understanding certain types of social pecially in a time of change, have had to do injustice and inequality. Some of us have with the forms of authority and justice, and done considerable work to document the the purposes of human life.... It is impos- character and impact of class, racial, and sible therefore to avoid taking some kind of a moral position, not only in writing about gender subordination. In the United States but also in not writing about them. and in Latin America some sociologists us- (P. 3) ing participatory-action-research strategies have honed countersystem ideas and meth- A countersystem approach attempts to assess ods and worked interactively with people at the status quo from a viewpoint at least the grassroots level seeking assessments of, somewhat outside the frame of the existing and alternatives to, an onerous status quo society and/or nation state. In practice, so- (e.g., Fals-Borda 1960). The commitment cial scientists can accept the prevailing na- here is to get out of the ivory tower and to tion-state or bureaucratic-capitalistic moral- help build a resource and power base for ity or they can resist this morality by mak- the disenfranchised in their communities. ing a commitment to social justice and hu- The of this type of sociological man rights. Contemporary countersystem research must be enhanced. As one group of approaches often accent a broad human participatory-action researchers has put it, rights framework in which each person is “To map and analyze the dimensions of so- entitled to fair treatment and justice simply cial problems . . . is seen as scientific re- because they are human beings, not because search. To discuss and describe alternative they are members of a particular nation- practices and develop solutions is seen as state. Moreover, some social scientists (e.g., moving toward politics and advocacy—ar- Sjoberg 1996) have suggested that the Uni- eas that are perceived as a threat to the ob- ted Nation’s Universal Declaration of Hu- jectivity of research” (Nyden et al. 1997; man Rights—with its strong array of social, also see Stoecker 1996). Collaborative re- political, and economic rights—may be a search between sociologists and community good starting place for developing a robust groups seeking solutions to serious local framework for social science problems of housing, work, , pov- research. erty, discrimination, and environmental pol- We should seek a sociology that is lution should not be shoved aside, as it grounded in empirical and theoretical re- sometimes is, with cavalier comments about search and that hones a critical perspective sociological “do-goodism,” but should be less restricted by established institutions. placed in the respected core of sociological Careful data collection, reasoned argument, research—where it was at the birth of U.S. and critical moral judgments are not incom- sociology.1 patible. The great sociologist of race and In everyday practice all sociology is a class, Oliver C. Cox, underscored this point: moral activity, whether this is recognized or not. In a society deeply pervaded and struc- Clearly, the social scientist should be accu- tured by social oppressions, most sociologi- rate and objective but not neutral; he [or she] should be passionately partisan in favor of cal research will reflect these realities to the of the people and against the in- some degree, and attempts to deny these re- terests of the few when they seem to sub- alities or their impact on research are mis- merge that welfare. (Cox 1948:xvi) guided at best. All social science perspec- tives have an underlying view of what the Numerous sociologists, from Jane Addams world ought to be. As Moore (1971) noted, and W. E. B. Du Bois, to Robert and Helen Lynd and Gunnar Myrdal, to more contem- porary scholars as diverse as Alfred McClung Lee, Jessie Bernard, James Black- 1 Interestingly, one 1990s survey of 12,000 Ph.D. sociologists revealed that over half spent well, Robert Bellah, and Orlando Fals-Borda at least 10 hours a week doing what they view as have accented the importance of bringing “applied” research (Dotzler and Koppel moral discourse and research on “what is the 1999:79). good society” into the center of sociological SOCIAL JUSTICE AND SOCIOLOGY 13 debate and analysis. Even more, today we pressed the discipline of sociology to view need to look beyond the borders of the na- and research society from their standpoints tion-state to address the possibility of a and thus to broaden sociological knowledge. world moral community. For instance, in an introduction to the reprint of her pioneering book, The Death of White Be More Self-Critical Sociology ([1973] 1998), Ladner notes nu- merous ways in which the presence of schol- Third, as part of an ongoing self-renewal ars of color, as well as women and gay/les- process, I see the need for accelerated self- bian scholars, has forced issues of social reflection in sociology. This is a task closely subjugation to be considered seriously in related to my last point. The communities, both the academy and the larger society. colleges, universities, agencies, companies, Similarly, racial-ethnic feminists have and other settings in which we practice soci- forced the academy to consider seriously ology are shaped in part by the oppressive multiple statuses and the of social relations of the larger society. We oppressions (Baca Zinn and Dill 1994). The need a liberating and emancipating sociol- goal of all these scholars is not just to de- ogy that takes risks to counter these oppres- velop alternative funds of knowledge, but sive social relations in our own bailiwicks. also to push this knowledge in from the mar- As social scientists, we should regularly gins, where it too often resides, toward the examine our research environments, includ- central trends and debates in sociology. In- ing our metascientific underpinnings and side and outside the discipline, this accumu- commitments. Critical social perspectives, lating knowledge can then become part of such as those of feminists, gay/lesbian schol- the process of eroding the historical relations ars, critical theorists, anti-racist scholars, of social oppression. and Marxist researchers, among others, have Hopefully, more self-reflection among so- been resurgent since the 1960s. Scholars re- ciologists can also lead us and other social searching from these perspectives, as well as scientists to destroy the insidious boundaries symbolic interactionists and ethnometh- we often draw around ourselves, such as the odologists, have called for more internal re- artificial dichotomy of quantitative versus flection in the social sciences. In one such , the ranking of basic disciplinary reflection, feminist sociologists over applied research, and the valuing of re- Stacey and Thorne (1996:1–3) argue that, search over teaching. while anthropology and history have incor- porated feminist ideas better than sociology, Recognize and Stress the the questioning of androcentric concepts and Importance of Teaching Sociology structures is finally beginning to have a broader impact in sociology. In an earlier Fourth, we need to recognize and accent the critical reflection, Dorothy Smith (1987) ar- importance of teaching sociology—espe- gues that mainstream sociology has histori- cially the kind of quality teaching that will cally been part of the dominant ideological prepare present and future generations for apparatus, which focuses on issues primarily the coming social, economic, technological, of concern to men. Mainstream sociology’s and environmental challenges. Indeed, many central themes are “organized by and articu- of us were recruited into sociology by first- late the perspectives of men—not as indi- rate teachers. Our graduate programs need to viduals . . . but as persons playing determi- recognize that most people who secure Ph.D. nate parts in the social relations of this form degrees in sociology do not become profes- of society . . .” (p. 56). Feminist sociologists sors in research universities, but rather be- have pressured the discipline to view and re- come applied sociologists or faculty mem- search the social world from the perspective bers with heavy teaching loads in a diverse of women and thereby greatly expand its array of public and private educational insti- fund of knowledge. tutions (see Eitzen, Baca Zinn, and Gold African American, Latino, Native Ameri- 1999:57–60). can, Asian American, gay/lesbian, and other The majority of undergraduate and gradu- formerly excluded sociologists also have ate students in sociology are looking for 14 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW meaningful ways to contribute to making a Study the Big Social Questions better society. Thus, it is disturbing to hear reports from some of these students at vari- Finally, contemporary sociologists need to ous colleges and universities that their pro- spend much more effort studying the big so- fessors are asserting that there is no room in cial questions of the twenty-first century. In- sociology for idealism and . Social terestingly, Kai Erikson (1984:306; also see scientists who attempt to avoid social better- Wilner 1985) once suggested that a review ment issues often defend themselves with of leading sociology journals over several phrases like, “We are not out to save the decades would likely find that many decisive world.” C. Wright Mills (1958) once sug- events had been ignored there by sociolo- gested, gists. When social scientists become too professionalized and too narrowly commit- Sometimes this is the disclaimer of a mod- ted to a discipline or area of study, research est scholar; sometimes it is the cynical con- issues tend to be defined from within their tempt of a specialist for all issues of larger concern; sometimes it is the disillusionment dominant professional paradigm. They rely of youthful expectations; often it is the pos- heavily on a narrow range of theories and ture of men who seek to borrow the prestige methods. Only those research topics and in- of The Scientist, imagined as a pure and dis- terpretations are accepted that do not embodied intellect. (P. 133) threaten the basis of the profession and its established intellectual capital. However, As teachers of sociology, we should make technological and other knowledge develop- clear to the coming generations of sociolo- ments are now moving so fast that a social gists not only that there is plenty of room scientist who is too narrowly trained or fo- for idealism and activism in the field but cused may be incapable of making sense out that these qualities might be required for hu- of the ongoing currents of change. manity to survive the next century or so. We In many U.S. colleges and universities the need to communicate the excitement and administratively sanctioned goal of generat- importance of doing sociology. Alfred ing grant money—often for its own sake— McClung Lee (1978) was eloquent in this still distorts too much social science re- regard: search in the direction of relatively minor The wonder and mysteries of human creativ- social issues. This heavy focus on grant ity, love, and venturesomeness and the money reduces the amount of research on threatening problems of human oppression key public issues and diminishes the poten- and of sheer persistence beckon and involve tial for colleges and universities to be arenas those with the curiosity and courage to be for critical debate and discussion of those is- called sociologists. Only those who choose sues (Black 1999). to serve humanity rather than to get caught C. Wright Mills (1958) called for social up in the scramble for all the immediate re- scientists to challenge dominant ideas: wards of finance and status can know the pleasures and lasting rewards of such a pur- If truly independent ideas are not even for- suit. (Pp. 16–17) mulated, if we do not set forth alternatives, then we are foolishly trapped by the diffi- In my view, sociology students should be culties those now at the top have gotten us shown how the diversity of theories, meth- into. (P. 137) ods, debates, and practitioners in sociology is generally healthy for the field and for so- Sociologists need to formulate more original ciety. We also should strive to help our stu- and independent ideas, and to illuminate and dents think critically about their social lives directly and critically address recurring na- and about building a better society. Wendell tional and global crises. We need to imple- Bell (1998) has underscored the importance ment Gans’s (1989) call for more sociolo- of showing social science students how to gists to become public intellectuals who will engage in debates about important issues, speak critically, and from data, about major critically assess necessary moral judgments, societal issues. Especially in our journals, and explore possible social futures for them- many social scientists need to break from the selves and their societies. conventional style of research presentation SOCIAL JUSTICE AND SOCIOLOGY 15 and jargonistic writing that targets a special- ways in which racial oppression becomes ized audience and move to a style accessible disguised or subtle in its character and prac- to broad audiences and to an approach that tice, the ideological defense of that oppres- addresses the big social questions and the sion, and the social costs for its targets and implications of research for society. At the the larger society. same time, we should recognize that there We should also encourage similar socio- are numerous sociologists who write well logical research on other major forms of so- and accessibly, yet often face the censorship cial oppression that pervade this and other of ideas that are seen as too critical—an ex- contemporary societies. In recent years so- perience still common in this society. Thus, ciologists and other social scientists have we also should insist that the relevant pub- undertaken significant empirical and theo- lishing outlets consider and publish impor- retical work on , homophobia, age- tant critical analyses of momentous social ism, and discrimination against the disabled, issues, and not rule them out as “too contro- yet today these areas cry out for much more versial” or as “only thought pieces” (Agger research and analysis. 1989:220). In addition, more sociologists should Yes, some sociologists do work on the big study societal futures, including the alterna- and tough questions; yet we need many more tive social futures of just and egalitarian so- to ask major questions about such societal cieties. The United States spends several trends as the huge and ongoing wealth trans- million dollars annually on the scientific fers from the working classes to the rich, the search for extraterrestrial life, yet very little social impact of environmental crises, the on examining the possible or likely social impact of globalizing capitalism on local futures for terrestrial societies. Today, we communities, and the human costs of , should encourage more sociologists and sexism, and other social oppressions. other social scientists to investigate societal One major research question requiring probabilities and possibilities, and assess much attention relates to the international them for the general public. Social scientists impact of multinational capitalism and its can extrapolate critically from understand- “free markets.” We hear much today about ings of the trends and possibilities already the global capitalistic economy, but all too apparent in various societal arenas, as well little social science research is examining its as probe an array of societal alternatives deep structure and broad range of human with imaginative research approaches. consequences. Half a century ago, in a fore- Major societal transformations loom word to Polanyi’s book, The Great Transfor- ahead of us. There are, for example, the de- mation, sociologist Robert M. MacIver mographic changes well described by some ([1944] 1957) noted that some research on sociologists, such as the graying of societ- capitalistic markets already indicated that ies. Such trends will likely be associated formulas like “world peace through world with other societal changes: Aging societies, trade” were dangerous simplifications: for example, may have less interest in war, Neither a national nor an international sys- experience less street crime, and focus them- tem can depend on the automatic regulants. selves more on issues of health care, social Balanced budgets and free enterprise and services, and euthanasia. Another demo- world commerce and international clearing- graphic shift already underway is an increas- houses . . . will not guarantee an interna- ing racial and ethnic diversity in some na- tional order. Society alone can guarantee it; tional populations. According to some U.S. international society must also be discov- Census Bureau projections, in the year 2050 ered. (P. xi) the U.S. population will reach about 383 Other major research questions deserving million; just under half will be Americans of more attention from sociologists center on color (Murdock 1995:33–47). And by the the character, costs, and future of contempo- 2050s, it is estimated, Americans of Euro- rary racism. While some sociologists have pean descent will become a statistical minor- pressed forward in researching the white- ity. For the most part, in-depth analysis of generated oppression targeting Americans of the social significance of this demographic color, more researchers should address the trend has been left to journalists or popular 16 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW commentators, most of whom have limited than at present, and that computerized robots sociological knowledge. There is ample op- will be much “smarter” than human beings. portunity right now for sociological research A generally cautious computer scientist, Joy into the possible or likely societal futures (2000) does not see himself as writing sci- associated with trends such as these, particu- ence fiction, but as one who asks tough larly assessments from a countersystem questions about social futures: “Given the framework accenting the goals of social jus- incredible power of these new technologies, tice and multiracial democracy. shouldn’t we be asking how we can best co- In addition, more sociologists should be exist with them? . . . [S]houldn’t we proceed doing research on, and showing the public with caution?” (n.p.). the social consequences of, the likely tech- Reviewing policy options, Joy (2000) sug- nological advances in biomedicine, artificial gests the almost unthinkable solution of hu- intelligence, genetics, and telecommunica- mans giving up entirely the development of tions. A central aspect of human societies is this robotic technology because of its likely the ability to collect, amass, and analyze in- negative consequences for human societies. formation. Today new developments in in- Physical scientists like Joy are questioning formation generation, storage, and applica- the modern faith in the benign character of tion are emerging at an explosive rate. For new technologies. They are asking tough instance, technological optimists predict that questions about the failure of physical and over the next few decades the biomedical social scientists, policymakers, and ordinary revolution will greatly extend the human life citizens to be centrally concerned with the span and augment our mental and physical social consequences of technologies. Criti- capacities dramatically. What are the social cal assessments of possible or probable so- consequences of such striking biomedical cial futures for technologically “advanced” developments for the world’s many peoples? civilizations are natural research and analyti- A leading medical expert on immunology, cal tasks for contemporary sociologists. Jerome Groopman (1999), has speculated on the inequalities likely to emerge: CONCLUSION I don’t see the wealthy western nations ral- lying to make major inroads into the devel- In an 1843 letter, the young Karl Marx sug- oping world, where infant mortality is still gested that critical social analysis should lay high and life expectancy is much lower. Will bare the hidden societal realities. The goal you have this very lopsided set of popula- must be the “reform of consciousness not tions, where people in America and Western through dogmas but by analyzing mystical Europe are playing tennis and taking Viagra consciousness obscure to itself, whether . . . at 115, while in Zaire people are still dying in religious or political form” (Marx [1843] at 15 from HIV, malaria, tuberculosis, and 1975:209). Marx added that the task for in- Ebola? (1999:n.p.) volved social scientists, as for other citizens Moreover, in a provocative article, “Why of the world, was the clarification of the the Future Doesn’t Need Us?” Sun Micro- “struggles and wishes of the age” (p. 209). systems’ co-founder and chief scientist Bill For many millennia human beings have Joy (2000) has warned of a major techno- been tool-makers, yet in just a few decades logical threat to human beings—the new we have created economies and technolo- technologies of robots and other human-en- gies—such as polluting industries, fossil- gineered organisms. In Joy’s informed pre- fuel consuming engines, and nuclear weap- diction, uncontrolled self-replication by ro- ons—that may well threaten the survival of bots with artificial intelligence could pose a our species and of our living planet itself. It serious threat to human beings in the com- seems likely that the fate of our planet and ing decades. A number of computer scien- its many species will be decided within the tists have predicted that by the 2030s com- next few generations by just one of its spe- puters will be ever more human, “con- cies. As moral beings, we need to ask insis- scious,” and intelligent (Kurzweil 1999). tently: What would alternatives to our self- They predict that computers will have ca- destructive societies look like? And how do pacities a million times greater in the future we get there? SOCIAL JUSTICE AND SOCIOLOGY 17

Much of humanity might agree on a new tors, and the character of the discrimination global social system that reduces injustice, faced by women in U.S. society. His recent and is democratically accountable to all people, forthcoming books include Racist America: offers a decent standard of living for all, and Roots, Current Realities, and Future Reparations operates in a sustainable relation to earth’s (Routledge 2001); White Racism: The Basics (with Hernán Vera and Pinar Batur, 2d ed., other living systems (e.g., see Korten 1999; Routledge 2001); and The First R: How Children Sahtouris 1996). Determining whether this is Learn Race and Racism (with Debra Van the case and how such a just global society Ausdale, Rowman and Littlefield 2001), and Lib- might be developed are enormous questions eration Sociology (with Hernán Vera, Westview, that sociologists—and other citizens of the forthcoming). world—should be tackling.2 In a pioneering book, The Image of the Future (1973), Fred Polak argued that we need a new generation REFERENCES of visionaries who can think clearly and Addams, Jane. 1902. Democracy and Social Eth- deeply about sustainable social futures: ics. New York: Macmillan. Social scientist, intellectual, artist, leader, Agger, Ben. 1989. Reading Science: A Literary, middleman of any breed, and the Common Political, and Sociological Analysis. Dix Hills, Man (and Woman) to whom, after all, this NY: General Hall. century belongs—each must ask himself [or Baca Zinn, Maxine and Bonnie Thornton Dill, herself], what is my vision of the future? eds. 1994. Women of Color in U.S. Society. And what am I going to do about it? (P. 305) Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. Bannister, Roger C. 1992. “Principle, Politics, Profession: American Sociologists and Fas- While social science analysis can help us cism.” Pp. 172–213 in Sociology Responds to to understand our ailing societal dreams and Fascism, edited by S. P. Turner and D. Kasler. decide what dreams to accept or reject, such London, England: Routledge. analysis is beneficial only if it frees us to Bell, Michael M. 1998. An Invitation to Environ- decide on a better future. Let me conclude mental Sociology. Thousand Oaks: Pine Forge. by closely paraphrasing Polak (1973:305): Bell, Wendell. 1998. “Making People Respon- Human beings have the ability to dream bet- sible: The Possible, the Probable, and the Pref- ter futures than we have yet succeeded in erable.” American Behavioral Scientist 42: 323–39. dreaming. We have the ability to create Black, Timothy. 1999. “Going Public: How So- much better societies than we have yet suc- ciology Might Matter Again.” Sociological In- ceeded in creating. quiry 69:257–75. Block, Fred. 1990. Postindustrial Possibilities: A Joe R. Feagin is Professor of Sociology at the Critique of Economic Discourse. Berkeley, University of Florida. His research interests con- CA: University of Press. cern the development and structure of institution- Bressler, Marvin. 1999. “Contemporary Sociol- alized discrimination, oppression, and exploita- ogy: A Quarter Century of Book Reviews.” tion in contemporary societies, as well as related Sociological Forum 14:707–20. resistance struggles and movements. He is cur- Bryant, Christopher G. A. 1985. in rently working on research examining the racial Social Theory and Research. New York: St. views of white elites, the individual and social Martin’s. costs of racism, racial barriers in business sec- Burawoy, Michael. 1998. “Critical Sociology: A Dialogue between Two Sciences.” Contempo- rary Sociology 27:12–20. 2 For example, visualizing the path to a better Business Week. 1999. “Economic Growth: Hey, future for the world’s poor is not difficult. The What About Us?” Business Week, December 1997 Human Development Report of the United 27. Retrieved December 22, 1999 (http:// Nations indicated that for about 15 percent of the www.businessweek.com). U.S. defense budget, or about $40 billion a year, Cancian, Francesca M. 1995. “Truth and Good- the basic needs for health, nutrition, education, ness: Does the Sociology of Inequality Pro- reproductive health, safe water, and sanitation mote Social Betterment.” Sociological Per- could be met for the entire population of the spectives 38:339–56. planet. Another $40 billion would be enough to Collins, Chuck, Chris Hartman, and Holly Sklar. bring the poorest residents of the planet out of 1999. Divided Decade: Economic Disparity at extreme poverty (Williamson 2000). the Century’s Turn. Boston, MA: United for a 18 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

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Past Presidents of the American Sociological Association

Lester F. Ward Edward B. Reuter Hubert M. Blalock Jr. William G. Sumner Ernest W. Burgess Robert K. Merton Peter H. Rossi Franklin H. Giddings F. Stuart Chapin Robin M. Williams Jr. Albion W. Small Henry P. Fairchild Edward A. Ross Howard Becker Alice S. Rossi Robert E. L. Faris George E. Vincent Frank H. Hankins James F. Short Jr. Edwin H. Sutherland Paul F. Lazarsfeld George E. Howard Everett C. Hughes Kai T. Erikson Charles H. Cooley Robert M. MacIver Stuart A. Queen George C. Homans Frank W. Blackmar Melvin L. Kohn James Q. Dealey Wilbert E. Moore Herbert J. Gans George A. Lundberg Edward C. Hayes Charles P. Loomis Rupert B. Vance James P. Lichtenberg Philip M. Hauser Ulysses G. Weatherly Arnold M. Rose Carl C. Taylor Charles A. Ellwood Ralph H. Turner James S. Coleman Robert E. Park E. Franklin Frazier John L. Gillin William H. Sewell William A. Gamson Talcott Parsons William J. Goode William I. Thomas Leonard S. Cottrell Jr. John M. Gillette Robert C. Angell Peter M. Blau Maureen Hallinan William F. Ogburn Lewis A. Coser Neil J. Smelser Howard W. Odum Samuel A. Stouffer Alfred McClung Lee Emory S. Bogardus J. Milton Yinger Luther L. Bernard Donald Young Amos H. Hawley Joe R. Feagin RADIO AND SOUTHERN TEXTILE WORKER INSURGENCY 21 Media and Mobilization: The Case of Radio and Southern Textile Worker Insurgency, 1929 to 1934

Vincent J. Roscigno William F. Danaher The Ohio State University College of Charleston

Collective action rests, in part, on group identity and political opportunity. Just how group identity is manifested and perceptions of political opportunity are altered, however, remain unclear, particularly in the case of a geographically dispersed population. An often overlooked mechanism is media technology. This article ana- lyzes an important yet underexamined instance of worker mobilization in the United States: the southern textile strike campaigns of 1929 to 1934 during which more than 400,000 workers walked off their jobs. Using historical data on textile manu- facturing concentration and strike activity, FCC data on radio station foundings, and analyses of political content and song lyrics, the authors show that the geo- graphic proximity of radio stations to the “textile belt” and the messages aired shaped workers’ sense of collective experience and political opportunity: Walk-outs and strike spillover across mill towns resulted. The implications of the analyses for theory generally, and for the understanding of how media can enable or constrain collective struggle, are discussed.

etween 1929 and 1934, the U.S. sponsored violence (Griffith 1988; Hall et al. BSouth experienced a truly remarkable 1987; McLaurin 1971). moment in labor history. Estimates suggest A pivotal moment in U.S. labor history, that approximately half a million southern the movement’s eventual defeat has had con- textile mill workers walked off the job dur- sequences for labor practices, organizing ef- ing this period, culminating in the General forts, economic development, and persistent Textile Workers Strike of 1934. Interest- poverty and inequality in the U.S. South up ingly, this mobilization occurred with little to the current day (Roscigno and Kimble organization by labor unions and in the face 1995). Yet, little sociological attention has of coercive paternalistic practices and state- been devoted to this instance of southern worker unrest. Indeed, much of the research Direct all correspondence to Vincent Ros- on worker insurgency overlooks the South or cigno, 300 Bricker Hall, 190 N. Oval Mall, The treats it as a union-resistant region (Corn- Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio, 43210 field and Leners 1989). How is it that nearly ([email protected]). A version of this paper was presented at the meetings of the American Richard Schraeder, Director of the University of Sociological Association, Washington, D.C., Au- North Carolina’s Southern Folk Life gust 2000. The authors thank Jack Bloom, Collection, and numerous archivists at the Fed- Martha Crowley, Rick Della Fave, Cathy Evans, eral Communications Commission, the Univer- Randy Hodson, Craig Jenkins, Elizabeth Kamin- sity of South Carolina, and the Walter P. Reuther ski, Jeffrey Leiter, Susan Roscigno, David Snow, Library at for their help Verta Taylor, Donald Tomaskovic-Devey, Marieke during the data collection phase. This research VanWilligen, Al Wall, Karen Weissman, and the was supported by grants from the College of So- ASR Editors and anonymous reviewers for their cial and Behavioral Sciences at the Ohio State helpful comments on early drafts. We also thank University and the College of Charleston. American Sociological Review, 2001, Vol. 66 (February:21–48) 21 22 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW half a million workers, most of whom were religious services to workers. These com- geographically isolated in rural mill towns, pany programs failed, however, to offset low collectively mobilized in the face of local wages and instead came to be seen as an im- elite repression? Were collective identity and portant mechanism of labor control and co- political opportunity—prerequisites to col- ercion (Leiter, Schulman, and Zingraff lective action according to social movement 1991). Exorbitant interest rates were charged theorists—achieved and, if so, through what at mill stores, ministers and doctors were on mechanism? What networking resource was the company payroll, and workers who were at the disposal of workers that fostered strike not performing to the company standard or spillover from one mill town to the next? who got out of line risked losing their homes We extend the literature on collective be- (Cornfield and Leners 1989; Griffith 1988; havior and social movements, labor insur- McLaurin 1971; Pope 1942). Given such gency, and class consciousness by address- conditions, worker resistance eventually ing these questions. We first embed our emerged. analysis in the historical specifics, and then Strikes broke out in large numbers in in collective identity (e.g., Melluci 1985; 1929; the main grievances were working Taylor and Whittier 1992) and political op- conditions, wages, and hours. On March 12, portunity (e.g., Jenkins 1985; McAdam 1929, 500 women walked out of the inspec- 1983) frameworks of collective action. We tion department at the American Ganzstoff argue that insights from these literatures can Corporation in Elizabethton, Tennessee. The be effectively integrated by focusing on a following day, 3,000 more workers walked unique and key historical event—the advent out demanding higher pay. Later that week, of radio. 2,000 workers walked out of the neighbor- ing Bemberg plant in Gastonia, North Caro- BACKGROUND: lina making the same demands. Strikes not SOUTHERN TEXTILE WORKER immediately related to those in Gastonia and INSURGENCY, 1929 TO 1934 Elizabethton occurred soon afterward in South Carolina: In late March, 800 workers In 1921, southern cotton-producing states walked out at Ware Shoals Manufacturing produced 54 percent of the nation’s total Company, and 1,250 workers walked out of yardage of woven cotton goods. This yield the New England Southern plant in Pelzer. increased to 67 percent by 1927, partly the Within three weeks, 8,000 workers had result of the relocation of textile manufactur- walked out of 15 plants in the Piedmont area ing operations from the North to the South. of South Carolina. Strikes followed shortly This regional shift occurred because cheap thereafter in the North Carolina towns of labor was abundant in the South and union Pineville, Forest City, Lexington, Bessemer activity was virtually nonexistent: Southern City, Draper, and Charlotte (Hall et al. 1987; Chambers of Commerce focused on these Yellen 1936). facts when enticing northern mill owners to Local newspapers tended to be connected move south. Indeed, wages in southern mills to traditional economic interests, such as were approximately one-third of those in the textiles, and thus took a vehement and ag- North, even after controlling for the cost of gressive stance against this early wave of living. In addition, southern mill workers worker . Indeed, mill owners and lo- worked longer hours (Yellen 1936). cal newspapers often worked hand in hand Workers typically lived in villages under to sway public opinion away from strikers the control of mill owners. Whole families by appealing to anti-Communist sentiments, labored together for the sake of subsistence, despite the fact that few workers had such yet housing, food, and medical care re- affiliations. Most, in fact, were simply pro- mained substandard in many instances (Gell- testing unfair conditions rather than defend- horn 1933; Hall et al. 1987). Some mill own- ing or fighting for a broader ideological ers, employing paternalistic policies to sta- stance (Salmond 1995). Perhaps most well- bilize their workforces, offered company- known in this regard were the editorials pub- sponsored social programs, housing, medi- lished in the Gastonia Daily Gazette entitled cal services, credit at the company store, and “A Deep Laid Scheme” and “Red RADIO AND SOUTHERN TEXTILE WORKER INSURGENCY 23

Russianism Lifts its Gory Hands Right Here Roosevelt and the head of the NRA, Hugh in Gastonia,” both of which were published S. Johnson, were opposed to strikes as a during the infamous Loray Mill Strike of means of solving disputes between workers 1929. Such editorials and the red-scare and mill owners. Instead, they favored con- rhetoric they espoused, which continued trolling work hours and child labor in an ef- through the mid-1930s, created public fort to limit production, drive up profits for toward strikers, caused workers to question mill owners, and improve economic condi- their own national and religious loyalties, tions for workers through the “trickle-down” and had long-term consequences for south- of profits (Hall et al. 1987; Hodges 1986). ern attitudes toward organized labor (Bill- Prices, sales, and employment increased to ings 1990; Nolan and Jones 1976; Salmond the highest level in five years by late sum- 1995; Simon 1998).1 Yet poor conditions mer, 1933, but by fall this prosperity soured. persisted into the 1930s, and strikes again The Depression reached its worst period in emerged. the winter of 1933–1934, and mill owners, By June of 1933, newly elected President while seemingly supportive of the coopera- Franklin Delano Roosevelt signed a bill in- tive message in Section 7a, began to practice tended to alleviate the plight of overworked old strategies of oppression or in some cases millhands—the National Industrial Recov- instituted new ones. The “stretch-out,” for ery Act (NIRA). This bill seemingly gave instance, was used to circumvent laws limit- mill workers the right to push for decent ing working hours. This was the workers’ hours and working conditions through col- term for the cumulative changes that “set lective bargaining. Section 7a of the Textile them tending machines ‘by the acre,’ filled Code called for a minimum wage, a 40-hour every pore in the working day, and robbed work week, and prohibited child labor. This them of control over the pace and method of effort was part of the newly formed National production” (Hall et al. 1987: 211). Spinners, Recovery Administration (NRA). Both mostly women, were often stretched from 24 to 48 looms, and then from 48 to 96, “with- 1 Other print communications, such as pam- out a commensurate increase in pay, often phlets, labor-oriented newspapers, and under- with no increase whatsoever, or even an ac- ground newspapers did little to foster these tual decrease” (Yellen 1936:299).2 Thus, strikes. In a few cases, National Textile Workers workers found themselves working as much Union (NTWU) pamphlets were distributed, but only after the strike had already begun; and they in the new eight-hour shift as they had in reduced strike support among workers because of shifts lasting two to four hours longer. Fur- their emphasis on promoting racial and gender ther, by enabling industry to curtail produc- equality in wages. Similarly, certain strikes, such tion when mills were producing sufficient as those in Gastonia in 1929, received coverage product through “short time,” the NIRA Tex- in the Communist Daily Worker, despite little if tile Code inadvertently led to a surplus of any striker affiliation with the Communist Party. goods and higher rates of unemployment This coverage, rather than fostering greater (Tullos 1989). In short, mill owners saw the movement cohesion or participation, was used by laws enacted under the NIRA as bothersome local papers to criticize strikers and had the ef- fect of reducing support (Salmond 1995). One but easy to manipulate (Wood 1986). exception to this generally negative impact of Unions in the coal mining industry jumped print media was the Augusta Labor Review, a at the chance to take advantage of the NIRA. small pro-labor paper in the somewhat isolated Yet, in the textile industry, the United Tex- Horse Creek Valley of South Carolina. This tile Workers (UTW) did not institute a newspaper seems to have had a positive impact unionization drive (Tippett 1931). Indeed, it on strikes in that area, perhaps because its founder and editor, Paul W. Fuller, a Methodist Episcopal minister, integrated Christian and pa- 2 A 1929 South Carolina House of Representa- triotic discourse and symbolism into the presen- tives committee found that in one South Carolina tation of worker grievances. Thus, the news- mill, a force of five men, each paid $23 per week, paper’s message and related worker actions were was reduced to three men at $20.23 per week; at less easily interpreted or attacked as being Com- another mill, a weaver who had operated 24 munist-oriented by the local power structure looms at $18.91 per week was stretched to 100 (Simon 1998). looms for $24 a week (Yellen 1936). 24 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW had fewer than 10 paid organizers in the even in the face of harsh countermobil- South at that time and represented only a ization. These researchers also argue that al- small fraction of the entire mill work force ternative belief structures provide movement (Hodges 1986). According to historical ac- participants with a structure of nonmaterial counts, this was mostly due to a lack of or- rewards, not necessarily tied to movement ganizational resources and a vast, hard-to- success (Epstein 1990; J. Gamson 1995; W. cover rural area. Nonetheless, southern mill Gamson 1992a; Melucci 1985; Taylor and workers walked off their jobs, formed local Whittier 1992). An alternative belief struc- unions, and organized against unfair labor ture and collective identity have been impor- practices. According to Hall et. al (1987): tant in a variety of struggles, including those promoting racial justice (Morris 1984; Nagel [The UTW] launched no Piedmont organiz- 1994; Stotik, Shriver, and Cable 1994), ing campaign. Agents did not throng to the southern field. Yet within less than a month women’s rights (Mathews 1982; Meyer and after passage of the act, union locals had re- Whittier 1994; Taylor and Whittier 1992), portedly sprung to life in 75 percent of and class-based politics (Fantasia 1988; South Carolina’s mills. From an estimated Hodson, Ziegler, and Bump 1987). Fantasia 40,000 in September 1933, UTW Member- (1988) makes this focus explicit in relation ship leaped to 279,000 by August 1934. To to working- class politics and highlights the the shock of labor leaders, government offi- importance of “cultures of solidarity,” defin- cials, and businessmen alike, southern work- ing them as “cultural formations that arise in ers began “organizing just as fast as we conflict, creating and sustaining solidarity in can.” (P. 304) opposition to the dominant structure” (p. 19). Strike activity intensified throughout the Discussions of collective identity resonate South in 1934. On February 12, 1934, a with classical and contemporary theoretical strike broke out at K. S. Tanners Stonecutter ideas pertaining to “class consciousness” Mills in Spindale, North Carolina. Five and when it may emerge. Indeed, “the most months later, on July 14, a strike occurred in important blank spots in the theory of class Guntersville, Alabama, and wildcat strikes concern the processes whereby ‘economic soon rolled across that state involving classes’ become ‘social classes’” (Giddens 20,000 workers. On Labor Day, many work- 1982:157). Mann (1973) conceives of class ers in North Carolina and South Carolina, consciousness as a complex process, occur- states that did not observe the holiday, re- ring in stages, that is often curbed by domi- fused to come to work. Newspapers reported nant , class ambiguities, conces- 400,000 workers on strike by September sions by elites, or outright defeat. Mann’s 14—the largest strike in American history. stages include (1) class identity, whereby What prompted workers across dispersed one defines oneself as ; (2) mill villages to strike despite the lack of class opposition, whereby one perceives clear-cut union support or organization? capitalists and their agents as opponents; (3) class totality, whereby class identity and op- COLLECTIVE IDENTITY AND position define the total of one’s social situ- POLITICAL OPPORTUNITY ation and society as a whole; and (4) con- FRAMEWORKS ceiving of an alternative. During this final stage, Mann continues, an “explosive poten- Collective identity and political opportunity tial” may emerge and create either a “con- perspectives offer a starting point for ex- flict consciousness,” which aims to alleviate plaining how collective behavior was mani- the immediate problem, or a more “revolu- fested in the case of southern textiles. While tionary consciousness,” wherein the needed both perspectives deal with the development change involves overall systemic reorgani- of collective action and the preconditions for zation (also see Giddens 1982).3 Given the insurgency, their foci differ. Collective identity theorists emphasize 3 Many factors can influence the progression ideological, normative, and cultural pro- of class consciousness through the stages de- cesses that induce individual participation in scribed by Mann (1973), including mobility clo- collective action and ensure social solidarity, sure, the division of labor within economic en- RADIO AND SOUTHERN TEXTILE WORKER INSURGENCY 25 correct progression, the delegitimization of For collective identity theorists then, the existing , and the existence of an al- central task is to explain how interpretation ternative interpretational frame, class con- is altered, collective identity manifested, sciousness will emerge (Della Fave 1980, and solidarity maintained. For political op- 1986; Oliver and Johnston 1999). portunity theorists, the focus is on the de- In contrast to identity theorists and those gree of elite unity, elite countermobil- dealing explicitly with class consciousness, ization, and the extent to which these di- political opportunity theorists focus on the mensions of political opportunity enable or political context in which groups are embed- constrain the collective expression of griev- ded and the shifting levels of opportunity ances in a given historical context. Each that emerge across time and place. The like- perspective, however, has problems when lihood of mobilization and the degree of le- applied to Southern textile worker mobili- verage exerted by insurgents, it is argued, zation. How would collective identity will be heightened in situations in which theory explain the manifestation of solidar- elites are divided in their defense of the ex- ity across this geographically dispersed tex- isting order (Gamson and Meyer 1992; Jen- tile mill population? What was the mecha- kins 1985; Jenkins and Perrow 1977; nism through which structural political op- McAdam 1982; Pichardo 1995; Tilly 1976). portunity, if it existed, translated into and When elites are coordinated, in contrast, the shaped political perceptions and the degree reproduction of dominant relations is more of efficacy among mill workers? We believe likely, as is countermobilization against that media technology offers a bridge be- those engaging in insurgent action (Lach- tween these two perspectives. mann 1990; Tomaskovic-Devey and Ros- cigno 1996). McAdam (1983) emphasizes MEDIA AND MOBILIZATION such countermobilization in his analysis of elite response to tactics implemented by How were mill worker identity and sense of civil rights activists during the 1960s. Bar- political opportunity manifested in the 1920s kan (1984) and James (1988) highlight the and 1930s despite the geographically dis- role of other actors in the civil rights strug- persed nature of mill towns? This question gle—namely the southern racial state, which is integral to those interested in the diffusion constrained movement participants, and the of collective action (Oliver 1989; Olzak federal government, which eventually inter- 1992; Rogers 1995; Soule 1997; Soule and vened on behalf of participants. Zylan 1997). Such spatial “spillover” re- Griffin, Wallace, and Rubin (1986) and quires some form of network structure Montgomery (1987) stress themes of elite through which information is communicated response to labor organization in their analy- and shared (Fantasia 1988; Morris 1984; ses of capitalist countermobilization during Oberschall 1989). Assuming nonparticipants the 1930s and 1940s. Coercion and control have the same structural relation to the net- through paternalism proved effective as a work as social movement participants, non- preventive strategy (Leiter et al. 1991; Mc- participants become potential adopters Laurin 1971). More obvious were efforts of (Myers 1998; Strang and Meyer 1993). capital to divide workers racially, to curtail While information networks may include working-class mobilization with subversive family, friendship, or transportation ties, the activities and violence, and to control labor media may be particularly important for in- organization and labor practices through ma- formation flow across geographically dis- nipulation of the state and state policy (see persed populations (W. Gamson 1995; C. Brown and Boswell 1995; Brueggeman Kahan 1999; Oberschall 1989; Spilerman and Boswell 1998; Kimeldorf 1999; 1970). Myers (1998, 2000), in his analyses Roscigno and Kimble 1995; Wood 1986). of racial rioting, 1964–1971, characterizes this potential influence as a concentric area terprises, authority relationships, patterns of re- around the network origin defined by the source , geographic dispersion, and range of the medium’s distribution, rather patterns of institutional power (see Blau 1977; than as lines connecting individuals. This is Dahrendorf 1959; Giddens 1982; Parkin 1979). an important theoretical extension of previ- 26 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW ous perspectives because it offers a potential Media can also be instrumental by alter- mechanism through which group conscious- ing workers’ sense of collective experience ness and perceptions of opportunity may be and solidarity. Historically, one of the most altered across geographic space. obvious means through which group identity To assert the media’s influence requires has been manifested and shared is through specifying the structural and instrumental language generally, and music specifically ways in which it can shape collective action (Eyerman and Jamison 1998). Language and across a dispersed population. On the struc- vocabularies of motive, of which music lyr- tural end, the introduction of new media may ics are no exception, are important facts in provide opportunities not directly associated social action not reducible to individual so- with collective action, but which alter the le- cial psychology. Rather, verbalization, verage and/or of subgroups. This through speech or song, is always conversa- appears to be true in the case of radio station tional and dynamic, often political, and po- foundings in the South, which had the unin- tentially consciousness-altering (Flacks tended consequence of creating a relatively 1999; W. Gamson 1992b; Goffman 1981; autonomous community of musicians, many Lichterman 1999; Mills 1939, 1940). As of whom were ex-mill workers, who traveled such, “the language of situations as given from mill town to mill town and radio sta- must be considered a valuable portion of the tion to radio station. This group alone, we data to be interpreted and related to their suggest, represented an important conduit conditions” (Mills 1940:913). for information flow among mill towns.4 In- Although consistent with classical the- deed, indirect network ties may be as impor- ory’s interest in culture and more recent ef- tant to social movement diffusion as direct forts to develop ’s links (Soule 1997). emphasis on cultural processes (Melucci Media, including the radio, can be more 1985; Taylor and Whittier 1992), it is no- directly influential when it shapes prospec- table that so few analyses systematically tive movement participants’ perceptions of consider music as a component of the col- political opportunity. It is here—in drawing lective action repertoire or as a form of dis- a between political opportunity at course through which collective identity is a structural level and perceived political op- fostered and movement solidarity is portunity among potential insurgents, and achieved. In a study of American left-wing specifying the mechanism(s) through which music, Denisoff (1972) distinguishes be- perceived opportunity may be altered—that tween songs that are rhetorical, highlighting political opportunity theory has been limited discontent, and songs that aimed at recruit- (Kurzman 1996; McAdam 1982; Tarrow ment and solidarity maintenance during ac- 1988). By disseminating information geo- tive, collective protest (also see Flacks 1999; graphically, media can mold the political McLaurin and Peterson 1992). Eyerman and perceptions of a dispersed population Jamison (1998) concur and suggest that the (Kahan 1999). This was the case with radio articulation of identity through music is cen- and its establishment in the U.S. South. For tral to movement formation. Indeed, music the first time in U.S. history, a president not only adds an authentic air to the plea for spoke over this medium to southern workers social action because of its emotional appeal in the format of “fireside chats,” during (Pratt 1990), but it also builds and reinforces which a national political commitment to the identity and group commitment through plight of workers and workers’ right to col- ritual and the act of singing collectively lectively organize was communicated de- (Flacks 1999).5 In the southern case, the folk spite local elite repression (R. Brown 1998; Hall et al. 1987). 5 Drawing from , Flacks (1999) suggests that singing is a form of role playing, requiring one to take the identity ar- 4 This resonates with Gurlach’s (1999) discus- ticulated in the song, at least momentarily. This sion of “traveling evangelists.” By carrying mes- process may be further reinforced by collective sages, spreading ideology, and building personal singing, a symbolic gesture whereby participants relationships across the network, they play a role demonstrate membership in, and commitment to, in social movement links and spatial diffusion. the group. RADIO AND SOUTHERN TEXTILE WORKER INSURGENCY 27 tradition of storytelling through music has a Along with establishing the spatial link long and important history (Malone 1979).6 between mill concentration, radio station Thus, we expect to find that music, and its foundings, and strike activity is the need to dissemination via radio and ex-mill worker specify and analyze how radio was influen- musicians, was an influential part of the so- tial. Here, we rely on historical data pertain- cial movement repertoire for southern textile ing to the impact of politically oriented workers. broadcasts, archival and interview data on ex-mill worker musicians during the period DATA in question, and on content analyses of mu- sic lyrics. Political data are drawn from his- We draw our data from a number of sources. torical accounts and the archives of the New Data on radio station foundings in the South Deal Network Library and Franklin D. prior to 1935 were gathered from the ar- Roosevelt Library. We gathered information chives of the Federal Communication Com- on musicians and songs dealing with south- mission (FCC). These records provide the ern textile mills, textile mill town life, and day, month, and year of each radio station textile worker insurgency from 1929 to 1934 founding, along with the radio station name, from the Archie Green Papers of the South- ownership, and the city in which it operated. ern Folk Life Collection at the University of Coupling FCC data with data on textile mill North Carolina Archives and a variety of concentration, derived from Clark’s Direc- other sources.8 The resulting collection of 35 tory of Southern Textile Mills (1929) and songs represents the most comprehensive Davidson’s Textile Blue Book (1935), and compilation of Southern textile songs of data on strike activity drawn from various which we are aware.9 sources,7 allows us to address the most im- portant empirical question—was radio spa- ANALYTIC STRATEGY tially proximate enough to textile mills to AND RESULTS have played a part in the insurgency that oc- curred? This data is supplemented with his- We first examine radio station foundings in torical evidence on radio ownership among the South and the proximity of these stations mill workers. 8 These sources include, but are not limited to, 6 Of course, music has been important for other American Folksongs of Protest (Greenway labor insurgencies in the United States, back to 1953), The People’s Song Book (Hille 1948), the classical industrial ballads by Joe Hill. Un- Folk Songs of North America (Lomax 1960), fortunately, and despite the existence of collec- Hard Hitting Songs for Hard-Hit People (Lomax tions of songs of insurgency across a variety of et al. 1967), American Industrial Ballads (Seeger industries (see Greenway 1956; Hille 1948; 1992), Babies in the Mill (Dixon 1998), and in- Lieberman 1989; Lomax 1960; Lomax, Guthrie, terviews undertaken by the authors. and Seeger 1967), the link between music, social 9 We limited our sample of songs to those ema- processes, and mobilization has, with few excep- nating from the South that were recorded, sung, tions (e.g., McLaurin and Peterson 1992), re- played, or transcribed prior to 1935. Ideally, we ceived little systematic attention among sociolo- would also have radio “play lists” for the time gists. period in question. Unfortunately, given the new- 7 Complete strike data for the U.S. South dur- ness of radio at the time, such records were not ing the early 1930s is difficult to find, as no sys- kept. What we do know, given the historical lit- tematic records for the region were kept. We did, erature and interviews we undertook with surviv- however, compile a relatively extensive list of ing mill musicians and mill workers, is that many strike activity drawing from Hall et al. (1987), of the musicians who wrote and sang mill-related Nolan and Jones (1976), Salmond (1995), Simon songs traveled from radio station to radio station (1998), and Yellen (1936). While our list and the to play, sang some of these songs during live ra- resulting map of strike activity that follow un- dio shows, and spent significant time with those doubtedly capture the general concentration of residing in the mill towns (Malone 1968; Wig- strike events and the largest, most pronounced gins 1987). This suggests that the impact of ra- strikes in the region between 1929 and 1934, we dio on collective identity may have been direct suspect that some small, less visible strikes may through the playing of mill songs, or indirect be missing from our data. through the creation of this autonomous group of 28 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW to textile mills and mill towns where the discontent, we report frequency breakdowns most pronounced strikes of 1929–1934 oc- of the problems workers faced and the inter- curred. Spatial patterns are analyzed by geo- pretation of causes. For songs of protest, we graphical mapping. These visual representa- also use frequency breakdowns but focus on tions show whether radio was a viable mech- the primary intent of the song and the type of anism through which perceptions of politi- elite countermobilization described, if any. cal opportunity could have been altered and We supplement these summary statistics collective identity manifested. Supplemen- throughout with discussion of the musicians tary quantitative analyses of the population and illustrative lyrics. of Southern mill towns (N = 542), whether a strike occurred, and whether there was a ra- Radio Station Foundings, Proximity dio station within the city limits or near to to Textile Mills, and Strike Activity the city, help us further establish the link be- tween radio stations and actual strike events. Radio quickly found its way into the U.S. The analysis then focuses on transmission South in 1922, when on February 3, the first content, directly or indirectly via radio, and license was granted to WGH in Montgom- its implications for perceptions of political ery, Alabama. Within one month, stations opportunity and collective identity. For anal- were founded in Charlotte, Memphis, At- yses of political content, we outline a major lanta, Charleston, Richmond, and Mor- shift in political structure and opportunity ganton. Interest in this new medium was in- during the time period in question—that is, tense, to say the least, as 43 operating li- Roosevelt’s . We then draw from censes were granted to various stations archival sources to describe the role radio across the South by the end of that year. played in communicating this new context to Early ownership patterns in the South mir- southern mill workers, magnifying their per- rored those in the country as a whole, with ceptions of opportunity and offering legiti- heavy reliance on department stores, insur- macy to their experiences and claims of in- ance companies, universities, amateurs, and justice at the hands of mill owners. major electronics manufacturers (e.g., Gen- Consistent with Hodson’s (1999) recom- eral Electric, Westinghouse, etc.) who had mendation for systematically analyzing qual- links to the newly emerging recording indus- itative content data and converting it into try (e.g., RCA/Victor) (Garafalo 1997). Our quantitative and descriptive summary statis- examination of FCC archival records indi- tics, we created a coding scheme for analyz- cates that traditional industries in the South ing music lyrics. Both authors coded each of (e.g., agriculture and textiles) played little or the 35 songs along various dimensions, re- no role, while colleges, music companies, ported in Tables 2, 3, and 4. Inter-coder reli- battery companies, and relatively new indus- ability was approximately 91 percent. In tries, such as automobile and insurance deal- cases of disagreement, we went back to the ers, did. Take, for example, station WBT in original source to rectify the difference. Our Charlotte and station WRBU in Gastonia, analysis of music lyrics employs a dichotomy North Carolina. Although located near tex- similar to Denisoff’s (1972), distinguishing tile mills, mill owners apparently had no in- between songs focusing on discontent and volvement or control in either station. Rather, collective experience (N = 21) and songs WBT was owned by C. C. Coddington, an dealing with protest (N = 14).10 For songs of entrepreneur and Buick dealer, while WRBU was owned by A. J. Kirby Music Company. musicians who drew some of their songs from Two important political issues emerged workers and shared these songs across communi- during the early years of radio. The first had ties. to do with the nature of broadcasts, and de- 10 Music probably serves a different function bates over public versus commercial inter- in each context. Prior to mobilization, music ests. Despite considerable discussion, little shapes collective experience, group-building, and interpretive understanding. Thereafter, the goal is federal intervention occurred until the mid solidarity maintenance and description of poten- to late 1930s, when the Communications Act tial countermobilization in the face of active pro- of 1934 created the FCC. Even then, how- test (Flacks 1999). ever, and oversight lagged behind RADIO AND SOUTHERN TEXTILE WORKER INSURGENCY 29

140 130 120 110 100 90 80 70 60 50

Number of Radio Stations 40 30 20 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 Year

Figure 1. Number of Radio Stations in the Southern States of Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia, 1922 to 1934 Source: FCC Archives. the new, developing technology (Bittner because of increased and mar- 1982; Garafalo 1997). Thus, stations were ket saturation. relatively free to broadcast what they Radio station transmissions in the large wanted. Most stations depended on the pro- Southern cities were not strong enough to gramming of NBC and CBS, while allocat- reach the high textile concentration counties ing between one and three hours a day to of western North Carolina and northwestern programming and live shows that catered to South Carolina, where worker mobilization the specific interests of local populations occurred between 1929 and 1934. Thus, if (Summers 1958). In the South, for instance, radio was central to information flow, and to “depending on the location, one could usu- perceptions of political opportunity and col- ally begin the day or spend the noon hour lective identity for mill workers specifically, listening to a program of hillbilly, Cajun, some stations needed to have been estab- blues, or gospel music” (Malone 1979:71). lished in areas geographically proximate to The other issue had to do with transmis- mill concentration. Map 1 overlays the con- sion range. This concern was addressed by centration of textile mill manufacturing with the Radio Act of 1927, which limited the city-specific radio station foundings prior to power of most stations in order to reduce in- 1935 in an effort to assess whether this was terference among stations sharing the same the case. frequency (Hogan [1930] 1971). Although Map 1 shows a clear “radio belt” cutting initially a problem in the South, given its through the center of the densest textile con- few stations and the inability of broadcasts centration—an area where the most pro- to reach rural populations, this was partially nounced strike activity and the largest strikes remedied by the increase in foundings in the of the late 1920s and mid 1930s occurred late 1920s and into the 1930s. Figure 1 dis- (Map 2). This link between radio station plays the increase in number of stations dur- foundings and strike activity is further con- ing this time period. The increase between firmed in associational analyses. Table 1 1922 and 1930 was significant, and large shows that strikes were significantly more Southern cities like Atlanta, Memphis, and likely to occur in southern mill towns that Nashville boasted as many as five stations. had a radio station. Because transmissions Small stations were also established, and extended beyond the limits of a particular they found a niche in rural towns with re- city (i.e., 25 to 40 miles, on average), we spectable population concentrations (Hall et also examine the impact of having a radio al. 1987). By 1931, foundings tapered off station near the city—that is, not in the city, 30 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW rginia Vi Beach Norfolk ernon Mount V Portsmouth Arlington Richmond Petersburg Wilmington Henderson Raleigh ynchburg Harrisburg L Durham Less than 50,000 Between 50,000 and 200,000 More than 200,000 Monroe Number of Spindles in County Danville Greensboro Roanoke Charleston Winston- Salem Blacksburg Charlotte Orangeburg Columbia Savannah Gastonia Augusta Emory

(1935), and FCC Archives. Spartanburg Greenville Asheville Clemson occoa T Athens ifton T Macon Gainesville Knoxville Decatur Thomasville

Davidson’s Textile Blue Book Atlanta College Park Columbus

(1929), Chattanooga Auburn lladega Gadsden Ta llahoma Tu Montgomery Nashville Coldwater Birmingham Springfield Columbia Spring Hill Lawrenceburg Mobile

Clark’s Directory of Southern Textile Mills Union City

:

Denotes city with at least one radio station founding.

Sources Memphis

Map 1. Textile Manufacturing Communities and Radio Station Foundings in the U.S. South Prior to 1935 RADIO AND SOUTHERN TEXTILE WORKER INSURGENCY 31 Henderson Durham Laurinburg Danville Rockingham Burlington Draper Concord Greensboro Kannapolis High Point Charlotte Pineville Lexington Columbia Rock Hill Belmont Chester Gastonia ork Y Whitmire Bessemer City Aiken Union Gaffney Shelby Granite Falls averly W Bath are Shoals oodruff Cowpens Greenwood Elizabethton Marion W W Spindale Honea Path Pelzer Arcadia Piedmont Belton Greer Augusta Forest City Abbeville Greenville Central Johnson City Anderson Calhoun Falls Seneca Porterdale Sargent Newnan Harriman Austell n Columbus Trio Cedartown Anniston Albertville Guntersville Gadsden Huntsville Birmingham Selma Jasper Florence Mobile

: Hall et al. (1987), Nolan and Jones (1976), Sallmond (1995), Simon (1998), and Yellen (1936).

Denotes city where strike occurred.

Sources

Map 2. Textile Mill Strike Activity across the U.S. South, 1929 to 1934 32 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Table 1. Association between Strike lar, others opted for “preaching and talks on Occurrence and the Geographic the government” (elderly man, quoted in Location of Radio Stations Relative to Hampton 1935:61). Southern Mill Towns, 1929 to 1934

Proximity of Radio Strike Occurred Radio and Political Opportunity Station to Town No Yes Media may influence collective action by al- In the Town tering actors’ perceptions of political oppor- No 456 50 tunity. Pratt (1990) notes that the rapid dif- Yes 22 14 fusion of information to more people through media was intensified with the ad- 2 *** χ (d.f. = 1) 27.2 vent of radio. The South was no exception, Near the Towna particularly when it came to political infor- No 263 24 mation. For the first time, southern workers Yes 215 40 felt as if they had a direct line to the presi- dent, as Franklin Roosevelt took to the air- χ2 (d.f. = 1) 7.0** waves and entered their homes. Roosevelt Note: Number of mill towns = 542. used the new medium of radio to move be- yond traditional means of political discourse a Station not located in the town, but in the county or in an adjoining county. and to “reach over and around the networks **p < .01 ***p < .001 (one-tailed tests) of state and local party structures and politi- cal personalities” (Kahan 1999:185). Roose- velt, in fact, created “a new political con- but in the county or in an adjoining county. text” through radio, utilizing its directness This association, albeit weaker, is also sig- and its potential to circumvent local power nificant.11 It is clear, given these patterns, bases. that many southern mill workers lived and With respect to the rights and grievances worked within the concentric rings of radio of workers, Roosevelt used weekly “fireside transmission and that this may have shaped radio chats” to signify his support. The third the insurgency that unfolded. of these broadcasts, which was titled “On the But did workers have access to radios? Purposes and Foundations of the Recovery Radio ownership among mill workers was Program” and aired on July 24, 1933, dealt surprisingly high given their low economic explicitly with the need for industrial reform status. Hampton’s (1935) analysis of leisure- and better working conditions. This left time activities among 122 mill workers workers, including those in the South who across three mill villages during this period traditionally felt isolated from national bases suggests that up to 70 percent had radios in of power, with the impression that they their homes. Furthermore, when asked to could count on “the intervention of the fed- rank 46 leisure-time activities, listening to eral government as a lever against local music on the radio was ranked highest. “The elites and guarantor of workers’ rights” (Hall radio is kept going all the time there ain’t no et al. 1987:292). Roosevelt also urged work- static” (woman, quoted in Hampton 1935: ers to write him—and they did, in unprec- 61). While music programs were most popu- edented numbers (Sussman 1963). Many southerners took part in the write-in 11 We also ran logistic regression models pre- campaign to the president (McElvaine 1983; dicting the likelihood of a strike that included Sussman 1963). Those who felt excluded both radio indicators along with controls for the from the political process, most notably state and textile mill density in the city. These women, now felt empowered to share their findings (available from the authors upon re- grievances, discussed the need and desire to quest) are consistent with the analyses reported. They suggest that a strike was greater than three organize collectively and, through their de- times more likely to occur if the mill town had a tailed letters, encouraged the powerful to radio station, and between one and one-half and consider the mill workers’ plight. Many of two times more likely if there was a radio station these letters also made clear that southern in the county or in an adjoining county. workers believed there would be federal in- RADIO AND SOUTHERN TEXTILE WORKER INSURGENCY 33 tervention (Hall et al. 1987). The following framed in gilt cardboard. The portrait holds letter, sent to the president during the 1934 the place of honour over the mantel; I can strike, describes the consequences of the only compare this to the Italian peasant’s walkout and includes a “personal” appeal to Madonna. And the feeling of these people F.D.R. to get involved. for the president is one of the most remark- able emotional phenomena I have ever met. Dear President Roosevelt, He is at once God and their intimate friend; he knows them all by name, knows their I hope you can spare the time for a few little town and mill, their little lives and words from a cotton mill family, out of work problems. And, though everything else fails, and almost out of heart and in just a short he is there, and will not let them down. while out of a house in which to live. You (Gellhorn 1933) know of course that the realators are putting the people out when they cannot pay the rent promptly. and how are we to pay the rent so Workers also spoke directly with Gellhorn long as the mills refuse us work, merely be- about Roosevelt, sharing their confidence cause we had the nerve to ask or “demand,” that the president was on their side. better working conditions. You heard him talk over the radio, ain’t I realize and appreciate the aid and food you? He’s the only president who ever said which the government is giving to the poor anything about the forgotten man. We know people out of work Thanks to you. he’s going to stand by us. but is it even partly right for us to be thrown out of our homes, when we have no He’s a man of his word and he promised us; chance whatever of paying, so long as the we aren’t worrying as long as we got him. big corporations refuse of work. I for one am The president won’t let these awful condi- very disheartened and disappointed guess tions go on. my notice to move will come next. what are we to do. Wont you try to help The president wanted the Code [NIRA, Sec- us wont you appeal, “for us all,” to the real tion 7a, of the Textile Code]. The president estate people and the factories knows why we struck. hoping you’ll excuse this, but I’ve al- (Gellhorn 1933) ways thought of F.D.R. as my personal friend. The initial local political autonomy of ra- dio also enabled local organizers to gain ac- C.L.F. (Columbus, Ga.) cess to the southern airwaves. At the out- (Henry Morgenthau Jr. Collection 1934, break of the massive strike of 1934, for in- emphasis and punctuation as in original) stance, UTW vice-president Frances Gorman The impact of Roosevelt’s radio transmis- sions on the consciousness of southern tex- . . . took his cue from the rising generation of Millhands. He went on the radio, gaining tile workers was witnessed firsthand in 1933 hours of air time at no expense. He encour- by Martha Gellhorn, a reporter hired by Fed- aged “flying squadrons” of cars and trucks eral Emergency Relief Administration direc- to speed through the countryside—and they tor Harry Hopkins to investigate social and did, closing mills so rapidly that “tabulators economic conditions in the South. In her re- almost lost check.” (Hall et al. 1987:329) port to Hopkins on the conditions in Gaston County, North Carolina, Gellhorn describes Consequently, the airways became an arena poor health conditions along with unfair mill in which political battles over the right of owner practices, while also noting: workers to collectively organize were fought All during this trip I have been thinking to when George Sloan, head of the Cotton Tex- myself about that curious phrase “red men- tile Institute, went on the airwaves to express ace,” and wondering where said menace hid the position of mill owners (Hall et al. 1987). itself. Every house I visited—mill worker or Use of the airwaves by local organizers and unemployed—had a picture of the President. a progressive president intent on addressing These ranged from newspaper clippings (in work-related issues was important for mill destitute homes) to large colored prints, worker perceptions of political opportunity. 34 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Photograph 1. The Dixon Brothers Performing Live on the Radio in Charlotte, North Carolina Source: John Edwards Memorial Collection, Southern Folklife Collection, University of North Carolina Archives.

The initial autonomy of radio stations, North Carolina Ramblers, for instance, were mostly a function of ownership patterns and able to play music full-time after landing a a lack of local elite control, allowed the ex- recording contract in 1925. Poole’s band was pression of grievances by local organizers extremely popular throughout the mill towns and the use of radio as a networking resource. of the Southeast, playing popular tunes and Roosevelt’s “fireside chats” communicated a songs that spoke to the lives of mill work- national political commitment to these work- ers. In fact, the bulk of the music that mill ers along with an explicit recognition of their workers listened to reflected not only mill right to organize. Write-in campaigns by work but the whole existence of mill life southern mill workers showed that they rec- (Hall et al. 1987). ognized a political opening and were listen- The Dixon Brothers, former mill workers, ing. What remained unclear was the degree recorded “Weave Room Blues,” “Weaver’s to which federal intervention on their behalf Life,” “Factory Girl,” and “Hard Times in would actually occur. Here,” while also performing traditional southern folk tunes and mill-related songs Music, Collective Experience, live on the airwaves (Photograph 1). Lesser and Discontent known singers also recorded cotton-mill songs. Frank Welling and John McGee, also Beyond explicitly political broadcasts, radio known as the Martin Brothers, recorded had a direct and indirect impact on the cul- “The Marion Massacre” for Paramount, tural life of mill towns by creating a niche while David McCarn recorded “Cotton Mill for musicians, many of whom were ex-mill Colic” and “Serves Them Fine” for Victor, workers. These musicians knew mill life, the latter song chiding textile workers for and the songs they wrote showed they were leaving their mountain homes for the cotton still wedded to their mill experiences. They mills (Malone 1968; Peterson 1992). also made it a point to visit mill towns when Record sales dropped during the Depres- traveling from radio station to radio station sion, and live broadcasts of music became to perform (Malone 1968; Wiggins 1987). even more important for these musicians. Ex-mill workers, like Charlie Poole and his Sometimes, during live “barn dance” broad- RADIO AND SOUTHERN TEXTILE WORKER INSURGENCY 35

Table 2. Frequency Distribution of Textile Workers’ Concerns as Expressed in Songs about the Textile Worker Experience

Family Well-Being Worker Well-Being Family Children Future and Low Physical Mental Song Title Subsistence Working Children Wages Well-Being Well-Being

The Big Fat Boss and the Worker × Brown Lung Blues ×× Cotton Mill Blues × Cotton Mill Colic ×× Cotton Mill Girl × Cotton Mill Man ×× Factory Girl × Hard Times Cotton Mill Girls × Hard Times in Here × Hard Times in the Mill × Let Them Wear Their ×× Watches Fine Ma and Pa × Mill Mother’s Lament ×× No More Shall I Work in the Factory × Ol’ Man Craft Rich Man/Poor Man × Serves Then Fine × Shirt Factory Blues Weave Room Blues ×× Weaver’s Life × Winnsboro Cotton Mill Blues ×

Total 5 3 2 7 6 2 casts, like J. W. Fincher’s Crazy Waters Museum at the College of Charleston, in Crystals Saturday Night Jamboree broadcast Charleston, South Carolina, remembers on WBT in Charlotte, these musicians and hearing musicians such as Bill and Charlie groups would play together and share mill- Monroe, Bill Carlisle, and others sing songs related songs (Green 1963a; Malone 1968). of interest to mill workers. He also recalls Their sharing of popular tunes and their abil- listening to specific broadcasts in the early ity to travel “paved the way for some of the 1930s as a 10-year-old while visiting his first hillbilly bands to earn their livings per- uncle: forming at a Spartanburg high school audi- torium one night, at a Gastonia mill recre- They listened to a program each day from ation center the next evening, and on a Char- WIS, I think that’s right, in Columbia. Any- way, they listened to a program called the lotte radio station the following morning” Aristocratic Pigs. . . . Fisher Hendley was (Tullos 1989:2). the head pig, I suppose [laughs]. His signa- Woody Dewey, a radio archivist associ- ture song was “Weave Room Blues,” and he ated with the John Rivers Communications played the banjo, and he would play it 36 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

[Weave Room Blues] every once in a while. p. 35) shows these songs (N = 21), catego- He came to Lancaster with the Aristocratic rized by the concerns they address, specifi- Pigs ...of course, we all had to go up and cally family well-being and/or the worker see them at the high school there in Lan- her or himself. This table illustrates the rich- caster. We all enjoyed it. Back then, ya ness of these songs, the multiplicity of con- know, there weren’t no TV. . . ya didn’t know what they looked like and in order to cerns they touch on, and the fact that the is- see them and get a glimpse of what they sues addressed could vary by verse. Recog- looked like, you go out when they played nizing the overlap in themes highlights the those personal appearances. They did that complexity of these songs and their lyrics. two or three times a week all around the Ten of the 21 songs dealing with mill state. (Dewey 1999) work generally relate concerns for family, while fifteen, or seventy-one percent, de- Homer “Pappy” Sherrill, himself a legend- note problems faced by workers. Among ary bluegrass fiddle player who began play- concerns for family well-being, children are ing on Gastonia, North Carolina, radio sta- often mentioned, something that undoubt- tion WSOC in 1929 as a 13-year-old, simi- edly evoked a broader concern and univer- larly recalls hearing the Dixon Brothers play sal appeal among listeners.12 Five of these “Weave Room Blues” and other mill-related deal with family subsistence—the ability to songs over the airwaves: provide for one’s family’s basic needs. This concern is most obvious in some of the lyr- I’ve heard’em play it. They were on WBT ics to a song aptly titled Mill Mother’s [Charlotte] when we were up there. They Lament: were connected to Fisher Hendley. It was in the early thirties. [Starts singing Weave And when we draw our money, Room Blues during interview]. “Eleven cents of cotton, 40 cents of meat, how in the Our grocery bills to pay, world can a poor man eat, I got them lone- Not a cent to spend for clothing, some weave room blues. (Sherrill 1999) Not a cent to lay away. Thus, radio transmission was directly in- fluential for the cultural life of mill towns. And on that very evening More indirectly, radio created a network of Our little son will say: ex-mill workers (i.e., musicians) who trav- “I need some shoes, mother, eled between towns, drawing from and con- tributing to the cultural life and experiences And so does sister May.” of those still working in the mills. The mu- sic and the emergence of radio “put mill- How it grieves the heart of a mother, hands across the region in touch with each You every one must know; other, allowing those who missed the travel- But we can’t buy for our children, ing musicians’ performances to hear and en- joy the same music,” thus fostering a strong Our wages are too low. sense of group identity (Hall et al. 1987: 261). Mill owners, on the other hand, peri- Another song, Cotton Mill Man, reflects the odically saw the emerging music and its con- grieving heart of a mill worker and his fear sciousness-altering potential as a threat. For that his son may also end up working in the example, in Danville, Virginia in 1930, local mill: authorities and mill owners attempted to for- bid workers from singing Dave McCarn’s 12 recently released “Cotton Mill Colic” The following quoted lyrics for Mill Moth- (Rorrer 1982). ers Lament, Let Them Wear Their Watches Fine, Weave Room Blues, Big Fat Boss Man and the Songs pertaining to mill life often em- Worker, and The Marion Strike were obtained ployed a collective sense of experience, us- from Greenway (1953). Lyrics for Cotton Mill ing the words “we,” “us,” and “our,” and Man, Winsboro Cotton Mill Blues, Union Spe- communicated anxieties specific to the ex- cial, Here We Rest, and On a Summer Eve were periences of most mill workers. Table 2 (on gathered from Green (1963b). RADIO AND SOUTHERN TEXTILE WORKER INSURGENCY 37

I watched my woman cry when specified—the work process and/or the neg- ative impact of human agents (i.e., bosses, our baby daughter died. managers, and/or scabs). Given our focus on I couldn’t make her understand the manifestation of collective identity, class why the doctor never came, consciousness, and insurgency through mu- sic, the distinction between cause and effect The lack of money was to blame. is important. If lyrics do not address a cause, I cussed the day that I became a then consciousness relating to where griev- cottonmill man. ances should be aimed will remain unclear. Lord, don’t let my son grow up This interpretational link between cause and effect is indeed crucial if social movement to be a sweaty cottonmill man. discourse and framing processes are to be effective (W. Gamson 1995; Snow and Ben- While these lyrics reflect the collective ford 1992; Taylor and Whittier 1995). It is experiences of mill life and their conse- noteworthy that a cause is specified in more quences for family sustenance and the well- than three-quarters of these songs. Sixteen of being of children, over half of these songs the 21 associate discontent with the work (15) describe the toll mill work takes on the process, while the same number specify a worker her or himself. Seven of these songs human culprit. deal with the low economic return for the Lyrics pointing to the work process fall amount of work put in. In four verses of Let into three principal categories: general work Them Wear Their Watches Fine, this griev- conditions, the length of the work day, and ance is coupled with a discussion of the so- the introduction of scientific . cial status consequences of mill work. Twelve of the 21 songs place the blame for mill worker problems on general work con- We work from week end to week end, ditions, including the speed, cleanliness, and And never miss a day, noise associated with mill work. One verse of Weave Room Blues provides a vivid im- And when that awful pay day comes age of these conditions: We draw our little pay. Slam out, break out, makeouts On pay day night we go back home by the score, And set down in a chair. Cloth all rolled back and The merchant knocks upon our door piled up on the floor. He’s come to get his share. . . . The bats are running into strings, Those fancy folks that dress so fine they’re hanging to your shoes, And spend their money free, I’m simply dying with them They don’t have time for a factory hand weave room blues. That dresses like you and me. Notably, much of the worker complaint is directed specifically at employers and man- As we go walking down the street agers rather than being seen as a conse- All dressed in lint and strings, quence of mill work. Vallas’s (1987) analy- They call us fools and factory trash sis of the labor process and the social and organizational aspects of work suggests that And other low down things. a focus on managers and owners, rather than the labor process generally, has stronger Many of the 21 songs dealing with the ramifications for class consciousness (Bill- general experiences of southern mill work- ings 1990; Della Fave 1980). W. Gamson ers in the 1920s and 1930s also specify the (1995) concurs and suggests that an injus- cause(s) of the problems they face. Table 3 tice frame will be more effective at recruit- shows the coding according to the cause(s) ing and mobilizing if the target is a concrete 38 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Table 3. Frequency Distribution of Causes of Textile Workers’ Concerns as Expressed in Songs about the Textile Worker Experience

Work Process Bosses, Managers, Scabs General Work Length of Scientific Exploitation Managerial Presence Song Title Conditions Work Day Management by Owner Control of Scabs

The Big Fat Boss and the Worker × Brown Lung Blues × Cotton Mill Blues ×× Cotton Mill Colic ×× Cotton Mill Girl ×× Cotton Mill Man ×× Factory Girl ×× Hard Times Cotton Mill Girls × Hard Times in Here ×× Hard Times in the Mill × Let Them Wear Their Watches Fine × Ma and Pa × Mill Mother’s Lament × No More Shall I Work in the Factory ×× Ol’ Man Craft ×× Rich Man/Poor Man × Serves Then Fine × Shirt Factory Blues ×× Weave Room Blues ×× Weaver’s Life × Winnsboro Cotton Mill Blues ××

Total 12 3 1 8 7 1 actor, preferably a person or corporation pre- The boss man sleeps on a big fine bed sented as malicious, selfish, or greedy. The and dreams of his silver and gold. Big Fat Boss and the Worker—a song penned by Ella May Wiggins, a mill worker The workers sleeps in an old straw bed and local organizer who was killed in an and shivers from the cold. ambush during the Gastonia uprisings—con- veys such specificity and resulting polariza- Some of this exploitation, as workers rec- tion by straightforwardly attributing worker ognized, took the form of paternalistic prac- problems to mill owner exploitation. Two tices, as related in the following two verses verses in particular stand out: of Cotton Mill Man:

The boss man hates the workers, The company taught us all the rules the workers hates the boss. on how to work the spinning spools, The boss man rides in a big fine car So the boss’s son could drive a and the workers has to walk. big black sedan. RADIO AND SOUTHERN TEXTILE WORKER INSURGENCY 39

The company owned the houses and the also because it serves as a unifying force company owned the grammar school, during mobilization. As Morris (1984) notes in his analysis of the southern civil rights You’ll never see an educated movement, this is particularly important cottonmill man. when countermobilization is fierce (Denisoff 1972; Flacks 1999). Symbolism, ritual, and They figure you don’t need to learn discourse through music are crucial for anything but how to earn maintaining solidarity among participants The money that you paid upon demand and for shaping the consciousness of nonpar- To the general store they owned or else ticipants so that they become sympathetic to, or are actually recruited into, the movement. they’d take away your home In the case of southern textiles, songs that And give it to some other homeless emerged out of earlier strikes became songs cottonmill man. of unification across mill towns during later strikes (Denisoff 1971; Huber 1998; Malone Managers also are blamed for problems 1979). The Gastonia Strike of 1929 stands experienced by workers. In this verse from out as one of the first labor conflicts in the Winnsboro Cotton Mill Blues, the cause of South to create a repertoire of protest songs worker duress is clearly managerial over- outlining the plight of workers as well as sight and greed: touching on strike issues and elite counter- mobilization strategies. The importance of Old man Sargent sitting at the desk, song during an active protest is evident in The damned old fool won’t give us no rest. Photograph 2. It shows the Four Tobacco Tags (foreground), a popular recording and He’d take the nickels off a dead man’s eyes, radio group during the era, playing and sing- To buy a Coca Cola and a Eskimo pie. ing at a 1934 strike near Austell, Georgia, while striking workers danced in order to Clearly, songs of mill worker experience block the doorways to the Clark Threadmill. and discontent have a general appeal—an Table 4 classifies these 14 textile protest appeal that transcends the specifics of a par- songs by their primary intent. Unlike the ticular mill town and that reverberates with songs of general mill worker experience de- the day-to-day realities of mill life in the scribed previously, these songs are more di- South. Not only do these songs appeal to rect in their goal and thus were easier to collective understanding and concerns relat- code. Most (9) have as their main aim soli- ing to family subsistence, the well-being and darity maintenance and recruitment during a future of children, and specific problems af- strike period. Like the general songs of mill fecting workers, but they also provide a life summarized previously, language is framework through which such concerns are largely inclusive, referring to “we,” “our,” interpreted in a causal fashion. This is cru- and “fellow workers.” Some lyrics, such as cial if the framing aspect of social movement these from Here We Rest, attempt to main- culture is to invoke focused collective action tain solidarity in the face of strike-breaking (W. Gamson 1995; Snow and Benford 1992; by scabs: Snow et al. 1986; Taylor and Whittier 1995). Put simply, songs afforded workers a frame- We are standing on guard work through which the similarity of their Both night and day, plight became increasingly obvious; they also shifted accountability away from the We are doing our best workers and toward the labor process and its To keep scabs away. beneficiaries. We are 1200 strong Songs of Protest And the strike still is on, And the scabs still are standing Music is influential not only in its impact on collective experience and group identity but But they won’t scab for long. 40 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Photograph 2. Musicians Furnish Music to Dancing Strikers Blocking the Entrance of the Clark Threadmill Near Austell, Georgia, 1934 Source: Walter P. Reuther Library, Wayne State University.

Some lyrics appeal to the worker’s broad The sheriff came down there to the factory, sense of commitment to his/her fellow work- And brought all of his men along, ers, as exemplified in this verse from On a Summer Eve: And he says to the mill strikers, “Now boys, you all know this is wrong.” If we love our brothers as we all should do, “But sheriff, we just can’t work for nothing, We’ll join this union help fight it through. For we’ve got a family to feed, We all know the boss don’t care And they’ve got to pay us more money if we live or die, To buy food and clothes that we need. He’d rather see us hang on the You’ve heard of the stretchout system, gallows high. A-goin through the country today, Table 4 also reports the type of counter- They put us on two men’s jobs, mobilization described, if any. Interestingly, And just give us half enough pay. 13 of the 14 songs describe some form of countermobilization, and in more than half You know we helped give you your office, of these, the countermobilization entails co- ercion of employees and employer manipu- And we helped to give you your pay, lation of the legal-political system. Elite And you want us to work for nothing, countermobilization is obvious in the lyrics That’s why we are down here today.” to The Marion Strike. In this well-known song used in subsequent strikes, the per- So one word just brought on another, former provides the listener with a detailed And the bullets they started to flying, account of both corporate influence over the local police and the interactive nature of the And after the battle was over, struggle that occurred: Six men lay on the ground a-dying. RADIO AND SOUTHERN TEXTILE WORKER INSURGENCY 41

Table 4. Frequency Distribution of Characteristics of Textile Workers Protest Songs

Primary Intent Description Hostility Countermobilization Maintenance of Strike toward Employee Incarceration Hiring Song Title of Solidarity Activity Scabs Coercion of Leaders of Scabs All Around the Jailhouse ×× Ballad of the Blue Bell Jail ×× Chief Aderholt ×× Come On You Scabs If You Want to Hear ×× Here We Rest ×× Let Me Sleep In Your Tent Tonight, Beal × The Marion Strike ×× The Marion Massacre ×× On A Summer Eve ×× Roane County Strike at Harriman ×× The Speakers Didn’t Mind ×× Song Ballet by Ella May ×× Up in Old Loray Waiting for a Trial ×× Union Special ××

Total 9 4 1 7 5 1

Note that despite the coercion and legal-po- whether protest participant or not, a justifi- litical manipulation described, these songs cation of the mobilization that was unfold- of protest have an optimistic underpinning ing by specifying corporate abuses of eco- throughout—that positive change will hap- nomic, legal, and political power. The shar- pen, albeit through struggle. The last verse ing of these themes, directly and indirectly of Union Special couples worker optimism via radio, for the first time offered southern with the recognition that powerful forces mill workers sense of unity and solidarity stand in their way: that extended beyond the particulars of their specific mill town. The city officials are against us, And the big men of the town. CONCLUSIONS But they will see in the future The establishment of radio stations in the That their playhouse will come down. South and the high concentration textile manufacturing areas of North Carolina and These illustrative lyrics demonstrate the South Carolina was influential for the wor- complex nature and substance of these pro- ker insurgency that unfolded in the 1920s test songs. They were an important tool in and 1930s. Local organizers used the air- the protest repertoire, appealing to workers’ waves to express grievances and to coordi- sense of commitment and similarity of ex- nate action. Presidential “fireside chats” al- perience, to their own economic well-being tered southern mill workers’ perceptions of and future, and to social justice, broadly de- political opportunity, leading to the belief fined. Thus, these songs offered a valuable that national political power was now on tool with which to recruit and maintain soli- their side and that the federal government darity. Further, they offered the listener, would intervene to counter local elite repres- 42 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW sion. A new collective identity and move- We do not believe that the importance of ment solidarity was formed through music music is limited to textile workers or to one played on the radio and spread by local mu- particular era of worker unrest. In fact, we sicians traveling from mill town to mill found during our data collection a signifi- town. Unfortunately for mill workers, little cant amount of material highlighting the im- federal intervention occurred, and the strike portance of music for a number of historical campaigns were largely defeated through struggles pertaining to class, race, and gen- state-sponsored violence and legal-political der, and across a number of industries and control. Southern businessmen also helped geographic locations. Many movements lobby for, and eventually pushed through, have had a well-developed repertoire of the Taft-Hartley Act, which banned the songs, used before and during collective pro- closed shop, allowed states to instigate test. Women’s workplace issues, for in- “right to work” laws, and resulted in a dras- stance, have received attention in songs per- tic reduction in worker petitions for union taining to the coal mining industry, among elections (Minchin 1997; Roscigno and others, throughout this century. Music is Kimble 1995; Wood 1996). clearly an important part of the African Our explication of radio’s role in this in- American experience, from slave gospels, to stance of mobilization extends on collective blues lyrics, to jazz, to contemporary soci- identity and political opportunity frame- etal critiques embedded in rap music. Song works. Collective identity theory, as we also has been central to other working class have noted, is useful for establishing the movements—including striking longshore- importance of interpretational, identity, and man, lumberers, steel workers, and automo- solidarity processes for subordinate-group bile workers—and for as long as we can tell challenge, in a manner consistent with tra- (e.g., see Greenway 1953; Lomax, Guthrie ditional emphases on class consciousness. and Seeger 1967; Pratt 1990). What is lack- What is often lacking, though, is elabora- ing, despite archival collections and some tion on how media can play a fundamental historical accounts, are systematic analyses part in these processes and, indeed, shape and substantive sociological interpretations the collective experience and feelings of of these lyrics—if and when they are impor- “groupness” across a geographically dis- tant and how they are tied to stratification persed population. Furthermore, little sys- processes and efforts to remedy inequality.13 tematic attention among collective identity Political opportunity theory has specified theorists has been devoted to examining the the importance of leverage and its histori- role of music as an important element of the cally contingent nature. However, an expli- social movement repertoire—a role that not cation of the mechanism(s) through which only provides a basis through which collec- potential movement participants’ percep- tive identity may be realized but also one in tions of opportunity may be altered is often which an interpretational frame of cause lacking. Media, whether in an earlier histori- and effect is offered to the listener. In the cal era or the contemporary day, are impor- case of mill-related music, this conscious- tant in this process (Brown 1998; Calhoun ness-altering potential was evident during 1998; Kahan 1999). It is also the case that the 1920s and 1930s and persisted even into the mid-1960s when, for example, a record- 13 In general, music allows oppositional culture ing of “Cotton Mill Man” was considered to exist, persist, and possibly spread, not only “too provocative” to be played on many ra- during pivotal moments when the political struc- dio stations in southern mill towns ture is ideal but also during relatively calm peri- (Peterson 1992). Following previous work ods with little active or visible protest. Such op- on culture and framing processes (W. positional culture can foster discontent and the Gamson 1995; Snow and Benford 1992; seeds of protest, and may become more explicit and goal-directed at key historical moments Snow et al. 1986; Taylor and Whittier (Denisoff 1972). It is also important to note that 1995), we believe that music and the inter- music can have a conservative influence by re- pretational frame it can provide is funda- signing the listener to his or her plight instead of mental if collective identity is to be trans- encouraging action aimed at changing one’s situ- formed into coordinated collective action. ation (Peterson 1992). RADIO AND SOUTHERN TEXTILE WORKER INSURGENCY 43 structural political opportunity must be dis- view, the melding of these two foci—social entangled from perceptions of opportunity, movement culture and the media—offers re- particularly when the analytic focus is on searchers the most useful set of theoretical movement success and the forces that per- tools for understanding the complex and dy- suade or dissuade social movement partici- namic character of historical, contemporary, pation (Kurzman 1996; McAdam 1982; Tar- and future movement formation across space row 1988). Where there is a disjuncture be- (J. Gamson 1998; W. Gamson 1995; Gamson tween the two, insurgency may result, but and Wolfsfeld 1993; Taylor 1996). will probably be curtailed by countermobil- Our analyses also contribute to the grow- ization. Southern mill workers’ perceptions ing body of research on media, communica- of political opportunity were altered via ra- tion technology, and community (Calhoun dio, creating a belief that F.D.R. was on their 1998; Cerulo and Ruane 1998; Purcell side, that they had (federal) justification for 1997). While much of this work focuses on their actions, and that the federal govern- the contemporary era, specifically on televi- ment would intervene when the pivotal mo- sion and the Internet, many similar themes ment came. Little intervention, however, ac- emerge. Do media and new communication tually occurred. technologies enhance social integration? Do Our focus on media technology helps they produce collective identity? Does such bridge the divide between collective identity collective identity facilitate group action? and political opportunity perspectives by ad- What tends to be overlooked in this litera- dressing the question of how processes rel- ture, however, is the historical context in evant to social movement formation are which new information media unfold and the manifested across space. However, the study consequences for social groups. “We need to of media and social movement dynamics set our discussions of electronic media in a must be supplemented further by theory that bit deeper historical context—not just of explicitly incorporates aspects of both iden- technology but of the spatial organization of tity and opportunity into a single framework power and movements challenging that (Meyer and Staggenborg 1996; Oliver and power” (Calhoun 1998:375). Johnston 1999). One of the most promising While our analyses highlight the power of contemporary lines of work that undertakes radio to transform consciousness and to in- this task is that dealing with social move- stigate challenges to existing structures of ment culture. inequality, we also acknowledge radio’s Social movement culture, rather than an limitations. Our analyses reveal lessons that ambiguous construct, is an influential and may be applicable to understanding the po- clearly defined component of the social tential influence of television or the Internet movement dynamic comprising normative on collective action. These newer technolo- guidelines and practices that create and re- gies enhance collective experience through inforce (1) a sense of group identity, (2) an the maintenance of dispersed networks, the alternative interpretational frame of cause encouragement of “socio-spatial” enclaves, and effect, and (3) a sense of political effi- and the facilitation of group activities (Cal- cacy (W. Gamson 1995; Taylor and Whittier houn 1998; Cerulo and Ruane 1998). Like 1995). Such a conceptual frame is well- radio, however, the influence of newer me- suited for analyzing the influential nature of dia and communication technologies on music in the social movement repertoire, and these social processes may vary, depending we suspect that extending the focus to other on the level of political autonomy and the forms of creative, linguistic, and/or perfor- degree to which the information transmitted mance expression conducive to conscious- appeals to the unique experiences of indi- ness-raising, group-building, and solidarity viduals and specific social groups (W. Gam- maintenance, would be worthwhile.14 In our son et al. 1992). In the case of radio, the autonomy of local 14 Like Pattillo-McCoy (1998), who analyzes stations was curbed by the FCC in the mid- church culture and action in the black commu- nity, we find Swidler’s (1986) discussion of “cul- be a useful way of conceiving of the cultural rep- ture as a tool kit” from which actors can draw to ertoire available to social movement participants. 44 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW to late 1930s when small owners and univer- Vincent J. Roscigno is Assistant Professor of sities, advocating radio in the “public inter- Sociology at the Ohio State University. In addi- est” and greater flexibility in what was aired, tion to his research in collective behavior and la- lost out to “commercial interests.” More bor insurgency, he has written on contemporary stringent guidelines for broadcasts that could labor organization and its historical context, race and class stratification in the U.S. South, be interpreted as “political” or “propaganda” labor market opportunity and adolescent well- were put in place, and radio operators who being, and and its repro- violated the new policies risked losing their duction. Some of this work has been published operating licenses (Federal Radio Commis- recently in the American Sociological Review, sion 1929; McChesney 1993). The success Social Problems, Social Forces, and Sociology of of the recording industry and its links to the Education. With William Danaher, he is extend- big corporate broadcast networks also na- ing his research on southern mill workers by de- tionalized music played over the airwaves, lineating the impact of speeches by Franklin leaving little room or market for music deal- Delano Roosevelt on the consciousness of mill workers, and is also undertaking case studies of ing with worker grievances and the concerns several mill towns to further specify the pro- of local populations (Cantril and Allport cesses outlined in this article. [1935] 1971; Malone 1979). Thus, while the decline in local radio station autonomy and William F. Danaher is Assistant Professor of So- transmission specificity was in part a func- ciology at the College of Charleston. He has pub- tion of institutional bureaucratic tendencies, lished recently on group identity, stratification, it was also a political process—one whose and music. Aside from these interests, he has also published work on poverty and migration. He is trajectory leaned toward, although was not currently working with Vincent Roscigno on a completely determined by, corporate-politi- book manuscript that focuses on group identity, cal hegemony. music, and networks in the forging of mobiliza- These issues of limited autonomy and an tion efforts among southern textile workers. He overly-generalized appeal apply most is also investigating race and gender inequality straightforwardly to television, suggesting a discourse in relation to blues and rap music. limited impact on collective experience and collective action.15 However, the internet is REFERENCES a medium of multidirectional information flow—and it exists in a multinational con- Barkan, Steven E. 1984. “Legal Control of the text. Thus, it affords its users freedom from Southern .” American political controls and specificity of group in- Sociological Review 49:552–65. 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Holly J. McCammon Karen E. Campbell Vanderbilt University Vanderbilt University

Ellen M. Granberg Christine Mowery Vanderbilt University Vanderbilt University

State women’s suffrage movements are investigated to illuminate the circumstances in which social movements bring about political change. In 29 states, suffragists were able to win significant voting rights prior to passage of the Nineteenth Amend- ment. In addition to resource mobilization, cultural framing, and political opportu- nity structures, the authors theorize that gendered opportunities also fostered the successes of the movements. An event history analysis provides evidence that gen- dered opportunity structures helped to bring about the political successes of the suffragists. Results suggest the need for a broader understanding of opportunity structure than one rooted simply in formal political opportunities.

n 1869 Wyoming became the first state (Larson 1965), but in New York, which I(then a territory) to grant women suffrage. passed full suffrage in 1917, by the 1910s, a By 1920, when the Nineteenth Amendment quarter of a million suffragists participated was ratified, 15 states had granted women in various state suffrage organizations full suffrage, 2 southern states had given (McDonald 1987:150). women the right to vote in primary elections, We examine the circumstances that led and 13 states had awarded women the right states to adopt full, primary, or presidential to vote for president. During these years, suffrage prior to ratification of the Nine- suffragists in all states mobilized in the teenth Amendment. To do this, we investi- struggle for voting rights. In Wyoming a gate the U.S. state suffrage movements and handful of women were active in 1869 the contexts in which they mobilized. With few exceptions (Gamson 1975), sociologists Direct all correspondence to Holly McCammon, only recently have begun to consider why Department of Sociology, Vanderbilt University, some movements succeed and others fail in Nashville, TN 37235 (mccammhj@ctrvax. their attempts to bring about social change vanderbilt.edu). We thank Paul Burstein, Glenn (Guigni 1998). As McAdam, McCarthy, and Deane, Larry Griffin, Patricia McManus, Kent Zald’s (1988) extensive review of the move- Redding, and Pam Walters along with members ments literature reveals, most movement of the Political Economy Workshop at Indiana studies have focused on movement emer- University for comments on an early draft. We gence and development. But recently, a few also thank Bill Fletcher for help with data collec- policy studies have shed light on movement tion and John McCammon for computer pro- gramming. This research was funded by the Na- political outcomes (Amenta and Poulsen tional Science Foundation (SBR-9631520), the 1996; McCammon 1995; Quadagno 1992). University Research Council at Vanderbilt Uni- Their theoretical focus, though, is on the in- versity, and the Carrie Chapman Catt Center for terests of state actors and policy change, and Women and Politics at Iowa State University. thus these studies typically offer only pass- American Sociological Review, 2001, Vol. 66 (February:49–70) 49 50 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW ing attention to the role of social move- Defining the political process model, ments, noting simply the presence or ab- McAdam (1982) states that “any event or sence of movement activity and rarely not- broad social process that serves to under- ing variations in the organizational strength, mine the calculations and assumptions on strategies, and ideologies of movements. In which the political establishment is struc- addition, some movement researchers have tured occasions a shift in political opportu- turned their attention to the systematic study nities” (p. 41, emphasis in original). But re- of movements and their outcomes, but the cently, political opportunity structure is typi- theoretical focus of this work has also been cally considered to encompass only dynam- somewhat narrow (Amenta, Dunleavy, and ics involving electoral politics and the state. Bernstein 1994; Banaszak 1996; Giugni, For instance, Jenkins and Klandermans McAdam, and Tilly 1998). Movement re- (1995) write that “social movements develop searchers who examine the success of move- in a context defined by the state and the rep- ments either focus primarily on the strate- resentation system, which afford opportuni- gies of the movements themselves (Morris ties for mobilization and set limits on the ef- 1993) or, in examining the context of mobi- fectiveness of movement strategies” (p. 7, lization, limit their consideration to political emphasis added; also see Skocpol 1992:41). institutions and actors, that is, to the politi- McAdam (1996:27), surveying the recent lit- cal opportunity structure (Amenta, Car- erature, lists various “dimensions of politi- ruthers, and Zylan 1992; Gelb 1987). cal opportunity,” all of which are character- We argue that a model of movement suc- istics of the formal political structure, its ca- cess must consider not only the mobilization pacities, and the configuration of political of the movements but the broad context in elites. Others as well limit their view of the which those movements operate, including opportunity structure to the formal political political and other social dynamics that can landscape of party politics and the structure affect movement success. We elaborate on and action of the state (e.g., Amenta et al. this below, but first we point out that a 1992; Amenta et al. 1994; Banaszak 1996; model of the political success of movements Brockett 1991; Costain 1992; Kriesi 1995; must theorize the impact of movements and Tarrow 1998). their contexts on political decision-makers. But this narrow definition of opportunity Bringing about political or policy change— structure represents only one view offered in the case of the suffragists, the expansion by state theorists of the factors that can in- of voting rights—requires a willingness on fluence policymaking. The focus on politi- the part of political decision-makers to sup- cal structures and dynamics, typically ex- port such change. A model of movement suc- cluding other contextual influences, repre- cess, then, must specify the circumstances sents a polity- or state-centered theory of fostering such willingness on the part of po- policymaking (Evans, Rueschemeyer, and litical actors. Skocpol 1985; Skocpol 1980). This view Sociological theories of the state and of holds that the interests of political decision- policymaking have long recognized the need makers, particularly those of state actors, are to theorize the interests and actions of state based on preserving or expanding their in- actors to understand the policymaking pro- stitutional authority, and their lawmaking cess (Alford and Friedland 1985). Yet, the decisions reflect this orientation (Alford and few recent studies examining movement Friedland 1985; Rueschemeyer and Evans success fail to acknowledge this point ex- 1985). A political opportunity for movement plicitly and thus fail to draw on the diverse success arises, then, when political circum- theories of the state to understand the full stances shift such that political actors are range of factors that can influence political willing to support policy change because decision-makers. they perceive the change will strengthen or As movement researchers shift their focus preserve their own institutional positions. away from the determinants of movement Empirical research in this area clearly dem- mobilization to the determinants of move- onstrates that formal political dynamics like ment outcomes, they bring with them the these influence political decision-making concept of “political opportunity structure.” and thus can influence the political success HOW MOVEMENTS WIN 51 of social movements (Amenta and Poulsen society (Acker 1992; Lorber 1994). While 1996). But the underlying assumption that we find in the history of suffrage that the political decision-making and movement opportunity structures helping the suffragists success are unaffected by circumstances be- win voting rights typically took one of two yond these formal political dynamics is too forms—political or gendered—we also find narrow. that in some cases political opportunities in- Society-centered approaches to political volved gendered considerations as well. That decision-making, such as feminist (Connell is, formal political interests were intertwined 1990; MacKinnon 1989), class (Block 1977; with gendered expectations, often expecta- Domhoff 1998), and racial (Quadagno 1994) tions about how women as voters would cast theories of the state, offer a starting point for their ballots. Thus, consideration by social broader theories of the types of opportunity movement researchers of only political op- structures that may influence movement out- portunity structures is simply too narrow an comes. Society-centered theories assume approach to understanding the full range of that gender, economic class, and race rela- opportunity structures that foster movement tions can and do influence policymaking. We success. Others have pointed to a need to re- use polity- and society-centered theories to fine our understanding of movement oppor- argue that not only did opportunities for tunity structures by recognizing that factors granting suffrage to women emerge from beyond formal political dynamics can influ- changing dynamics in formal politics that al- ence movements and their success (Gamson tered the political interests of political deci- and Meyer 1996; Goodwin and Jasper 1999: sion-makers, but opportunities emerged in 53; Koopmans 1999; Rucht 1996; Taylor gendered ways as well. 1999). The opportunity structures confronted Specifically, we posit that shifting gender by the suffragists offer a chance to view this relations produced a gendered opportunity broader range of opportunity structures. for women’s suffrage by altering attitudes Our work advances theorizing of social among political decision-makers about the movement success, but we also anticipate appropriate roles of women in society. That that it will add to the historical literature on is, changing gender relations altered expec- suffrage success. The work of historians tations about women’s participation in the studying women’s suffrage often parallels polity, and these changes in gendered expec- that of sociologists studying social move- tations increased the willingness of political ments. Historians explaining suffrage have decision-makers to support suffrage. emphasized the political circumstances nec- Thus, we argue that, on the one hand, essary for winning the vote (Buenker 1971; shifts in political circumstances altered the Edwards 1997) or the movement strategies political calculus on which decision-makers needed for success (Degler 1980; Flexner based their actions, providing a political op- 1975). Some have pointed to changing gen- portunity for suffrage. On the other hand, der relations as a contributing factor to suf- changing gender relations also caused politi- frage victories (Kraditor 1965; Morgan cal decision-makers to alter their views 1972). Other historians, though, contend that about the proper roles for women in society, the states granting suffrage had little in com- and these changing attitudes about gender— mon and that these states gave women vot- not changing attitudes about the political vi- ing rights for idiosyncratic reasons (Beeton ability of a particular stance on suffrage— 1986; Larson 1971a).1 provided a gendered opportunity for suffrage We have collected data from primary and success. Thus, political dynamics and secondary sources on all state suffrage changing gender relations both influenced movements and their contexts. These data whether political actors voted for suffrage, but through different mechanisms: one 1 Given that western states (and territories) through changing political interests; the were the first to pass full suffrage, much of the other through changing attitudes about historical literature on suffrage success concerns women’s roles in society. suffrage in the U.S. West. For a fuller treatment Gender theorists point out that gender can of this literature see McCammon and Campbell permeate all organizations and processes in (2001). 52 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW represent the only attempt thus far to sys- Table 1. Years in Which States and Territories tematize and analyze the historical knowl- Passed Full, Presidential, and Primary edge on the state suffrage movements, and Suffrage for Women our analysis allows us to compare states that Year did and did not grant suffrage. Contrary to the argument that states granting suffrage Full Presidential Primary State Suffrage Suffrage Suffrage had little in common, we identify a number of characteristics common to the suffrage Arizona 1912 —— states. Our comparative analysis also reveals Arkansas ——1917 that no single cause can explain women’s suffrage success. Women did not win the California 1911 —— vote simply because of particular political Colorado 1893 —— circumstances, or solely because of the strat- Illinois — 1913 — egies used by the suffragists, or simply be- Idaho 1896 —— cause of changing gender relations. A com- Indiana — 1919 — bination of factors was required to broaden democracy to women. Iowa — 1919 — Kansas 1912 —— A DEFINITION OF Maine — 1919 — MOVEMENT SUCCESS Michigan 1918 1917 — We define movement success in terms of Minnesota — 1919 — “political or policy outcomes” (Staggenborg Missouri — 1919 — 1995:341), a definition that falls within Montana 1914 —— Gamson’s (1975) notion of “new advan- Nebraska — 1919 — tages” and Kitschelt’s (1986) “structural im- pact.” Success for the suffragists was win- Nevada 1914 —— ning voting rights, a goal that, when ach- New York 1917 —— ieved, would fundamentally redefine North Dakota — 1917 — women’s role in society by giving them “po- Ohio — 1919 — litical citizenship” (T. Marshall 1950). In 29 Oklahoma 1918 —— states, women achieved full, primary, or presidential suffrage prior to passage of the Oregon 1912 —— Nineteenth Amendment.2 Table 1 lists the Rhode Island — 1917 — states and the years in which each state South Dakota 1918 —— granted women these forms of suffrage. We Tennessee — 1919 — focus on full, primary, and presidential suf- frage because they represent the state suf- Texas ——1918 frage movements’ most significant victories Utah 1870, 1895 a —— (Banaszak 1996:84). In a one-party South, Washington 1883, 1910 a —— winning the franchise in primary elections Wisconsin — 1919 — was tantamount to gaining full suffrage Wyoming 1869 —— (Harper [1922] 1985:637), and winning presidential suffrage was considered a major Sources: Flexner (1975), NAWSA (1940), and victory by the suffragists (Buechler 1986). numerous state-specific sources (see discussion in Some states granted suffrage through leg- text on page 59). islative action alone. In other states, both Note: Other forms of partial suffrage were the legislature and the electorate voted on granted to women in some states prior to the pas- the matter. Thus, two groups—state legisla- sage of the Nineteenth Amendment, including school, and bond, and municipal suffrage, but 2 We include only the 48 contiguous states in they are not listed. our analysis because full data for Alaska and Ha- a Full suffrage was passed in the first year listed, waii are not available for the time period stud- was rescinded, and then was passed again in the sec- ied. ond year listed. HOW MOVEMENTS WIN 53 tors and the electorate, both male—were ing and domestic work and men’s place de- implicated in the political decision-making fined as the public sphere of politics and necessary to grant women suffrage. A business (Welter 1966). Such beliefs ex- model of suffrage success must consider cluded women from having a formal voice how the suffrage movements, along with and thus formal power in politics. But the the contexts in which they operated, influ- suffragists found gendered opportunities in enced the willingness of these two male po- changes or variations in gender relations that litical bodies to support broadening democ- altered existing views about the proper roles racy to women.3 of women. These variations occurred in a variety of contexts but, in each case, pro- A CAUSAL MODEL OF duced gendered opportunities that ultimately THE POLITICAL SUCCESS OF fostered suffrage success. A SOCIAL MOVEMENT In particular, the rise of the “new woman” offered a gendered opportunity to the suf- Both agency and structure are likely to in- fragists. Around the turn of the century, fluence a movement’s political outcomes women increasingly received extensive edu- (Amenta et al. 1992; Gamson and Meyer cation, worked outside the home, entered 1996). For the suffragists, we posit that both professional careers, had fewer children, di- gendered and political opportunity structures vorced, and became involved in various influenced the political decision-makers that charitable and political activities (Giele gave women the vote. But the suffrage 1995; Matthews 1992). Women were mov- movements themselves also were active ing into traditionally male domains, and the agents in winning suffrage, and we consider social order between the began a trans- the influence on movement success of move- formation. The growing presence of this new ment mobilization and ideological framing. woman in the public sphere—in factories, offices, universities, and the professions— Gendered Opportunity Structures gradually weakened the widely held nine- teenth-century assumption that women’s ap- We argue that changing gender relations can propriate place was in the home. provide a gendered opportunity for move- Not only did such changes create a grow- ment success. Gender relations refer to “the ing population of independent women who social organization of the relationship be- were often predisposed to suffrage argu- tween the sexes” (Scott 1986:1053; also see ments (DuBois 1975), but the blurring of Lorber 1992). According to Acker (1992) this public/private distinction helped per- gender relations are a “pervasive ordering of suade the population more generally, includ- human activities, practices, and social struc- ing male political decision-makers in state tures in terms of differentiations between legislatures and the electorate, of women’s women and men” (p. 567). This social order- ability to participate in the public sphere, in- ing also represents a balance of power be- cluding politics (S. Marshall 1998; Morgan tween the sexes that is maintained by so- 1972). Caruso (1986), in her study of the cially constructed and widely held under- movement in Michigan, tells us that there standings of the appropriate (and different) was a “realization that women were already roles for women and men in society (Connell playing a public role” and this “helped de- 1987:96–97; Scott 1986). During the nine- fuse the fear of women engaging in activi- teenth century, a clear cultural demarcation ties that obviously were not connected to the between women’s and men’s appropriate so- home” (p. 269). Ivie (1971) writes of the cial spheres emerged, with women’s place suffrage movement in Oklahoma that “pub- defined as the private sphere of child-rear- lic opinion had changed sufficiently to make possible effective suffrage work. Women 3 In some cases, governors needed to approve were involved in civic affairs, more new suffrage legislation. They usually agreed [women] were economically independent, with legislatures, but in a few cases (e.g., in Ari- and greater numbers of women were openly zona in 1903), governors vetoed suffrage legis- stating their opinions. Oklahoma was ready lation. soil for suffrage work” (p. 68; also see 54 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Alexander 1970:22; Fus 1972:101–102, 133; guments that women should have the vote Giele 1995:162; Lerner 1981:365–66; White (McDonagh and Price 1985). We hypoth- 1974:359). We argue that where women esize that where there were high proportions moved into previously male spheres of ac- of Irish and Italian immigrants, suffragists tivity, gender attitudes became more egali- confronted a significant hurdle to winning tarian and suffrage success was more likely suffrage because legislators and electorates as lawmakers and the male electorate acted would be less willing to support suffrage on these changing views. given the prevalence of conservative gender Another gendered opportunity emerges relations and attitudes. But where these from previous suffrage successes. In some groups made up smaller percentages of the states, suffragists won partial suffrage in the population, more liberal gender relations form of municipal, tax, or school suffrage. prevailed and an opening, or gendered op- Also, some states bordered states in which portunity, for winning the vote existed.4 full, primary, or presidential suffrage had The fourth gendered opportunity concerns been enacted. These legal changes repre- the western frontier states. Many of the sented a fundamental shift in gender rela- western states were the first to grant full suf- tions in that they expanded women’s politi- frage to women (see Table 1). Some histori- cal rights; such changes previously in a state ans argue that the arduous life on the fron- or in a neighboring state also altered views tier produced unusual gender relations that about women’s capacity to participate in compelled women and men to labor side by politics. It might be argued that because such side to contend with the harsh and as yet un- changes involved a legal change, it is a po- tamed physical environment (Cole 1990; litical opportunity. But we maintain that at Turner 1972). As Cole (1990) states, “the its core it is a gendered opportunity (albeit frontier provided women with opportunity: with a political catalyst) because the change [T]here they could be fiercely independent, in law redefined gender relations by allow- capable, and durable” and they were “free ing women formal access to the polity and, from the constraints which bound their east- as the historical record suggests, political ern sisters” (pp. 262–63). Thus, the shared decision-makers began to view gender rela- and more equal circumstance of women and tions differently. As the public witnessed men in the West fostered a frontier egalitari- women voting in minor elections locally or anism. Again, because gender practices in major elections in neighboring states with shaped gender ideologies, this increased the competence and good results, views toward chances that decision-makers would support women’s political participation liberalized suffrage. and acceptance of suffrage rights grew A fifth gendered opportunity is both gen- (Fleming 1990:40; Jensen 1973:266; Larson dered and political. World War I and its im- 1971b:17–18; Smith 1975:26). We hypoth- mediate aftermath generated an opportunity esize that where the suffragists had gained for the suffragists—it provided a circum- such rights, they were more likely to succeed stance that increased the number of suffrage when pressing for full, primary, and presi- political allies. Political opportunity theo- dential suffrage. rists posit that when a movement can claim A third gendered opportunity exists in allies in the polity—political elites sympa- populations with a particular ethnic makeup. thetic to the movement’s demands and will- Some studies of women’s suffrage suggest ing to act on the movement’s behalf—the that certain ethnic groups strongly opposed movement is more likely to succeed suffrage for women, and they did so, for the (McAdam 1996; Tarrow 1998). During the most part, on the basis of traditional beliefs about the role of women in society 4 (McDonagh and Price 1985; McDonald We also examined the percentage of Roman Catholics as a variable because Catholics also 1987). Irish- and Italian-Americans, whose tended to have more traditional family practices family practices at the time tended to be (Hackett 1995). This measure, however, overlaps more traditional and grounded in the belief with the Irish/Italian measure. The Catholic vari- that women’s appropriate place was in the able in a separate analysis did not significantly domestic sphere, were less receptive to ar- influence suffrage success. HOW MOVEMENTS WIN 55 war, the suffragists often set aside their suf- out that such instabilities compel parties to frage work and contributed instead to the search for additional sources of political war effort. They raised funds for overseas support, given that periods of conflict can hospitals and helped organize student threaten the tenure of political actors hold- nurses. And more generally, women assumed ing public office (McAdam 1996; Piven and duties in the economy—in factories and on Cloward 1977:28–29). Third-party challeng- farms—previously done by men (Flexner ers, such as the Populists, Progressives, Pro- 1975). Toward the end of the war and imme- hibitionists, and Socialists, sought to diately after, politicians and male voters broaden their party’s base and, in some in- were more willing to support women’s suf- stances, supported women’s suffrage, believ- frage, acknowledging not only women’s ef- ing that women voters, in turn, would sup- forts during the war but the contradiction of port their parties (Berman 1987; Marilley fighting a war for democracy in Europe 1996). This political dynamic was evident when half of the U.S. population was dis- among the Populists in Colorado in the franchised (Sinclair 1965). To legitimate 1890s (Marilley 1996:124–25). We hypoth- their incumbency and political office, many esize that where third parties presented sig- politicians felt pressure to make their posi- nificant challenges to Democratic or Repub- tion consistent with arguments in favor of lican legislators, a political opportunity for the war. suffrage, one rooted in political conflict, ex- World War I, then, was a gendered oppor- isted. But this political opportunity also con- tunity in that the war brought suffragists and tained a gendered element: Not only did women generally, as Flexner (1975) states, third-party challengers conduct an analysis “out of their homes into new spheres of ac- of the policy positions most likely to get tion” (p. 298). These new roles altered gen- them elected, they incorporated into this dered relations and changed attitudes about analysis expectations about the “women’s women’s fitness for the public sphere. But vote,” thus bringing gender to bear on their the opportunity was also political in that political calculations.5 politicians understood the harm that an in- The second of these political opportunities consistent position on democracy could do stems from involvement of the liquor and to their political well-being. The war thus brewing industries in debates over suffrage. represents both a gendered and a political These industries opposed suffrage, fearing opportunity, and we hypothesize that during that female voters would favor prohibition and just after World War I, states should (Catt and Shuler [1926] 1969). Prohibition, have been more likely to enact suffrage. of course, would deeply hurt profit-making in these industries. These industries not only Political Opportunity Structures worked to persuade the public to oppose suf- frage, but heavily lobbied politicians to vote There are three political opportunities for against it. With passage of state prohibition suffrage; they involve the formal political laws, however, the liquor and brewing indus- interests of political decision-makers or tries’ opposition subsided. We theorize that variations in state structures. However, the the waning of economic resistance to suf- first two of these (party conflict and prohi- frage provided “space” for political deci- bition laws) also involve policymakers’ con- siderations of how women might cast their 5 A similar dynamic may be at work in com- ballots if given the vote. And while these petitive elections between the major parties. opportunities do not involve changing atti- However, a measure of the competitiveness of tudes about gender relations—and in this gubernatorial elections between Democrats and sense, are not gendered opportunities as we Republicans (the only measure available) was not a significant predictor of suffrage. This measure define them—they do include gendered ex- also captures a possible influence on governors’ pectations about women’s behavior. decisions to support or veto suffrage legislation: The first of these political opportunities A competitive gubernatorial election might in- concerns instabilities or conflicts among po- crease a governor’s willingness to support suf- litical elites, particularly among political frage. The nonsignificant effect, however, sug- parties. Political opportunity theorists point gests that this is not the case. 56 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW sion-makers to support suffrage. Their politi- of winning the passage of such legislation, cal calculations were no longer constrained then, offers an indicator of political open- by a monied interest opposing suffrage. The ness. The procedure required to change vot- suffragists, then, encountered a political op- ing policy was substantially less complex in portunity for success. But gendered expec- some states in that fewer decision-makers tations also factored into this political oppor- were involved in the decision-making pro- tunity: The absence of concern about the cess. For instance, in territorial Wyoming women’s vote (following prohibition) pro- only one positive legislative vote was duced the political “space” in which pol- needed to grant women suffrage. In Nevada, icymakers could now favor suffrage.6 however, a favorable vote on a resolution for These last two political opportunities— a referendum on a state constitutional third-party challenges and prohibition—are amendment was required in two consecutive different from the gendered and political op- legislatures which met only every other year, portunity that World War I offered the suf- and only then was the measure taken to the fragists. Third-party challenges and the pas- electorate. sage of prohibition clearly presented politi- Thus, not only is this last political oppor- cal opportunities for suffrage success be- tunity not gendered, it offers a different kind cause the historical record indicates that the of political opportunity for suffrage success political calculus of decision-makers in that, where it existed, fewer decision- changed under these circumstances. But be- makers were involved in granting the vote cause there is no evidence of changing be- to women. The other two political opportu- liefs about gender roles, third-party chal- nities offer an opportunity for political lenges and prohibition did not offer gen- change by altering the political interests of dered opportunities for suffrage, only politi- decision-makers in ways that make them cal opportunities tempered by expectations more inclined to enact policy change. One about the women’s vote. political opportunity is a quantitative shift in The final political opportunity concerns the number of decision-makers; the others the degree of access to the polity experi- are qualitative shifts in decision-makers’ in- enced by the suffragists; this opportunity terests. We hypothesize that states with sim- does not have a gendered component. Al- pler procedures for changing suffrage law though political opportunity theorists often offered a more accessible policymaking pro- use the existence of voting rights as an indi- cess that heightened the chance that suffrage cator of the openness of the polity, we must would be passed.7 consider another indicator of political access because suffragists did not have voting Resource Mobilization and rights (Amenta et al. 1994; Tarrow 1998). Cultural Framing Theory Even without the vote, suffragists could and did lobby state legislators to introduce a bill We now turn our focus from the context in or resolution in the legislature that, if passed which movements operate to the movements by the legislature (and in many cases the themselves. Resource mobilization and fram- electorate as well), would grant voting rights to women. The procedural ease or difficulty 7 Only full suffrage required a constitutional amendment (although not in all states). Thus, the 6 Admittedly, this is a weaker instance of po- procedural ease of policy change may influence litical opportunity than the others. The absence the suffragists’ capacity to gain full suffrage but of economically motivated opposition to suffrage not presidential and primary suffrage. Also, be- may reduce lawmakers’ resistance, but it does not cause the territories required only one legislative explain why lawmakers voted for suffrage. Also, vote on suffrage and no referendum, we included we examined the impact of other measures of li- a dummy variable indicating the territories in our quor industry opposition to suffrage (e.g., per- model, but it did not significantly predict suf- centage employed in brewing and liquor indus- frage. We examined the impact of another mea- tries, the presence of a state brewers’ association, sure of the openness of the polity—the availabil- and percentage of German immigrants). These ity of the initiative and referendum—but found measures were not significant factors in suffrage no significant effect on suffrage (also see Ban- success. aszak 1998). HOW MOVEMENTS WIN 57 ing perspectives offer insights into the ac- gies and movement outcomes (Banaszak tions of movement activists and the ways in 1996; Klandermans 1989; Morris 1993). which those actions influence political deci- The history of suffrage movements makes sion-makers’ support for movement agendas. clear that suffragists relied almost exclu- Contrasting these perspectives with those sively on what R. Turner (1970) labels “per- emphasizing opportunity structures high- suasion strategies,” or “the use of strictly lights the distinction between the influences symbolic manipulation without substantial of agency (the movement itself) and struc- rewards or punishments” (p. 149). In most ture (the movement’s context). We consider cases, the suffragists relied on argument to both because we believe that both influence persuade others that their goals were wor- movement outcomes. We hypothesize that thy. Rarely did they rely on disruptive tac- the ability of a movement to effect political tics.9 change hinges in part on the same factors that Movement researchers recognize the im- resource mobilization theorists deem crucial portance of struggles over meanings and be- to movement emergence and development— liefs in movements. Snow et al. (1986) refer organization and key strategies (McCarthy to “frame bridging” and Gamson (1988) re- and Zald 1977; Piven and Cloward 1977)— fers to “cultural resonance” to describe a because successful movement mobilization process in which movement participants, in aids a movement’s ability to bring about po- the public rationales for their demands, use litical change (Gamson 1975). themes and ideas that tap into widely held Every state except Wyoming had a state beliefs. This resonance with popular beliefs suffrage association, and therefore the sim- helps to build movement strength and effec- ple presence of such an organization is not tiveness by expanding support for the likely to explain whether a state suffrage movement’s cause (McCammon 1995; movement was successful.8 The extent of or- Quadagno 1992). ganizing, however, may influence suffrage Suffrage movement histories suggest that political success. The larger the movement, a shift in the suffragists’ ideological ration- the more capable it should be of disseminat- ales for the vote occurred as the suffragists ing its message and thus of convincing leg- learned that they could link their arguments islators and the electorate to vote for suf- to existing beliefs espousing women’s fit- frage. In some states, the suffrage move- ness for roles in the private or domestic ments organized men’s or college women’s sphere (Baker 1984; Buechler 1986; Mar- suffrage leagues in addition to state suffrage illey 1996). Kraditor (1965) writes that the associations, and some states had multiple suffragists began to rely less on “justice ar- state suffrage leagues. We use a measure of guments” and instead began to use “expedi- the number of organizations in a state as one ency arguments.” The earlier justice argu- indicator of the extent of organizing. An- ments used by the suffragists were based in other measure of the extent of organizing is liberal —suffragists asserted membership in state suffrage associations, that women deserved political rights equal which varied widely across states (National to those of men because, like men, they American Woman Suffrage Association were citizens. Such arguments, however, di- [NAWSA] 1893–1917, 1919). Utah and New rectly challenged the widely accepted Hampshire had some of the largest per capita boundary separating men’s and women’s memberships, while South Carolina and spheres in that they attempted to redefine Idaho had some of the smallest. We expect women’s roles, particularly by defining that the larger the per capita membership, women’s participation in politics (or in the the more successful the movement. public sphere) as acceptable (Baker 1984). Until recently, little has been written on the relationship between movement strate- 9 Early in the movement, suffragists engaged in civil disobedience by attempting to vote ille- 8 Because the state associations organized at gally. Because this strategy was used primarily different points in time, we examined the effect in the early 1870s, it is not a focus of our re- of the presence of a state organization on move- search. Analyses reveal, however, that illegal ment success but found no significant impact. voting did not affect the likelihood of suffrage. 58 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

But over time, suffragists began to use ex- tomobiles)—parades, booths at fairs, store- pediency arguments. What we call a “sepa- front advertising, and pamphleting. While rate-spheres argument” emphasized that outsider strategies could influence legisla- state policies increasingly regulated the do- tors, their impact may be most discernible in mestic sphere and that women could bring states in which a public referendum on the knowledge of the domestic sphere to the po- suffrage question was required and thus in litical arena in determining, for instance, which public opinion was crucial to the out- how food, water, domestic violence, child- come. This was the case in most states vot- ren’s schooling, and even alcohol abuse ing on full suffrage for women. should be regulated. Marilley (1996) makes To close this discussion of suffragist strat- a similar point when she focuses on the egies, we consider the impact of fundraising emergence of “home protection” arguments on political success. Fundraising does not fit among the suffragists. The strategy of es- neatly into either the insider or outsider clas- pousing separate-spheres arguments, we ex- sification. Successful fundraising could sup- pect, should have produced success for the port both insider and outsider work, for in- suffragists because, unlike justice argu- stance, by affording the suffragists trips to ments, separate-spheres arguments did not the state capitol or party conventions to overtly challenge the traditional roles of lobby politicians or allowing the suffragists women and men. Such arguments simply to purchase space to advertise in newspapers pointed to the advantage of allowing women or literature to distribute. But also, because to help regulate the private sphere. Thus, po- increased funding can translate into many litical decision-makers should find these ar- different types of activities—whatever was guments more convincing than those based deemed critical by suffrage leaders—fund- on justice. raising becomes an important strategy that A second hypothesis about successful should foster movement success. In effect, it strategies used by the suffragists concerns gave the suffragists flexibility because they two types of tactics used by the suffragists— could target insiders or outsiders for their insider and outsider strategies (Ornstein and persuasion tactics, whoever was deemed Elder 1978). Both of these strategies, where more important. The histories of suffrage are used, should help the suffragists win the vote. replete with instances of fundraising activi- Insider strategies are the political activities ties, and the national suffrage organization that the suffragists engaged in to influence (NAWSA) was adamant in its communica- political “insiders,” that is, state legislators. tions to state suffrage associations that they Suffragists lobbied lawmakers to introduce engage in a variety of fundraising activities. suffrage bills and resolutions into the legis- We expect that fundraising heightened suf- lature or to cast a favorable vote on suffrage, fragists’ chances of political success. worked to elect sympathetic legislators, and Finally, we briefly consider another routinely appealed to state political parties, “agent” that may have influenced the suc- particularly the Democrats and Republicans, cess of the suffragists. Anti-suffrage organi- to endorse suffrage. Banaszak (1996:139) zations mobilized in many states to oppose argues that such political strategies were key voting rights for women. Members of this for suffragist success. We also argue that they countermovement argued that suffrage posed were important because convincing the leg- a threat to the “sanctity of the home” and islature to approve suffrage was necessary that involvement in politics would overbur- for winning the vote in every state. den women, cause discord between husband Outsider strategies, on the other hand, are and wife, and violate the natural and biologi- tactics aimed at persuading the general pub- cal differences between women and men lic of the movement’s goals, and they target (Camhi 1994). Where this resistance to suf- citizens or “outsiders” to the polity. Such frage existed, political decision-makers may strategies included formal and informal pub- have been persuaded by its arguments and lic speeches—the latter involving “street may have voted against giving women the speaking” (soapbox speeches on street cor- vote. Thus, where the anti-suffrage organi- ners) and “autotours” (statewide speaking zations were most active should be where tours in which speeches were given from au- the suffragists were least successful. HOW MOVEMENTS WIN 59

DATA AND METHODS exist, and we conducted archival research in the states to supplement secondary accounts. We use discrete-time methods in event his- For these states, we also examined the tory analysis to examine the factors leading Woman’s Journal from 1870 to 1919, a suf- to suffragists’ political success between frage newspaper published by NAWSA and 1866 and 1919 (when Congress passed the its predecessors that routinely reported state Nineteenth Amendment). All data are annual suffrage events. Unless other sources are (i.e., calendar year), state-level data. Our de- noted, the reader can assume that the source pendent variable indicates years in which of data for a variable came from this exten- states granted full, primary, or presidential sive collection process. suffrage, the suffragists’ most significant po- We used content analysis to code the in- litical successes. The variable is coded as 0 formation in each article, book, dissertation, for years prior to the enactment of suffrage or archival source that we read. Three cod- and 1 for the year in which suffrage was ers collected data, and Krippendorff’s (1980) granted. Sources used in the construction of alpha ranged from .91 to .95 on selected the dependent variable include: Flexner sources for which we assessed interrater re- (1975), NAWSA (1940), and numerous liability. state-specific sources.10 The rise of the new woman is indicated We collected a large portion of our data on with an index that combines three measures: the state suffrage movements and their con- (1) the proportion of college and university texts from an extensive search of secondary students who are female (U.S. Department materials on each of the state movements of Commerce various years; U.S. Office of (over 650 sources in all). We also relied on Education various years), (2) the proportion volumes 3, 4, and 6 of The History of Wo- of lawyers and doctors who are female (U.S. man Suffrage (Stanton, Anthony, and Gage , Bureau of the Census various years; U.S. vol. 3, [1886] 1985; Anthony and Harper, Department of Commerce various years),11 vol. 4, [1902] 1985; Harper, vol. 6, [1922] and (3) the number of prominent women’s 1985), which were written by movement organizations active in a state (viz., the Con- participants and contain lengthy descriptions sumers’ League [Nathan 1926], the General of the state suffrage movements. In addition, Federation of Women’s Clubs [Skocpol we examined The Hand Book of the National 1992:330], the National Congress of Moth- American Woman Suffrage Association and ers [Mason 1928:295], the National Wo- Proceedings of the Annual Convention from men’s League [Dye 1980; Na- 1893 to 1919, the years of its publication for tional Women’s Trade Union League our period. For six states (Arizona, Dela- (NWTUL) various years], and the Woman’s ware, Maine, New Hampshire, New Mexico, Christian Temperance Union [WCTU]). We and North Dakota), few secondary materials combined these three measures by summing their standardized values (α = .64).12 10 Even though states passing presidential or primary suffrage are still “at risk” of enacting the 11 For two variables (proportion of lawyers and other forms of suffrage, to avoid bias in the esti- doctors who are female and percentage of Irish mated standard errors that can result if events are or Italian immigrants), only decennial data are not independent (as may be the case when suf- available. For these variables we linearly inter- frage is enacted more than once in a state), we polated data for the intervening years. analyze the possibility of only one event per state 12 We acknowledge that, from a resource mo- (Allison 1984:54). This affects the coding of the bilization perspective, these measures of the new dependent variable for 3 of the 29 states that woman may also be measures of potential lead- passed suffrage. Michigan passed presidential ers for the suffrage movements. However, given suffrage in 1917 and full suffrage in 1918. We that we include more direct measures of move- chose to analyze the passage of full suffrage in ment organizational strength and strategies in the Michigan because of its wider impact. Utah and analysis (i.e., the likely consequences of good Washington both passed full suffrage and then ), the contributions of measures of the rescinded it. Both later passed full suffrage again new woman to effective leadership (and thus to and did not later rescind it. For these states, we movement success) have been controlled in the analyze the passage of permanent suffrage. analysis. Also, it could be argued that our mea- 60 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Legal changes expanding women rights on suffrage success will be experienced later are indicated by (1) the earlier passage in a in the war and in its immediate aftermath. state of municipal, tax, or school suffrage Third-party legislative challenges are in- (coded as a simple count of the number of dicated by the percentage of seats in the state forms of partial suffrage in existence; same legislature held by third parties. This vari- sources as full, presidential, and primary) able is lagged one year. Although the mea- and (2) the proportion of neighboring states sure is not a direct indicator of third-party that enacted full, primary, or presidential challenges during elections, it reflects the suffrage.13 Each of the legal variables is outcome of elections. We lag the variable to lagged one year because we assume that approximate the influence of a third-party there will be a brief delay in the effects of a challenge during an election in the previous change in law. year.14 The presence of Irish and Italian immi- The passage of a state prohibition law is grants is measured by the number of Irish- coded 1 for years following the passage of a and Italian-born immigrants living in a state prohibition law and 0 otherwise (Cashman per 1,000 in the population (U.S. Bureau of 1981). the Census various years). The accessibility of the polity measures We use a dichotomous measure to indicate the procedural difficulty of winning suf- the western frontier states (defined on the frage. It is indicated with a variable coded 1 basis of census categories). The measure is through 5, with 1 representing the simplest coded 1 if the state is in the West and 0 oth- procedures and 5 the most difficult (a fuller erwise. The western states are: Arizona, description of this variable is available on California, Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Mon- request from the authors). tana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mexico, We measure the extent of suffrage orga- North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, South nizing in a state by: (1) the number of suf- Dakota, Utah, Washington, and Wyoming. frage organizations in existence in a given World War I is a dichotomous variable year (including state associations, college coded 1 in 1917 and 1918, the years of U.S. women’s suffrage leagues, and men’s suf- involvement in the war, and 0 otherwise. frage leagues), and (2) members (per The term is lagged one year because of our 100,000 in the population) in the NAWSA- expectation that the effects of World War I affiliated state suffrage associations (NAWSA 1893–1917, 1919). Membership is sure of women’s organizations measures a non- estimated from dues paid by state associa- suffrage organizational resource for the suffrage tions to NAWSA (Banazak 1996:231–33). movement because some of the these organiza- The suffragists’ use of separate-spheres tions, especially the WCTU, campaigned for suf- arguments is coded 1 if a separate-spheres frage. We excluded these measures (first the argument was made (in a public speech or women’s organization measure and then just the public document) in a given year, and 0 oth- WCTU measure) from our index, and each of the erwise.15 revised indices remained significant and positive. 13 Including a measure of the passage of suf- frage in contiguous states provides a crude mea- 14 Most legislatures during this period met ev- sure of a spatial diffusion process whereby events ery other year. In a few states, elections and ses- in one state spread to neighboring states. If such sions occurred in the same year. A nonlagged a process exists in our data, however, without a measure of third-party electoral success, how- more sophisticated control, our estimates could ever, did not significantly predict the passage of be biased (Doreian 1981). Thus, we included in suffrage. Because legislatures cannot enact law analyses not shown a spatial effects term con- in nonsession years, we included an indicator for structed by multiplying a normalized weight ma- years in which legislatures were in session. The trix for our states (coded 1 for contiguous states measure was not significant, suggesting that our and 0 for noncontiguous states) by the predicted other variables better explain when states were value for suffrage success (Deane, Beck, and likely to grant suffrage. Tolnay 1998). of this term rather than 15 We examined the impact of justice argu- the simple measure did not alter our findings in ments on suffrage success as well (not shown), any meaningful way. Thus, in the results pre- but the variable did not significantly influence sented here we use only the simpler measure. the passage of suffrage. HOW MOVEMENTS WIN 61

Insider strategies used by the suffragists only the significant variables from Models 1 include lobbying state legislators, writing and 2.17 Models 4 through 6 are variations them letters, giving speeches in the legisla- on Model 3. ture, presenting petitions to the legislature, The impact of gendered opportunity struc- campaigning for pro-suffrage candidates, tures on movement success is shown in the and seeking endorsements from political first two panels (labeled “Gendered Oppor- parties at state party conventions. Outsider tunity Structures” and “Gendered and Politi- strategies include holding formal public cal Opportunity Structure”) for Models 1 meetings (usually with an admission fee and through 3. Although not all gendered oppor- lecturers), giving informal public speeches tunity variables are significant, there is sub- (such as street speaking and autotours), par- stantial evidence that gendered opportunities ticipating in parades, setting up booths at for suffrage success existed. The presence of fairs, and distributing leaflets door to door the new woman—educated, professional, or on public streets. The insider and outsider and politically and civically active women— strategy variables are counts of the different significantly enhanced the likelihood that types of strategies used in a given year. the suffragists would win the vote. Further- Fundraising activity on the part of the suf- more, Model 4 shows that all three of the in- fragists is indicated by any activity that was dividual measures used to construct our designed to raise money for the movement, new-woman index are significant predictors such as selling tickets to suffrage lectures of suffrage success. These results suggest and plays, soliciting donations, and holding that the presence of such women demon- various types of sales to raise money. If the strated to the larger population that women suffragists engaged in any such activities in were fit for a significant political role in the a given year the measure is coded 1 and 0 public sphere and convinced legislators and otherwise. the electorate to support women’s suffrage. The presence of anti-suffrage activity is The presence of the new woman thus played coded 0 when no activity occurred, 1 when an important role in helping the suffragists out-of-state anti-suffrage groups were ac- win the vote. tive, 2 when a few state anti-suffragists were Moreover, the passage of full, presiden- active, and 3 when a state anti-suffrage or- tial, and primary suffrage in one or more ganization existed. neighboring states significantly encouraged We also include in our models dichoto- the passage of these types of suffrage in a mous variables indicating the various de- particular state. This suggests another cades in our period of analysis (the decade gendered opportunity rooted in the legal cli- of the 1910s is the reference category). mate. Laws granting women broader citi- Many states passed suffrage in the last de- zenship rights helped to redefine appropri- cade of our analysis (see Table 1). Including ate gender roles. The redefinition of legal the decade measures allows us to determine gender roles in one state appeared to alter whether, after controlling for other factors, thinking about gender roles by political ac- any period effects remain. tors in neighboring states, resulting in the passage of suffrage there as well. Interest- RESULTS ingly, the passage of various forms of par- tial suffrage (school, tax, and municipal Table 2 presents results from our event his- suffrage) in a state did not increase the like- tory analyses of the circumstances leading to lihood of suffrage success in that state. This suffrage success. Models 1 and 2 include all suggests that for a gendered opportunity of variables discussed above. Model 1 contains a measure of the number of suffrage organi- cept and data on membership are only available zations in a state, while Model 2 contains a beginning in 1892. measure of suffrage association member- 17 Comparing the log-likelihoods for Models 1 16 ship. Model 3, our final model, includes and 3 shows that Model 3 is a significant im- provement over Model 1 (likelihood-ratio chi- 16 We do not include these two measures in the square equals 26.3, which is significant at p ≤ same model because they measure the same con- .001). 62 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Table 2. Maximum-Likelihood Coefficients from an Event History Analysis of Factors Influencing the Passage of Women’s Suffrage in U.S. States, 1866 to 1919

Independent Variable Model 1a Model 2b Model 3c Model 4c Model 5 c,d Model 6

Gendered Opportunity Structures New-woman index 1.234* 1.096* 1.002* .— .977* .— (.327) (.272) (.230) (.224) Proportion female college .— .— .— .105* .— .— students (.030) Proportion female lawyers .— .— .— .027* .— .— and doctors (.011) Number of women’s .— .— .— .596* .— .446* organizations (.309) (.267) Proportion of neighboring 5.100* 4.353* 4.736* 3.824* 4.175* 5.650* states with full, presidential, (1.822) (1.971) (1.081) (1.180) (1.010) (1.086) or primary suffrage (lagged) Number of school, municipal, .254 .291 .— .— .— .— and tax suffrage laws (lagged) (.348) (.357) Irish and Italian immigrants .008 –.001 .— .— .— .— per 1,000 population (.015) (.015) Western state –.043 .104 .— .— .— .— (.963) (.973)

Gendered and Political Opportunity Structure World War I years (lagged) 1.723* 1.964* 2.037* 2.171* 2.312* 1.821* (.899) (.874) (.654) (.698) (.693) (.638) Political Opportunity Structures Percent third-party seats .020 .013 .— .— .— .— in legislature (lagged) (.035) (.035) State prohibition law 2.783* 2.439* 2.279* 1.869* 1.978* 1.361* (.975) (.887) (.661) (.704) (.631) (.558) Accessibility of the polity –.746* –.689* –.528* –.620* .323 –.433* (.315) (.307) (.242) (.250) (4.861) (.225)

Resource Mobilization and Cultural Framing Number of suffrage –.376 .— .— .— .— .— organizations (.430) Suffrage association member- .— .011 .— .— .— .— ship per 100,000 population (.024) Number of insider strategies .113 .150 .— .— .— .— (.369) (.366) Number of outsider strategies .373 .262 .— .— .845 .— (.340) (.321) (2.349) Outsider strategies used .— .— .— .—–.631 .— in a referendum state (2.351) Fundraising activity 1.856* 1.740* 1.938* 1.910* 1.831* 1.987* (.788) (.783) (.633) (.635) (.666) (.551) Separate-spheres arguments 2.153* 1.955* 1.719* 1.688* 1.659* 1.424* used by suffragists (.769) (.742) (.600) (.630) (.583) (.528) Anti-suffrage activity –.244 –.242 .— .— .— .— (.249) (.248)

(Table 2 continued on next page) HOW MOVEMENTS WIN 63

(Table 2 continued from previous page) Independent Variable Model 1a Model 2b Model 3c Model 4c Model 5 c,d Model 6 Decade 1860s .— .— .— .— .— 1.559 (1.461) 1870s –3.901 .—–3.598 –4.471 –2.986 –6.750 (57.714) (33.607) (54.522) (34.092) (32.598) 1880s –5.678 .—–4.986 –6.819 –4.742 –7.089 (50.268) (30.165) (44.746) (29.837) (32.432) 1890s –1.381 –.747 .057 –.336 .408 –.076 (1.727) (1.658) (.769) (.902) (.781) (.817) 1900s –10.177 –8.933 –8.893 –9.963 –8.549 –8.598 (46.366) (27.837) (28.561) (47.142) (29.076) (31.552)

Constant –8.343* –8.256* –7.738* –11.682* –9.733* –6.513* (1.608) (1.572) (1.275) (2.142) (4.994) (1.303) Number of cases 1,921 1,161 2,078 2,078 2,078 2,358 Year beginning period of analysis 1872 1892 1872 1872 1872 1866 Likelihood-ratio chi square 168.1* 142.4* 178.3* 182.2* 174.1* 158.0*

Sources: See text on pages 59 to 61. Note: Numbers in parentheses are standard errors. a Analysis begins in 1872 because female college student data begin in 1872. Also, professional women data begin in 1870, and immigrant and third-party data are unavailable for some territories. b Analysis begins in 1892 because suffrage association membership data begin in 1892. Also, female college student data begin in 1872, professional women data begin in 1870, and immigrant and third-party data are unavailable for some territories. c Analysis begins in 1872 because female college student data begin in 1872. Also, professional women data begin in 1870. d In Model 5 only, the accessibility of the polity variable is an interaction term indicating the use of outsider strategies in states in which the referendum was required to change a constitutional amendment. *p ≤ .05 (one-tailed tests) this nature to occur, the enactment of suf- western frontier did not provide a gendered frage must have been of the same caliber, opportunity for the passage of suffrage. It that is, full, presidential, or primary. Minor may be that the new-woman measures bet- forms of suffrage apparently did not trans- ter explain suffrage success in the West: form attitudes about women’s political Educated and professional women were of- rights and clearly did not lead to the pas- ten more prevalent in the West than in other sage of major forms of suffrage. regions (U.S. Bureau of the Census various The presence of Irish and Italian immi- years; U.S. Department of Commerce vari- grants had no significant negative effect on ous years; U.S. Office of Education various winning the vote for women. Thus, the ab- years).18 sence of these groups did not provide a gendered opportunity for suffrage success. 18 Several other studies (e.g., Lerner 1981; Even though full suffrage was more likely Mahoney 1969) also provide evidence that to be enacted by western states compared with states in other regions, in analyses not shown, we immigrants were no less likely to support found that the “western” variable did not signifi- suffrage than were native-born residents. cantly influence the passage of full suffrage (ex- Although we do not have a direct measure cluding presidential and primary suffrage from of immigrant attitudes, our results generally the dependent variable) once other factors had are in line with these findings. Also, the been taken into account. 64 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

States were significantly more likely to (1975:51) found a similar pattern in his early enact suffrage toward the end of or just after work, and some suffragists recognized the World War I (see panel labeled “Gendered importance of small, quiet movements. For and Political Opportunity Structure”). Al- instance, Abigail Scott Duniway, an activist though this effect indicates a political oppor- in the northwest, saw the merit of what she tunity for suffrage, it also adds to the evi- called the “still hunt”—quiet persuasion on dence that gendered opportunities were in- many fronts so as not to arouse the opposi- strumental in bringing about women’s suf- tion (Moynihan 1983; also see Trout 1920). frage. These results, along with Gamson’s, suggest The fact that the new-woman variable and that movement researchers need to rethink the measures of suffrage in neighboring the role of large movements in winning po- states and World War I are the significant litical gains. gendered opportunity indicators suggests Also, the use of insider or outsider strate- that gendered opportunities for suffrage gies does not significantly predict suffrage stemmed particularly from women’s grow- success.19 The nonsignificant results for in- ing presence in the public sphere. These sider strategies run counter to Banaszak’s measures, unlike most of the other gendered (1996) claim that the lobbying efforts of the opportunity measures (e.g.,, the measures of suffragists were key to their success. Model immigrants and western states) are clear in- 5 includes a term indicating the use of out- dicators of women’s movement into the pub- sider strategies in states where a public ref- lic sphere. erendum was required to amend the state Among the measures of political opportu- constitution.20 Where the procedure for nity structures, the passage of state prohibi- changing voting rights entails a vote by the tion laws and the accessibility of the policy- electorate, outsider strategies—designed to making process significantly influenced sway public opinion—may be more effective whether the suffragists won citizenship in bringing about suffrage success. But the rights (third panel, Models 1 through 3). results show that the use of such strategies These results, combined with those for the in referendum states did not significantly in- World War I variable, indicate that political crease the suffragists’ likelihood of winning opportunities also helped suffragists gain the voting rights. vote. Increased political support for the suf- Two strategies, however, when employed fragists during the war, reduced liquor indus- by the suffragists, did help them achieve try opposition after the passage of state pro- their goals—fundraising and the use of sepa- hibition laws, and simpler enfranchisement rate-spheres arguments (fourth panel, Mod- procedures all worked favorably for the suf- els 1 through 3). The significant result for fragists. fundraising suggests that this activity was Third-party representation in the legisla- key because it afforded the suffragists many ture did not provide a significant political ways of influencing the actions of political opportunity for the enactment of suffrage. decision-makers. The significant result for Perhaps during periods of third-party con- the separate-spheres measure suggests that flict, some political actors supported suf- when suffragists framed rationales for suf- frage, hoping to appeal to future women vot- frage along the lines that women would use ers, while others opposed suffrage, fearing the vote to protect their children and their harm to (re-)election chances. The results for the resource mobilization 19 We disaggregated the insider and outsider and ideological framing measures suggest strategy measures into their constituent parts and that larger suffrage movements were no included these more specific measures in analy- more successful in winning the vote than ses. None of the individual measures was signifi- cant. smaller movements (fourth panel, Models 1 20 through 3). Neither measure of the extent of The interaction term is constructed by mul- tiplying the outsider strategy variable by a di- organization—the number of suffrage orga- chotomous variable coded 1 for states requiring nizations (Model 1) or the size of member- a referendum and 0 otherwise. The interaction ship (Model 2)—is significant. This finding replaces the accessibility of the polity variable in is not surprising for two reasons: Gamson the analysis. HOW MOVEMENTS WIN 65 homes, they were effective because such ar- CONCLUSION guments were consistent with established gender beliefs. Susan B. Anthony declared, in her last pub- Two of the significant measures in these lic address in Washington, D.C. in 1906, that models have missing data: women’s repre- “failure is impossible” (Harper 1908:1409). sentation among college students and She was right: In 1920, with ratification of among professionals. Both measures have the Nineteenth Amendment, women won the missing data at the beginning of our time right to vote in all elections across the period.21 Because missing data in event his- United States. But for five decades, suffrag- tory analysis can introduce censoring, ists in the state movements had battled for which can then produce sample selection the vote with varying degrees of success. bias and thus biased estimates (Yamaguchi Our goal has been to uncover the circum- 1991:3–9), Model 6 excludes these two stances that produced political success for variables from the analysis to ascertain some of the state movements. The histories whether censoring affects our findings. of the state suffrage movements provide a However, the results are substantively un- rare opportunity to compare, systematically, changed once the earlier years are included multiple movements working toward the in the analysis.22 same general goal. Our findings reveal that Finally, the results for the decade mea- several circumstances were necessary for sures (the fifth panel of Table 2) suggest that suffrage success. our substantive variables explain period dif- Not only did resource mobilization, cul- ferences in the pace of suffrage reform over tural framing, and political opportunity time. None of the decade measures is signifi- structures help to produce movement suc- cant, indicating that once other factors have cess, but gendered opportunity structures been taken into account, the 1910s are no were important as well. In the case of the different from the other decades. The flurry suffragists, changing gender relations fos- of suffrage successes in the 1910s probably tered movement success by altering beliefs results from a combination of many of the among political decision-makers about the factors shown here to be significant—the proper role of women in society. These emergence of the new woman, the increas- changed beliefs, we argue, made legislators ing number of states having already passed and the electorate more willing to vote for suffrage, World War I, state prohibition laws, suffrage. Some of the political opportunities and greater fundraising and separate-spheres that benefited the suffragists also had gen- framing on the part of the suffragists. (Our dered elements. In fact, the political oppor- indicators show that both of these last mea- tunity provided by World War I was so inter- sures were increasing over time.)23 twined with a gendered opportunity that we could not analyze them separately. Clearly, gender theorists are correct when they state 21 Data for the proportion of professional that gender “is integral to many societal pro- women begin in 1870 and data for the proportion cesses” (Acker 1992:565). of female college students begin in 1872. 22 One event is left-censored because of these Our most important theoretical conclusion missing data (passage of full suffrage in Wyo- is that social movement scholars must rec- ming in 1869). Although censoring occurs in the ognize that other types of opportunity struc- analyses in other models as well, we found no tures, beyond those stemming from formal evidence of bias. political dynamics and the formal political 23 Analyses including interaction terms be- interests that they generate, can also influ- tween movement mobilization and opportunity ence movement success. Our findings that structure variables revealed no significant inter- gendered opportunities fostered suffrage action effects. Recursive regressions showed no success and that political opportunities were meaningful instability in our significant coeffi- cients. Also, multicollinearity does not affect the gendered in various ways demonstrate that results: For any substantially correlated pairs of more than simply formal politics matter for predictors, excluding one of the variables from movement success. the analysis did not affect the results of the re- Opportunity structures can take a variety maining variable. of forms. In the context of suffrage, we 66 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW found evidence of political and gendered op- use of separate-spheres arguments, which portunities and even a combined gendered held that women should be allowed to vote and political opportunity. Researchers study- because they could protect and help regulate ing other movements may find different the domestic sphere, significantly aided the types of opportunity structures. Among suffragists in their bid for the vote. movements working to redefine broad cul- On the other hand, the presence of the new tural definitions of women’s and men’s roles woman (an independent, civically active, in society, gendered opportunities—opportu- and educated woman), along with expanded nities emerging from changing gender rela- political rights in neighboring states and tions and altered views about gender—are women’s contributions during the war, likely to be crucial to movement success. helped the suffragists win voting rights. However, a social movement struggling to These circumstances successfully chipped redefine the position of a racial group in so- away at the traditional belief that women’s ciety, such as the civil rights movement’s at- only appropriate place in society was in the tempt to achieve political inclusion for Afri- domestic sphere. Here, more egalitarian gen- can Americans, is likely to find opportunity der relations created an opportunity for suf- structures in changing race relations that al- frage success, unlike the separate-spheres ter people’s thinking about the appropriate arguments that tapped into support for tradi- relations between races. Similarly, changing tional gender relations. That both dynamics, economic relations between employers and one rooted in traditional beliefs about gen- workers may provide an opportunity struc- der roles and the other rooted in the emer- ture for working-class political success. gence of more egalitarian relations, could be Thus, rather than using the narrower “po- operative during these years is not surpris- litical opportunity structure” to refer to the ing when one considers the fundamental contextual factors that influence movement changes that women’s lives were undergoing success, researchers would do well to use the (Flexner 1975). In such a period of transi- broader and simpler term, “opportunity tion, competing logics were simultaneously structure.” Then, to determine the precise at work. nature of the opportunities—be they gen- Finally, our findings show that not only dered, racial, ethnic, class or combinations did opportunity structures help the suffrag- of these—researchers must carefully exam- ists win the vote, but the actions of the suf- ine the evidence in the particular context for fragists themselves were important. The suf- their movement(s) and scrutinize the dynam- fragists were clearly agents in the redefini- ics shaping the willingness of key political tion of democracy that occurred during these decision-makers to support policy change. years. They were active in all states, and the We draw once again on McAdam (1982:41, degree to which they mobilized financial re- italics in original), but with an important re- sources and the manner in which they vision: “[A]ny event or broad social process framed rationales for the vote significantly that serves to undermine the calculations and influenced whether they were successful in assumptions” of key political decision-mak- winning the vote. But the outcome was not ers presents the possibility of an opportunity entirely within their control. Gendered and structure for movement success. political dynamics transpiring in the broader Our findings about the role of gendered context also mattered. In the end, then, we opportunities in producing suffrage success, argue, as have others, that both agency and along with the way in which the suffragists structure determine a movement’s political framed their rationales for expanded politi- success. cal rights, reveal a paradox in the circum- stances leading to suffrage success. Compet- Holly J. McCammon is Associate Professor of ing logics appear to have been at work. On Sociology at Vanderbilt University. Her research interests concern social movements, and politi- the one hand, the suffragists were more suc- cal and legal change. In addition to studying the cessful when they used an ideological ratio- political successes of the suffragists, she is inter- nale that resonated with widely accepted but ested in the mobilization and strategy choices of highly traditional beliefs about women’s ap- these movements. Her previous work has focused propriate roles in society. The suffragists’ on the ability of various women's groups to bring HOW MOVEMENTS WIN 67 about changes in women's protective legislation cial Politics in Context: The Institutional Poli- and on the labor movement's use of legal mobili- tics Theory and Social Spending at the End of zation as a movement strategy. the New Deal.” Social Forces 75:33–61. Anthony, Susan B. and Ida Husted Harper. Karen E. Campbell is Associate Professor of So- [1902] 1985. The History of Woman Suffrage. ciology at Vanderbilt University. Her work with Vol. 4. Reprint, Salem, NH: Ayer. Holly McCammon on U.S. women's suffrage Baker, Paula. 1984. “The Domestication of Poli- movements reflects her broad interest in gender tics: Women and American Political Society, inequality. She is also investigating popular ex- 1780–1920.” American Historical Review 89: planations of the gender gaps in wages and child 620–47. care responsibilities, and studying how states Banaszak, Lee Ann. 1996. Why Movements Suc- vary in their regulation of nurse practitioners. In ceed or Fail: Opportunity, Culture, and the addition, she has published articles on gender Struggle for Woman Suffrage. Princeton, NJ: differences in workplace and neighborhood- Princeton University Press. based networks. ———. 1998. “Use of the Initiative Process by Ellen M. Granberg is a Ph.D. candidate in the Woman Suffrage Movements.” Pp. 99–114 in Department of Sociology at Vanderbilt Univer- Social Movements and American Political In- sity. Her interests include historical methods, so- stitutions, edited by A. N. Costain and A. S. cial psychology, , and identity. She is McFarland. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Little- currently completing a dissertation on the iden- field. tity implications of maintaining weight loss over Beeton, Beverly. 1986. Women Vote in the West: time. The Woman Suffrage Movement, 1869Ð1896. New York: Garland. 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Kenneth T. Andrews Harvard University

This study of the Mississippi civil rights movement and the War on Poverty examines the relationship between social movements and policy implementation. A “movement infrastructure” model is developed that focuses on organizational structure, re- sources, and leadership to account for the impact of social movements on policy implementation. A two-tiered research design is employed that includes (1) a quanti- tative analysis of poverty programs in Mississippi counties from 1965 to 1971, and (2) case studies that show the complex interaction between the civil rights move- ment, resistance by whites, local powerholders, and federal agencies. The quantita- tive analysis shows that counties with strong movement infrastructures generated greater funding for Community Action Programs. The case studies show that move- ments were excluded from the initial formation of these programs as local whites attempted to preempt civil rights activists. However, in counties with strong move- ment infrastructures, activists were able to gain access to decision-making bodies and shape the content of poverty programs.

ocial movement scholars agree that and 1980s, but the study of movement out- Sthe question of a social movement’s comes did not.... [The result is] that we impact on political change is important and still know very little about the impact of so- understudied. Over the past four decades, cial movements on social change” (p. 276). leading scholars have reviewed the relevant Furthermore, the question of movement im- literature on social movements and have pact addresses one of the most important noted the limited amount of systematic re- concerns of movement participants—the ef- search on outcomes (Diani 1997; Eckstein ficacy of social movements. 1965; Giugni 1998; Marx and Woods 1975; I have two major objectives in this paper. McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1988; Tarrow First, I provide a conceptual framework for 1998). Burstein, Einwohner, and Hollander analyzing movement outcomes. Most dis- (1995) observe that, “the field of social cussions focus on the analytic problems of movements grew tremendously in the 1970s establishing whether movements create change, but how movements generate politi- Direct all correspondence to Kenneth T. cal change must also be examined. I identify Andrews, Department of Sociology, Harvard and compare the major theoretical models University, Cambridge, MA 02138 (andrews@ used to explain the relationship between wjh.harvard.edu). I have benefited from com- movements and political change. I argue that ments and criticisms by Michael Biggs, Marshall our understanding of the influence of social Ganz, Peter Marsden, Ziad Munson, Shuva Paul, movements will be greatly improved by de- Gerald Platt, Michael Schwartz, Alex Trillo, Mary Vogel, Charlie Zicari, and Bob Zussman. lineating models that specify how move- Some of the data collection was supported by an ments generate institutional change NSF Doctoral Dissertation Improvement Grant (McAdam and Snow 1997). I propose a (9625597). “movement infrastructure” model that fo- American Sociological Review, 2001, Vol. 66 (February:71–95) 71 72 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW cuses on the organizational structure, re- a movement’s impact on institutions often sources, and leadership of a movement to depends on its ability to build organizations explain its impact on the political process. and shape collective identities (Mueller Second, I present an extensive analysis of 1987). These movements, however, seek the effects of the civil rights movement in change in political institutions, and those Mississippi on the implementation of pov- changes may take a variety of forms such as: erty programs at the local level. I investigate (1) gaining access to the decision-making whether local movements directly and indi- process, (2) altering an institution’s goals rectly shaped the implementation of federal and priorities, (3) securing favorable poli- policy in Mississippi. First, a quantitative cies, (4) insuring that those policies are analysis of poverty program funding exam- implemented, or (5) shifting the distribution ines the impact of movement organization, of institutional resources to benefit the white countermobilization, social, political, movement’s constituents (Burstein et al. and economic factors on funding from 1965 1995; Gamson 1990; Kreisi et al. 1995; to 1971. Two case studies follow that assess Schumaker 1975).1 Overall, a focus on insti- the impact of local civil rights movements tutional outcomes makes sense because it on the form and content of poverty programs encompasses the long-term goals of many in their communities. social movements. In addition, a focus on institutional outcomes has a methodological advantage because in many cases these out- CONCEPTUALIZING comes are more easily measured than cul- MOVEMENT OUTCOMES tural, attitudinal, and psychological out- Outcomes as Changes in comes. Political outcomes provide an impor- Political Institutions tant indicator of “the results of [the civil rights] movement in the lives of black I focus on outcomes rather than success. Re- southerners” (Button 1989:4). cent research has identified methodological and theoretical problems with studying suc- Opportunity Structures, cess (Amenta and Young 1999; Giugni Institutional Arenas, 1998). Success implies the attainment of spe- and Key Actors cific, widely shared goals, but the goals of most social movements are contested by par- Political process theories note that the emer- ticipants and observers. Goals also change gence of social movements is patterned by over the course of a movement. Studying broad changes in the “political opportunity outcomes avoids these problems and allows structure” (McAdam 1982). This observation scholars to focus on unintended and negative points to one of the methodological chal- consequences as well as successes. lenges for research on movement outcomes: The analysis here pertains to political If changes in the opportunity structure facili- movements and institutional outcomes in the tate the emergence of a social movement, political arena. Political movements involve then those same changes may account for the a sustained challenge to existing power rela- apparent impact of a movement (Amenta, tions, and they employ disruptive, nonrou- Dunleavy, and Bernstein 1994). The impor- tine tactics that publicly challenge the distri- tance of opportunity structures has been es- bution and uses of power in the broader so- tablished, but few scholars would argue that ciety (Gamson 1990; McAdam 1982; they have a singular and deterministic effect Schwartz 1976; Tilly 1978). This focus ex- on social movements (Goldstone 1980; cludes movements focused on changes inter- Kitschelt 1986). Rather, the emergence and nal to a group and its members. Because po- maintenance of a social movement is in part litical movements also directly or indirectly attributable to the internal dynamics of the make claims on the state, I focus on institu- tional outcomes. Typically, political move- 1 Movements can also influence “reactive” out- ments attempt to build organizations and comes such as preventing a policy that would change the culture and consciousness of damage the movement or its constituents (Kriesi their members or the broader public. In fact, et al. 1995). SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND POLICY IMPLEMENTATION 73 movement itself. In addition, some scholars litical change (e.g., access, policy enact- argue that the impacts of movements on op- ment, implementation), (2) analyzing oppor- portunity structures should be studied. For tunity structures, institutional arenas and key example, McAdam (1996) notes that “our actors that shape movement dynamics, (3) collective failure to undertake any serious incorporating temporal processes by measur- accounting of the effect of past movements ing outcomes over time. on . . . political opportunities is as puzzling as it is lamentable” (p. 36). FOUR DIVERGENT VIEWS ON Any analysis of movement outcomes MOVEMENTS AND OUTCOMES must examine the structure and strategies of the relevant exogenous political actors and Studies of the impact of social movements institutions. Movements make claims that have typically focused on the question of directly or indirectly impinge on other whether movements exert influence. In those groups. Thus, movements have complex and cases for which one can identify the influ- sometimes unexpected relationships with ence of movements on institutional change other groups that become allies or oppo- independent of other nonmovement factors, nents. They also mobilize within institu- a second set of questions must be answered. tional settings that structure conflict and First, the causal argument must be specified. possible outcomes. For example, federal What characteristics of a movement or agencies are constrained by their relation- movement activity account for the impact? ship to Congress and public opinion Second, the mechanisms of influence must (Burstein 1999). These rules and resources be revealed. What is the process or mecha- shape the possible responses of state actors nism by which a movement influences a po- to social movements. litical institution? There are several promi- nent answers to these questions. Measuring Outcomes Over Time Analyses of movement outcomes will be improved by systematically comparing and For methodological and conceptual reasons, elaborating these contending models. In my I need to measure multiple outcomes and to view, no single model can account for the measure outcomes over time (Andrews ways movements generate change. This 1997; Banaszak 1996; Button 1989; Snyder view stems from the variety of cases and po- and Kelly 1979). Movement outcomes over litical contexts that have been studied as “so- time must be measured because movements cial movements.” Nevertheless, there is a change their tactics and goals. For example, relatively limited set of possibilities, and our Katzenstein (1990) finds that feminist activ- understanding of movement impacts will be ists in 1973 organized around the issue of improved by specifying those models as ordination, but by 1983 the movement had “ideal types.” Scholars often operate with an broadened its analysis and goals to include implicit model that remains undertheorized. “running shelters for homeless women; do- Elaborating these models allows researchers ing prison work; organizing in the sanctuary to ask how particular cases diverge from the movement; joining in against US in- theoretical models. Most important, compar- tervention in Central America; running em- ing different models can direct scholarship powerment workshops, lesbian retreats, and toward broader questions about variation conferences to build bridges between across movements and political contexts.2 women religious and laywomen” (p. 41; also I delineate four major approaches to the see Katzenstein 1998). Another reason for relationship between movements and out- measuring outcomes over time is that the comes.3 Each model singles out key ele- form and degree of influence may vary over time (Andrews 1997). By focusing on a 2 movement’s immediate impact the move- For example, Piven and Cloward’s (1977) explicit focus on “poor people’s movements” ment’s influence could be over- or underes- suggests that class composition is a key variable timated. (also see Ragin 1989). In sum, analyzing movement outcomes in- 3 I focus on theories that explicitly examine the volves: (1) examining different forms of po- movement/outcome relationship. Other than my 74 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW ments that account for a movement’s impact, Organizations, particularly mass-based and each implies different mechanisms membership organizations, are doomed to through which movements can exert influ- failure because powerless groups can never ence. These distinct ways of thinking about mobilize as effectively as dominant groups movement impact are rarely made explicit or in a society. As a result, organization can contrasted with one another in sociological only lessen the disruptive capacity and effi- research. By explicating each, I aim to cacy of protest (Piven and Cloward 1984, clarify the lines of debate in the field and 1992; also see Gamson and Schmeidler place my research within that debate. 1984; Morris 1984). Elite reaction is ulti- mately focused in a self-interested way on Action-Reaction Models: ending protest. Analyzing urban policy Disruption or Persuasion changes in the 1960s, Katznelson (1981) ar- gues that “the targets of these public poli- In the first two models, which I call “action- cies were not objects of compassion, but of reaction” models, mobilization has the mo- fear born of uncertainty” (p. 3). Policy- mentary potential to leverage change makers caught off guard by protest, attempt through its impact on political elites, elec- to quickly assemble a strategy of repression, toral coalitions, or public opinion. Within concessions, or a combination of the two the action-reaction approach, theorists de- that will end the protest wave (Tarrow scribe two possible routes whereby move- 1993). Disruption models focus on the limi- ments are influential. tations of protest on policymaking beyond In one route, movements are dramatic, dis- the agenda-setting stage. ruptive and threatening to elites, which In the second version of the action-reac- prompts a rapid response—typically either tion model, movements are dramatic and concessions and/or repression. Piven and generate support from sympathetic third par- Cloward (1977) have been the primary pro- ties that take up the cause of the movement. ponents of this view arguing that “the most The intervening role of “third parties,” “by- useful way to think about the effectiveness stander publics,” or “conscience constitu- of protest is to examine the disruptive effects ents” is critical. In a classic essay, Lipsky on institutions of different forms of mass de- (1968) argues that “the ‘problem of the pow- fiance, and then to examine the political re- erless’ in protest activity is to activate ‘third verberations of those disruptions” (p. 24). parties’ to enter the implicit or explicit bar- For Piven and Cloward (1977), it is not clear gaining arena in ways favorable to protest- that protest has an independent impact be- ers” (p. 1145). Lipsky claims that “if protest cause it “wells up in response to momentous tactics are not considered significant by the changes in the institutional order. It is not media . . . protest organizations will not suc- created by organizers and leaders” (p. 36). ceed. Like the tree falling unheard in the for- Protest is one link in a sequence, and once est, there is no protest unless protest is per- the sequence is initiated protesters have little ceived and projected” (p. 1151; also see control over the policy response. The au- Benford and Hunt 1992). 4 thors conclude that “whatever influence Garrow (1978) argues that civil rights lower-class groups occasionally exert in campaigns, especially in Selma, Alabama, American politics does not result from orga- generated momentum for the 1965 Voting nization, but from mass protest and the dis- Rights Act. For some theorists, repression is ruptive consequences of protest” (Piven and an intervening link. For example, Garrow Cloward 1977:36). 4 These models of movement influence are brief discussion of political opportunity structure, connected to methodological strategies. For ex- I do not focus on theories of political-institu- ample, Rucht and Neidhardt (1998) argue that tional change including (1) pluralist or interest media reported protest is a meaningful barometer group theories, (2) state-centric theories, or (3) of all protest: “Insofar as we are interested in elite theories. Some scholars have contrasted those protests which are an input for the political these theories with “movement theories” of po- system, media reported protests have a higher litical change (Amenta, Caruthers, and Zylan validity than the whole range of actual protests” 1992; Quadagno 1992). (p. 76). SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND POLICY IMPLEMENTATION 75 argues that attacks by southern officials on routinized and organizations become incor- civil rights activists further solidified the porated. Most important, the access-influ- support of bystanders. Burstein (1985) ence model argues that disruptive tactics shows that the movement did not reverse the have little independent impact on institu- direction of public opinion arguing that tional change. In their study of the impacts movements are probably unable to have such of black and Hispanic political mobilization a substantial impact on opinion. Rather, pro- on a variety of policy outcomes, Browning, test increased the salience of the civil rights Marshall, and Tabb (1984) argue that protest issue, and political representatives were able and electoral strategies were used together to act on those louder and clearer signals effectively, but “demand-protest strategies (Burstein 1999). In this view protest is a by themselves produced limited results in form of communication, and persuasion is most cities” (p. 246). the major way that movements influence Access-influence models also assert that policy (Mansbridge 1994). securing insider status is more consequential These two versions of the action-reaction than pursuing a single, specific policy objec- model differ: The first emphasizes disrup- tive. Rochon and Mazmanian (1993) argue tive and often violent action forcing a re- that the antinuclear movement, by advocat- sponse from political elites; the second pro- ing a single piece of legislation, was unsuc- poses that protest can mobilize sympathetic cessful. In contrast, the environmental third parties that advance the movement’s movement, especially antitoxic groups, at- agenda by exerting influence on political tempted to become a legitimate participant elites. But both versions of the action-reac- in the regulatory process. By gaining access, tion model share the assumption that (1) the movement has been able to have a sub- large-scale dramatic events shape the pro- stantial, long-term impact on policy (also see cess of change by, (2) mobilizing more Costain 1981; Sabatier 1975). powerful actors to advance the movement’s The access-influence model has fewer cause, and (3) that (implicitly) movements proponents within the movement literature have little or no direct influence beyond than the action-reaction models. However, this initial point. In both versions, the pri- the notion that “routine” tactics are most ef- mary focus is on public protest events ficacious is consistent with pluralist theories rather than on organizations. of democracy that view the political system as relatively open to citizen influence. In this Access-Influence Model: model, organization-building (especially Routinization of Protest professionalization, bureaucratization, and centralization) provides movements with the The third major approach argues that the de- necessary tools to operate in the interest terminant of movement efficacy is the ac- group system where bargaining is the key quisition of routine access to the polity mechanism of influence. through institutionalized tactics. This ap- proach typically describes a drift toward less The Movement disruptive tactics such as electoral politics, Infrastructure Model coalitions, lobbying and litigation. Organi- zation and leadership figure prominently in Finally, I propose a “movement infrastruc- this model. Organizational changes parallel ture” model. Three components of a move- the tactical shift including increasing cen- ment’s infrastructure must be examined to tralization and bureaucratization of move- explain its influence on the policy process: ment organizations. In short, social move- leadership, organizational structure, and re- ment organizations evolve into interest sources. Infrastructures that allow the move- groups. In the “access-influence” model, the ment to employ multiple mechanisms of in- organizational and tactical shifts are accom- fluence (including disruption, persuasion, panied by an increase in influence over rel- and bargaining) will have the greatest impact evant policy arenas. In contrast, the action- on policy implementation. At a general level, reaction model would predict that move- the autonomy and continuity of the infra- ment influence declines as tactics become structure are key factors explaining the long- 76 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW term viability and impact of the movement, 1992). As a result, their strategic and tacti- sustaining a movement through shifts in the cal options are broader (Ganz 2000). Ulti- broader political environment (Andrews mately, movements require substantial con- 1997; Rupp and Taylor 1990). A strong tributions of volunteer labor to maintain or- movement infrastructure can spur political ganizations and launch protest campaigns. elites to initiate policy concessions in re- This is seen most clearly at the local level sponse to the perceived threat of the move- where movement organizations are less ment. That threat rests on the belief that a likely to maintain a paid, professional staff. movement has the capacity to institute more In the movement infrastructure model, substantial change through parallel, autono- strategy and tactics depend on a movement’s mous institutions. leadership, organization, and resources. This Leaders and organizations must be embed- contrasts with the action-reaction model that ded in indigenous, informal networks. Such either views protest and organization in con- links make leaders more responsive to their flict with one another or pays little attention constituency and less easily co-opted (Mor- to organization. Strategy and tactics are con- ris 1984). Robnett (1996) distinguishes be- ceptualized broadly in the infrastructure tween formal leaders (e.g., ministers) and an model and range from protest to the building intermediate layer of “bridge leaders,” who of counter-institutions. stand at nodal points within the informal net- In sum, strong movement infrastructures works of a community. This type of leader- have diverse leaders and a complex leader- ship structure can generate ongoing tension ship structure, multiple organizations, infor- within a movement. However, it also can mal ties that cross geographic and social provide advantages, such as innovation boundaries, and a resource base that draws (Stepan-Norris and Zeitlin 1995). A differ- substantially on contributions from their entiated leadership structure allows for com- members for both labor and money. These munication to various audiences including characteristics provide movements with participants, potential recruits, opponents, greater flexibility that allows them to influ- and state actors (Klandermans 1997). A lead- ence the policy process through multiple ership structure with a diversity of skills and mechanisms. experiences will be better able to use mass- based tactics as well as routine negotiation COMPARING THE MODELS with outside groups (Ganz 2000; Gerlach and Hine 1970). The movement infrastructure model builds The critical role of preexisting organiza- on the insights of the prior three models. tion and resources has been established in the First, it assumes, like the action-reaction emergence of social movements. To persist models, that there are key moments when over time, movements must forge new orga- movements can be especially efficacious. nizational forms and establish independent Further, it assumes that disruptive tactics are resource flows (McAdam 1982; Schwartz important for movements to have an impact, 1976). In the mobilization process, the infor- especially when disruptive tactics are cre- mal structure of relationships among activ- atively injected into routine political pro- ists and organizations must be expansive cesses. The movement infrastructure model across communities and subgroups. In the differs from the others because it emphasizes policymaking process, formal organizations the building and sustaining of movement in- become a necessary vehicle for advancing a frastructures as an important determinant of group’s claims. Organizational structures can the long-term impact of these movements (in alter the routine operation of the political contrast to short-term impacts, like agenda- process when they are perceived as legiti- setting). Furthermore, unlike the access-in- mate and/or threatening by established po- fluence model, these organizations have the litical actors (Clemens 1997; Gamson 1990). greatest impact when they maintain their Movements that rely primarily on the ability to use both “outsider” and “insider” “mobilization of people” rather than on fi- tactics. Litigation, lobbying, and electoral nancial resources are more likely to continue politics can be effectively employed by so- using protest tactics (Schwartz and Paul cial movements. However, movements lose SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND POLICY IMPLEMENTATION 77 key opportunities for leverage in the politi- tivists defined economic empowerment as a cal process when they quickly adopt the tac- natural outgrowth of the political empower- tics of “interest groups” and abandon “insur- ment pursued through voter registration. In gent” tactics. fact, many believed that political power Movements must be able to create lever- would be meaningless unless black commu- age through multiple mechanisms. The prior nities could generate viable economic pro- three models focus on a single mechanism grams (Dorsey 1977). as the primary means by which movements There were several obstacles to movement create change (e.g., disruption, persuasion, influence. First, the objectives of federal or negotiation). The movement infrastruc- agencies constrained the ability of local ture model accounts for the ability of move- movements to direct the War on Poverty. The ments to impact political change through “professionalization of reform” could reduce multiple mechanisms, and this change can the participation and influence of the poor occur when a movement’s leadership and or- to a primarily symbolic role (Helfgot 1974; ganization allow for strategic flexibility. also see Friedland 1976). In addition, the ad- The pattern of outcomes for a movement ministration of poverty programs required may depend on processes described by each negotiations with many community groups, of these models. For example, both action- some of which were potential allies or oppo- reaction models focus on agenda-setting as nents of civil rights activists. While move- the primary outcome that movements can in- ment mobilization shaped the distribution fluence. In contrast, access-influence and and development of antipoverty programs in movement infrastructure models examine Mississippi, these programs also shaped the later stages in the policymaking process. Ul- direction of local movements.5 Once the War timately, researchers should use these mod- on Poverty was initiated, local movements in els to compare across different types of so- Mississippi and across the country attempted cial movements and political contexts. The to secure resources and shape programs analysis I present here demonstrates the util- (Patterson 1994:146). Quadagno (1994) ity of the movement infrastructure model as notes that a “crucial linkage . . . unquestion- applied to the Mississippi case. ably did develop between the civil rights movement and the War on Poverty” (p. 28). The poverty programs in Mississippi can RESEARCH DESIGN be examined as an outcome of the civil The War on Poverty as an Outcome rights movement for four main reasons: (1) the poverty programs and the civil rights The War on Poverty created a new set of op- movement both targeted an overlapping portunities and constraints for the civil rights arena of activity, (2) there was substantial movement. These programs brought substan- and ongoing interactions between civil rights tial resources into impoverished communi- activists and the Office of Economic Oppor- ties, providing opportunities for blacks to in- tunity, (3) the programs provided benefits to fluence the shape and direction of policy. At the movement’s primary constituency first glance, it is surprising how thoroughly (blacks in the South), and (4) there is sig- local movements became involved in the War nificant variation across states and counties on Poverty. After all, the publicly stated goal in local actors’ influence on the programs. of the movement in the early 1960s was gain- ing access to electoral politics. However, an Study Design: Quantitative and underlying objective of the movement in Qualitative Analyses Mississippi was building local movements that could define and pursue their own goals Mississippi is an important case for examin- (Payne 1995). The early movement organi- ing the long-term impacts of the civil rights zations were not directly involved in the War on Poverty. Nevertheless, local movements 5 I do not analyze the impacts of poverty pro- continued to operate in the post-1965 period grams on the civil rights movement, e.g., whether and attempted to shape the local implemen- the programs co-opted the movement (see tation of poverty programs. Many local ac- Eisinger 1979). 78 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW movement. The state is widely known for its erty program funding, I use case studies to institutionalization of the “tripartite system examine the processes and form of conflict of domination”—a term Morris (1984) has at the local level (i.e., the mechanisms used to describe the political, economic, and through which local movement organiza- personal bases of racial inequality in the tions shaped the development of poverty U.S. South. On one hand, Mississippi can be programs). viewed as a test case where the movement The primary sources are the records of met its most intense resistance. At the same movement organizations and information time, there is substantial variation within the from the Office of Economic Opportunity. state across key variables: movement mobi- These sources provide data on the key ac- lization, countermovement, structural char- tors, their activities, and their analyses of the acteristics, and the implementation of pov- political landscape. For the case studies, erty programs. written records are supplemented with par- Follow Amenta’s (1991) suggestion of ana- ticipant interviews from published and un- lyzing subunits, I use counties as the unit of published collections. analysis to strengthen the theoretical value of the study. This focus has substantive merit because the Mississippi movement targeted THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT counties as areas within which to organize. AND THE WAR ON POVERTY: In addition, counties are the most important NATIONAL AND STATE CONTEXTS local political unit in the South (Krane and The National Context of the Shaffer 1992). Finally, poverty programs War on Poverty 7 were instituted in Mississippi across coun- ties rather than across municipalities. On August 20, 1964, President Lyndon The research here combines two comple- Johnson signed the Economic Opportunity mentary strategies: (1) a quantitative analy- Act, a key component of his Great Society sis of Mississippi counties that allows for agenda. The initiation of the War on Poverty precise estimates of the distribution of pro- coincided with a set of national policy ini- grams and funding, and (2) qualitative evi- tiatives of the early 1960s, including the dence from case studies using interview and 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting archival data. Most previous research on the Rights Act—legislation that altered the po- War on Poverty has focused on urban areas, litical context of the civil rights movement. riots, and the distribution of poverty pro- The War on Poverty included a cluster of grams (Button 1978; Fording 1997). Beyond programs administered primarily through the single case studies, few scholars have exam- newly formed Office of Economic Opportu- ined the impacts of social movement pro- nity (OEO). (Table 1 provides a list of acro- cesses on poverty programs. In my quantita- nyms used throughout this paper.) The War tive analysis, I ask whether movements had on Poverty lacked a unified approach con- an impact on poverty programs independent ceptually and administratively. For example, of other relevant factors.6 After establishing the 1964 legislation included plans for that movements did have an impact on pov- Neighborhood Youth Corps, Community Ac- tion Programs, Head Start, Volunteers in Ser- 6 The data set is drawn from a larger study that vice to America (VISTA), and the college includes measures of the civil rights movement, work-study program (Patterson 1994). local countermobilization, contextual variables, Through the 1960s, OEO administered the federal intervention, and other outcomes. This majority of these programs, allowing them data set includes all Mississippi counties except to bypass old-line agencies like the Depart- Hinds County, which includes Jackson, the capi- ment of Labor and local or state agencies. tol of Mississippi. The large size of Hinds Over time, however, the major poverty pro- County makes it an outlier in some analyses. In addition, Jackson served as the organizational grams were phased out or shifted over to the center for state-level activities. My interest is in the local forms of mobilization, and in Hinds 7 For overviews see Friedman (1977), County these cannot be distinguished from state- Patterson (1994), Piven and Cloward (1993), and level mobilization. Quadagno (1994). SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND POLICY IMPLEMENTATION 79 more conservative agencies, and in 1973 Table 1. List of Acronyms and Organizations OEO was eliminated (Quadagno 1994). Among the various poverty programs, the Acronym Organization Community Action Program (CAP) received ACBC Associated Communities of Bolivar the greatest attention and became almost County synonymous with the War on Poverty. CAP Community Action Program Policymakers pushing “community action hoped to stimulate better coordination CDGM Child Development Group of Mississippi among the melange of public and private agencies delivering ” CMI Central Mississippi, Inc. (Peterson and Greenstone 1977:241). This COFO Council of Federated Organizations objective, however, was abandoned in favor of “citizen participation.” OEO and local CORE Congress of Racial Equality CAPs had little impact on the established MFDP Mississippi Freedom Democratic agencies providing services to poor commu- Party nities. As a result, CAPs administered many NAACP National Association for the of the new antipoverty programs. CAPs were Advancement of Colored People coordinated at the local level through a CAP Board that served as the overarching admin- OEO Office of Economic Opportunity istrative body and provided a point of poten- SNCC Student Nonviolent Coordinating tial access for local movements. This open- Committee ing paved the way for intense conflicts be- tween local groups attempting to gain access to CAP boards in order to influence the flow often portrayed as the final chapter of the of OEO funds. Mississippi movement as national attention shifted away from the southern movement The Mississippi Civil Rights following passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Movement Act. However, key struggles took place at the state and local levels concerning the In Mississippi, the Student Nonviolent Co- implementation of voting rights and social ordinating Committee (SNCC) began devel- policies. Both the NAACP and MFDP con- oping community projects in the early 1960s tinued to pursue a civil rights agenda after around voter registration (Carson 1981; 1965 in Mississippi. The period following Dittmer 1994; Payne 1995). These early the Atlantic City convention was marked by projects linked the small network of indig- increasing conflict between the two domi- enous NAACP leaders and an emerging nant organizations. In the electoral arena, group of grassroots leaders exemplified by both organizations supported candidates in Annie Devine, Fannie Lou Hamer, and local and state elections. Local branches of Victoria Gray (Payne 1995). Civil rights both organizations pursued school desegre- projects met intense repression across the gation, organized boycotts and demonstra- state from local law enforcement and local tions, and pushed for expanded poverty pro- whites. SNCC’s early efforts were expanded grams in their communities (McLemore during the 1964 Freedom Summer project 1971; Parker 1990). that brought college students from across the country into the local movements. Two fea- The Child Development Group of tures of this early period stand out: (1) the Mississippi: Early Involvement in intensity of white resistance and (2) the fo- the War on Poverty cus on building local community organiza- tions and leaders. From their origins, poverty programs in Mis- Following Freedom Summer, the newly sissippi were closely tied to the dynamics of formed Mississippi Freedom Democratic the civil rights movement. One of the earli- Party (MFDP) challenged the all-white Mis- est and most celebrated programs, the Child sissippi delegation to the Democratic Na- Development Group of Mississippi (CDGM), tional Convention in Atlantic City. This is administered Head Start centers across the 80 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW state building directly on the movement’s (NA, RG 381, Box 108, July 30, 1966).8 base of Freedom Schools and community Bernice Johnson, who worked with CDGM centers. CDGM provided an entry point for in Holmes County, recalled that community activists into the War on Poverty (Greenberg centers were used in the daytime for Head 1969). Start and at night for the MFDP (Bernice CDGM was formed by a small group of Johnson, interviewed by author, June 20, policymakers and psychologists with loose 1996). The same core groups of activists connections to the Mississippi movement. participated in both activities. Investiga- For example, Tom Levin, the first director tions across the state showed that CDGM of the program, had participated in Freedom staff were affiliated with COFO, SNCC, Summer through the Medical Committee CORE, NAACP, the Urban League, the for Human Rights, a group providing medi- Delta Ministry, and MFDP (NA, RG 381, cal assistance to local projects. Despite Box 108, July 5, 1966). these ties, when proposals for CDGM were The strong relationship between local circulated in early 1965, the response from movements and CDGM made the Head Start SNCC and MFDP’s state-level leadership program a target of opposition, including was one of skepticism and opposition violence. The primary resistance came from (Payne 1995). Many movement leaders influential Mississippi politicians, including were suspicious of the federal government Senator James Eastland, who chaired the Ju- and the initiatives of white liberals follow- diciary Committee, and Senator John ing the challenge at Atlantic City (Dittmer Stennis, who chaired the Appropriations 1994). Thus, the state-level civil rights or- Committee. The opposition to CDGM reso- ganizations made little effort to support nated with growing fear from around the CDGM. country that the War on Poverty was fund- Nevertheless, CDGM quickly diffused ing black insurgency (Quadagno 1994). through the local movement infrastructure. CDGM acquired its second grant for the In April 1965, CDGM held its first statewide 1966 summer after a massive mobilization meeting to begin developing the organiza- including a demonstration in which “forty- tion for the upcoming summer. At the first eight black children and their teachers turned meeting, representatives from 20 communi- the hearing room of the House Education and ties attended. By the second meeting in the Labor Committee into a kindergarten” middle of April, that number had increased (Dittmer 1994:375). After this, CDGM was to 64 (Greenberg 1969:18, 22). For the first funded at 5.6 million dollars. In response, summer, Payne (1995) reports that “on open- Governor Johnson and his allies came to see ing day of the eight-week session, eighty- that by setting up CAP agencies in Missis- four centers opened across the state, serving sippi communities, local whites could pre- fifty-six hundred children” (p. 329). Green- vent the flow of federal dollars into pro- berg (1969), the OEO staff person respon- grams like CDGM. Under continuing attack sible for CDGM, claims that “CDGM stood from segregationists, OEO was eager to rec- on the shoulders of COFO and its compan- ognize any CAP agency in Mississippi, re- ion projects which were active the preced- gardless of its composition. (Dittmer 1994: ing summer” (p. 28). 375) Holmes County illustrates the relation- This tactical shift is remarkable—that Mis- ship that developed between the civil rights sissippi politicians opposed to federal anti- movement and CDGM at the local level. An poverty programs would come to embrace inspection during the second year of the them must be attributed to the threat posed program found that 102 of the 108 staff by the Mississippi civil rights movement.9 members in Holmes County were active 8 members of MFDP. Reflecting the strength Complete citations for archival material are of the local movement, the investigation listed in the bibliography under Archival Sources. “NA” indicates the National Archives found that “many of the Negroes in the and Records Administration, and “RG indicates communities around the centers have do- the Record Group. nated money and time to build buildings for 9 This opposition to federal intervention was the centers and work with the programs” specific to programs that would benefit black SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND POLICY IMPLEMENTATION 81

OEO undermined the viability of CDGM amount of CAP funding for each period. The by stipulating that in counties with a CAP, independent variables include measures of Head Start must be administered through the the civil rights movement (black mobiliza- local CAP agency rather than a specialized, tion), white resistance to the movement statewide program like CDGM. Turning (countermobilization), and local characteris- Head Start over to CAPs gave local agencies tics of the county (political and socioeco- a high profile in the community. The policy nomic variables). (See Appendix Table A for also undermined the movement’s control of a list of variables, descriptions, means and Head Start in Mississippi. OEO realized that standard deviations.) this would shift the attention of movement Black mobilization is measured by three activists toward local CAPs. In November variables. MFDP staff in 1965 and NAACP 1966, OEO’s southeast regional director membership in 1963 distinguishes between wrote to OEO director Sargent Shriver ex- the effects of the militant (MFDP) and mod- plaining that “CDGM . . . had a large num- erate (NAACP) wings of the Mississippi ber of local poor people involved or hired. civil rights movement. I measure black elec- These same people can be expected to be- toral mobilization by the number of black come involved in local CA[P] activities as candidates running for office in 1967. Few their concern or experience warrants” (NA, black candidates won in these initial elec- RG 381, Box 2, November 8, 1966). This tions following the Voting Rights Act. How- became the main battleground as activists at- ever, the variable indicates the early consoli- tempted to shape Community Action Pro- dation of organizations and networks fo- grams in Mississippi. cused on electoral politics. Countermobilization by whites is mea- sured by three variables: incidents of violent MEASURES AND MODELS: resistance during Freedom Summer, the THE FORMATION AND presence of a Citizens’ Council organization, FUNDING OF CAPS and the presence of a organi- zation in the county.11 The formation of a Community Action Programs became the Community Action Program required some central component of the War on Poverty. support and participation from local whites, Did local movements in Mississippi shape typically from the County Board of Supervi- the formation and funding of CAPs? If so, sors. Hence, the areas that had most strongly in what ways did they influence CAPs? I resisted the civil rights movement should be analyze the funding of Community Action the least likely to seek out or support federal Programs during two phases, the initial de- programs. In some counties, for example, lo- velopment phase from 1965 to 1968 and the cal whites became targets of repression if later phase of declining resources from 1969 they met with civil rights groups (Dittmer to 1971.10 The dependent variable is the 1994; Harris 1982). Political characteristics of the county are Mississippians. Cobb (1990) notes that “Delta examined in terms of the political orienta- planters were skilled in the pursuit and manipu- tion of the electorate and the organizational lation of federal assistance long before the New Deal,” including flood control programs and capacity of the local government. The parti- crop-reduction subsidies (p. 914). san loyalty of a county’s electorate is mea- 10 The two dependent variables are the total sured by the percentage of votes cast for CAP grants for 1965–1968 and 1969–1971 (NA, Lyndon Johnson in 1964. Higher levels of RG 381, Box 14, n.d.). There were 18 CAPs in Democratic loyalty may have been rewarded Mississippi from 1965 to 1971 of which 8 were multicounty agencies. I used two different strate- similar results; I report the analysis using the gies for estimating county-level expenditures for “proportional” estimates. Because participation multicounty agencies. First, I divided the budget in programs was based on economic eligibility, evenly among the counties covered by the CAP. this strategy is a better, if not perfect, approxi- For the second estimation, I divided the budget mation of the distribution. among the counties proportional to the number 11 These three variables are not highly corre- of households in each county with an income be- lated, and thus I treat them as distinct modalities low $3,000 per year. The two estimates produced of resistance. 82 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW with higher levels of funding. In addition, I also include a variable measuring the total examine the possible influence of local po- number of households. To measure poverty litical institutions on program implementa- and the number of households, I use data tion by including the proportion of the labor from the 1960 census (rather than 1970) be- force employed in local government in 1964. cause OEO would have used these data at I expect that counties with large political in- the time. (Analyses using the 1970 data pro- stitutions will be more likely to seek out vide similar results.)12 poverty program funding because of their The initial models were estimated using greater organizational capacity (Mazmanian OLS regression. However, in the final mod- and Sabatier 1983). els I conduct an additional test using a “spa- Socioeconomic characteristics that might tial error” model, which tests for spatial de- influence the formation and funding of pendence in the model that can result from CAPs include the local class structure, the the geographic proximity of the units of level of poverty, and the population size. I analysis (see Amenta et al. 1994; Gould examine the local class structure using three 1991). The presence of spatial dependence different indicators: (1) the proportion of the can lead to inflated significance tests labor force employed in manufacturing, (2) (Anselin 1992; Doreian 1980). The the proportion of the labor force employed autocorrelation term in both models is sta- as professionals, and (3) landowner concen- tistically significant. However, the profile of tration for commercial farms. Measures of results for the remaining independent vari- class structure are often used in studies of ables is similar to that in the OLS models.13 the policy process. James (1988) finds that manufacturing is a key component of the southern class structure that influences the RESULTS level of racial inequality in political partici- Black Mobilization and Community pation. Hence, I expect manufacturing to Action Programs have a negative impact on poverty program funding. Professionals were potential sup- Table 2 shows that the measures of black porters of poverty programs, so I expect the mobilization play an important role in the proportion employed as professionals to funding of Community Action Programs have a positive impact on CAP funding. The during both periods: The MFDP has a statis- measure of landholding concentration esti- mates the predominance of the traditional 12 Similarly, I tested several measures of pov- plantation economy. Roscigno and erty, such as the number of households with in- Tomaskovic-Devey (1994) find that a simi- come below $2,000 and $1,000 in these models. lar indicator is an important determinant of Each indicator produced comparable results. The local political outcomes in North Carolina. chosen indicator, households earning less than The expected direction of the relationship $3,000, is the closest approximation of the fed- with this variable is unclear: While southern eral poverty line. CAP grant applications re- planters historically had opposed extensions quired that applicants list the percentage of households earning below $3,000. When OEO of the system into the local investigated the composition of CAP boards or economy, the mechanization of farming co- program employees to determine whether there incided with the rise of the civil rights move- was sufficient representation of “the poor,” this ment and the initiation of the War on Pov- was the indicator they used. The indicator be- erty. This left many farm laborers unem- came so widely used that the movement em- ployed, and poverty programs could have ployed it, and in 1966, MFDP sent out a call for been viewed as a viable strategy for address- a statewide meeting of all persons earning below ing the social and economic consequences of $3,000. Studies by political scientists and soci- (Cobb 1990). ologists measuring poverty with 1960 data have To measure poverty, I use the proportion also employed this same indicator (e.g., Colby 1985; Cowart 1969; Friedland 1976). of households with below $3,000 13 The independent variables that were signifi- per year. In these models, using households cant in the OLS models remain significant, with or individuals produces similar results be- the exception of the presence of Ku Klux Klan cause they are highly correlated (r = .994). I organizations. SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND POLICY IMPLEMENTATION 83

Table 2. Unstandaradized Coefficients from the Maximum-Likelihood Regression of Community Action Program Funding (in $100,000s) on Selected Independent Variables: Mississippi Counties, 1965Ð1968 and 1969Ð1971

CAP Grants CAP Grants Independent Variables 1965–1968 (S.E.) 1969–1971 (S.E.)

Black Mobilization MFDP membership, 1965 1.942*** (.506) 1.109*** (.243) NAACP membership, 1963 (logged) 1.646** (.715) .451 (.350) Number of black candidates, 1967 .— .566** (.211)

Countermobilization Violent resistance during Freedom Summer –1.96*** (.577) –1.240*** (.283) Citizens’ Council organization in county, 1956 –1.657 (2.401) –.657 (1.105) Ku Klux Klan organization in county, 1964 –2.622 (2.324) –1.707 (1.116)

Political Characteristics Percentage voting for Lyndon Johnson, 1964 –.011 (.199) .— Proportion employed in local government, 1964 690.229* (327.970) 415.988** (156.610)

Socioeconomic Characteristics Proportion employed in manufacturing –.025 (.205) –.090 (.093) Proportion professionals .431 (.374) .131 (.176) Landowner concentration 5.251 (7.432) .107 (3.357) Poverty, 1959 (proportion of households 43.769* (25.408) 11.447 (12.129) earning less than $3,000) Total number of households, 1960 (in 1,000s) .907* (.424) .760*** (.206)

Spatial autocorrelation (λ) .551*** (.114) .383** (.136) Constant –53.083* (26.425) –18.618 (12.416)

Fit .422 .562 Maximized log-likelihood (LIK) –1,226.3 –1,165.3 Akaike Information Criterion (AIC) 2,478.6 2,356.6 Note: Numbers in parentheses are standard errors. “Fit” measures the squared correlation between the predicted and observed values (Anselin 1992). Number of counties = 81. *p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 (one-tailed tests [except landowner concentration; see text]) tically significant effect in both periods, the promoted black moderates at the expense of NAACP variable is significant for 1965– more militant civil rights activists” (p. 43). 1968 but not for 1969–1971, and the mea- Certainly, OEO attempted to do this. But sure of black electoral organization is posi- these analyses show that local movements, tive and statistically significant for 1969– especially militant groups, promoted the ex- 1971.14 pansion of OEO programs. The models underscore the influence at Next I discuss the remaining variables in the local level of the more militant organiza- the CAP models. Then I provide an extended tions. Quadagno (1994) argues that “OEO discussion of movement influence. I argue that we must look further to determine 14 The black candidate variable does not ac- whether movement activists, moderate or count for the declining importance of NAACP militant, played a direct role in the adminis- membership. Models omitting the black candi- tration of CAPs. I draw on two case studies date variable show a similar profile of coeffi- of Mississippi counties to examine how cients, and the NAACP variable remains nonsig- movements shaped poverty program forma- nificant. tion and funding. 84 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Countermobilization: (Gamson 1990).15 This can occur when re- Repression and Poverty Programs pression undermines the organizational ca- pacity of the movement, but in this case, I The negative coefficients for violent resis- argue that a different process is operating— tance during Freedom Summer are statisti- repression diminished CAP funding by sup- cally significant in both models. Less CAP pressing the mobilization of other groups.16 funding went to those locales that had been sites of the most militant resistance to the The Local Context: civil rights movement. One white leader in Political Variables and Poverty Coahoma County articulated the common view that “if the white leaders did not be- The pattern reported in Table 2 indicates that come involved then the alternative was more poverty was significantly associated with Federal intervention with the county’s anti- high levels of CAP funding during the first poverty program being turned over to the period only. County size (measured by the Negroes” (Mosley and Williams 1967:8). number of households) also has a positive Most counties had some white leaders who effect in both models. The proportion em- shared this view, but they did not prevail in ployed in local government has a positive counties that had high levels of violent re- and statistically significant relationship to pression. Local white moderates were the poverty program funding in both periods. targets of white violence in some counties, Partisanship and measures do but in counties that were relatively less re- not show statistically significant effects on pressive, moderate white leaders stepped poverty program funding. forward to form poverty programs. Most CAPs were initiated in the early This interpretation is supported by evi- years following the 1964 legislation. As bud- dence from the case studies and broader get cuts were made through the late 1960s, historical material on the civil rights move- the funding of new grants was minimal. ment (see Cunnigen 1987; Jacoway and OEO’s broad guideline was to make reduc- Colburn 1982). In those cases in which local tions of “approximately equal percentage” whites supported the civil rights movement, while allowing room for administrative dis- they were often singled out for repression. cretion (NA, RG 381, Box 2, October 14, For example, during Freedom Summer, the 1966). However, Table 2 reveals some im- Heffners, a white couple, met with civil portant shifts, including the declining role of rights activists in their home in McComb. poverty and the increasing role of county After this meeting, the Heffners were intimi- size (measured by number of households). dated until they left the state (Dittmer 1994; Overall, the results reported in Table 2 indi- Harris 1982). This type of repression was cate that there was some continuity in the not limited to Freedom Summer. In 1966, for funding of CAPs. example, a white Head Start teacher in Panola County “received threatening phone Local Movements and calls. On July 16, a letter was distributed Community Action Programs around the city of Batesville. It was signed KKK, listed some of the white teachers and The key finding from the regression models, aides working in the program and said they then, is the significant positive impact of would be given just one more opportunity to get out on their own.... As a result of the 15 The relationship between repression and threat, four white aides left the Head Start protest has received considerable attention in re- program” (NA, RG 381, Box 110, July 17, cent years and has been strongly influenced by 1966). OEO field reports and CDGM Tilly’s (1978) early analysis (Koopmans 1997; records document similar efforts to limit Lichbach 1987; Rasler 1996). In contrast, little is white support for the movement and the pov- known about the impact of repression on out- comes. erty programs. 16 I conducted a third case study that sheds Movement scholars often argue that re- light on this process. In Madison County, violent pression has a negative impact on a repression endured longer than it did in most of movement’s ability to achieve its objectives Mississippi. Only one effort was made to estab- SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND POLICY IMPLEMENTATION 85 black mobilization on the funding of CAPs. packed in favor of the Governor. Negro rep- However, this finding is consistent with dif- resentation is always ‘Tom.’ ... Protests al- ferent interpretations. One possibility is that most always follow the selection of such ini- local movements were directly involved in tial Boards and resolution generally takes the formation of CAPs. However, another from 3 to 4 months. (NA, RG 381, Box 2, February 24, 1966)18 possibility is that movements posed a threat that mobilized other groups in the county to Even though they were aware of the prob- develop poverty programs. These scenarios lem, OEO’s grant administrators often did correspond to Gamson’s (1990) concepts of not have detailed information about the lo- success and preemption: Success occurs cal situation and lacked “the technical com- when movements gain access to the poli- petence necessary to help with Board prob- cymaking process and generate substantive lems” (NA, RG 381, Box 2, February 24, gains; movements are preempted when sub- 1966). This problem was particularly acute stantive gains are achieved without access to in the early years. During this period, OEO the policymaking process.17 depended on local movements to act as The regression equations do not indicate “whistle-blowers.” which of the two interpretations apply in Mississippi. The case studies show that the THE CASE STUDIES pattern was more complex. Initially move- ments were preempted, and this was followed The Community Action Programs in Holmes by long struggles with varying degrees of and Bolivar Counties were formed with little success to achieve access to the policymak- direct involvement from activists. However, ing process. Movements gained influence by this changed as each movement attempted to employing multiple strategies such as disrup- influence local CAPs. The cases differ with tive protest, negotiation with OEO officials, regard to the specific strategies deployed by and administering independent poverty pro- local movements and the way that local grams. In short, the movement infrastructure elites responded to those efforts. In Holmes in the community shaped the extent and form County, activists were able to secure posi- of influence that was ultimately achieved. tions and influence within the CAP adminis- In 1965 and 1966, Community Action Pro- tration and staff. In Bolivar County, activ- grams were formed without substantial par- ists used a variety of tactics to establish an ticipation from movement activists. Black independent poverty program that operated participation often involved traditional lead- alongside the local CAP. ers not affiliated with the civil rights move- ments (neither the moderate NAACP nor the Holmes County more militant MFDP representatives), such as ministers and teachers. OEO was, in fact, In the early 1960s, Holmes County devel- aware of what it called the “Tom” problem. oped one of the most successful local civil In early 1966, the southeast regional man- rights movements in Mississippi (MacLeod ager of CAP reported that in Mississippi 1991; Payne 1995). The movement devel- ... the most frequent problem and the one oped an infrastructure with broad leadership, which requires the most time in its solution multiple organizations, indigenous re- is representation. Boards on original submis- sources, and strategic flexibility. A core sion are almost always hand picked and group of activists emerged in the small com- munity of Mileston. Bernice Johnson, one of lish a CAP, and it was unsuccessful (Madison the first activists from the eastern part of the County Herald, “CAP Meeting Saturday,” April 27, 1967, p. 1). 17 There were some rare cases in which 18 Governors could veto poverty programs un- NAACP leaders and liberal whites formed coali- less they were administered through a college or tions at the local level—this occurred, for ex- university. Some programs, such as CDGM, were ample, in Coahoma County. However, these coa- administered through historically black colleges litions were stronger in state-level organizations to avoid the veto. Other programs were spon- like the Loyalist Democrats (Dittmer 1994; sored by universities outside the South, such as Simpson 1982). the Tufts Delta Health Center in Bolivar County. 86 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW county, remembers the diffusion process as movement follows: ... as opposed to placing the emphasis on Well, they were constantly trying to get new confrontational politics we had placed the members. I remember when I first started emphasis on organizing so that in the in- going to Mileston, I encouraged the people stances where there were confrontations in the community where I lived (which was there was sufficient organizational strength Sunny Mount) to start having a meeting.... behind it to make the whites think, you We were constantly going from community know, twice before doing anything. to community, from church to church, ask- (Tougaloo College, Tom Dent Collection, ing people to allow us to come into your July 2, 1979) church.... “Set up a community meeting. The Holmes County movement was a Elect you some officers—a president, a sec- retary, a treasurer or what have you—desig- loosely coordinated confederation of move- nate a certain time for your community ments across the county that expanded the meeting.” (Rural Organizing and Cultural repertoire of skills at the local level and Center 1991, p. 70) brought local activists into contact with state and national politics. By 1964, most of the small communities in Initial efforts to form a CAP in Holmes the county had held meetings sponsored by County bypassed the strong movement infra- the MFDP that culminated in a monthly structure. In the fall of 1965, a committee countywide meeting (Mississippi Depart- appointed by the Board of Supervisors be- ment of Archives and History, MFDP gan plans to join Central Mississippi, Inc. Records, Reel 3, n.d.). Sue Lorenzi, a com- (CMI), a multicounty CAP. OEO’s Southeast munity organizer, reported weekly meetings Regional Office was skeptical of CMI’s ini- in 15 different communities in 1966 (State tial proposal. Bob Westgate, an OEO staff Historical Society of Wisconsin [SHSW], member, noted that Alvin Oderman Papers, August 27, 1966). ... although there are three Negroes on each The movement infrastructure included of the [five], seven member county boards, multiple venues for leadership development. I have my doubts of their real value to their Salamon (1971:440), who conducted field people, whether they were really “elected” research in Holmes County in 1969, esti- by their people, and suggest that they should mated that there were approximately 800 for- be checked by someone from this office. At mal leadership positions in movement orga- least eight of the 15 Negro members are de- nizations held by 600 different individuals.19 pendent upon the white power structure for Financial resources were modest. How- their jobs or welfare pension payments (five ever, they were derived from local activities principals or teachers, two on welfare and one maid). (NA, RG 381, Box 5, December including collections at monthly meetings, 11, 1965) plate dinners, and set donations from churches of, for example, $100 a year. The Westgate sought information through CORE FDP office was sustained by local collec- and NAACP contacts, but neither organiza- tions—in 1966, “over $500 was raised . . . for tion could provide contacts because they did its phone, rent, lights, some supplies” (SHSW, not have organizations in the counties. Alvin Oderman Papers, August 27, 1966). Originally, CMI had submitted a proposal While the vast majority of resources were reporting that 25 percent of the population generated internally in the form of labor, the was black, but OEO required an increase in movement periodically employed outside the number of “minority representatives” help from sources like legal aid organizations when it discovered that the population in the or national civil rights organizations. six counties was actually 58 percent black Ed Brown, one of the early SNCC work- (NA, RG 381, Box 5, December 11, 1965). ers in Holmes County, described the local OEO was also concerned that “eight of the 20 white board members are ‘Johnson colo- 19 The 1960 census reports 19,488 black per- nels’—men who contributed funds and sup- sons (71.9 percent of the total population) living port during Governor Johnson’s campaign” in Holmes County (U.S. Bureau of the Census (NA, RG 381, Box 5, December 11, 1965). 1963). The governor exercised considerable power SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND POLICY IMPLEMENTATION 87 over CAPs because he had to sign off on The Holmes County movement thus re- grants and the organization’s charter. With structured the organization of poverty pro- CMI, Johnson “allegedly held up the sign- grams during the course of a single meeting. ing of the charter until these eight [support- These policies ensured a high level of move- ers] were appointed on the board.” The ment participation in future program imple- president and vice president of the CMI mentation. By securing access to the admin- board were Johnson loyalists, and they had istration of CAP, the civil rights movement strong ties to the local political structure. For was able to maintain control of Head Start example, Ringold, the president, was the at- centers through an independent, delegate torney for the Board of Supervisors (the agency. In addition, CAP initiated several most powerful local political body in Mis- projects that went beyond job training to ad- sissippi) in Montgomery County (NA, RG dress rural poverty in Holmes County. While 381, Box 5, December 11, 1965). the poverty programs provided services, Because the formation of CMI occurred they also provided jobs—the programs con- outside the public arena, it could not be con- stituted the single largest employer in tested by local activists. Daisy Lewis, direc- Holmes County (Salamon 1971). tor of the Holmes County Community Cen- ter, observed that “CAP came into Holmes Bolivar County County unexpected before the poor Negro and poor white had the chance to take part In the mid-1960s, the Bolivar County move- in it or decide if it would help our county or ment was weaker than that in Holmes not. . .” (Tougaloo College, Ed King Papers, County. Community organizers had begun Box 11, 1966). A group of approximately 40 campaigns in some towns (e.g., Shaw), but white leaders held a planning meeting in several communities had no movement ac- February 1966 to coordinate efforts. The tivity. The movement was held together by a Lexington Advertiser reported that “leaders loose network of activists, but it did not have were told that they have a choice of the the regular meetings, diverse organizations, county conducting it’s own anti-poverty pro- or comprehensive presence that Holmes gram and ‘taking the Negroes along with us’ County did. Nevertheless, civil rights activ- or not acting and have the ‘Negroes and civil ists mobilized a successful, widespread cam- rights workers’ take over” (“Anti-Poverty paign to secure an independent, parallel pro- Program Discussed,” February 24, 1966, p. gram. This campaign became a major ve- 1). Despite being caught off guard, the hicle for building a movement infrastructure movement quickly mobilized to participate in Bolivar County. in the program. On March 7, a public meet- As in Holmes County, the initial plans for ing was held with approximately 500 blacks a CAP occurred without movement partici- and 30 whites in attendance (Lexington Ad- pation. The Bolivar County Community Ac- vertiser, “Holmes CAP Advisory Group,” tion Committee was formed in 1965 with March 10, 1966, p. 1). Activists brought a key support from local elites including the series of demands including the dissolution Board of Supervisors and the Chamber of of the existing board. A compromise was Commerce. As editor of the Bolivar-Com- reached in which six additional members mercial and President of the Chamber of were elected to a temporary advisory com- Commerce, Cliff Langford provided consid- mittee. Other changes were made, including erable support for the program. From its be- the election of a 31-member permanent ad- ginning, local activists criticized the pro- visory committee that would elect a six- gram for excluding movement participation member Board of Directors. In addition, and appointing conservative blacks to the each Head Start center would elect a sepa- CAP board. As was the case in many CDGM rate advisory committee. Because the small counties, mobilization crystallized in early communities throughout the county were al- 1966 when local leaders in Bolivar County ready organized, the movement could elect learned that Head Start could no longer be a majority to the advisory committee and in- administered through CDGM. Consistent fluence key policy decisions of the Commu- with its new policy, OEO recommended that nity Action Program (Salamon 1971). the Head Start program be shifted to the lo- 88 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW cal CAP. The CDGM group formed a local The Bolivar County CAP tried to respond organization called the Associated Commu- to charges that its board was unrepresenta- nities of Bolivar County (ACBC). A cam- tive by holding open meetings at the local paign was launched that simultaneously at- level to discuss program objectives and con- tacked the local CAP for excluding move- solidate support. These meetings provided ment activists and demanded the continua- an opportunity for representatives of the tion of Head Start through the established CDGM-based group to publicly criticize the CDGM program. A similar strategy was used CAP board and build support for their chal- in Sunflower County (Mills 1993). Black lenge (SHSW, Amzie Moore Papers, Box 2, members of the CAP board were singled out n.d.a; SHSW, Amzie Moore Papers, Box 2, as “Toms” appointed by the “power struc- March 13, 1966). These events culminated ture.” The CDGM group was outraged that in a meeting between CAP and the CDGM one of the black ministers appointed to the group in March at which the Bolivar CAP CAP board had denied CDGM access to sev- voted down a proposal to transfer funds to eral churches in 1965 (SHSW, Amzie Moore the CDGM group and allow it to administer Papers, Box 2, n.d.b and Box 3, n.d.). an independent program. This forced OEO The primary leader of the challenge was to make a decision regarding the two groups Amzie Moore, one of the early NAACP (SHSW, Amzie Moore Papers, Box 2, 1966; leaders in Mississippi. However, the leader- SHSW, Amzie Moore Papers, Box 2, March ship included a large number of local minis- 22, 1966). ters (from churches in which Head Start OEO was initially opposed to having par- centers operated) and the staff from Head allel organizations and favored a reorgani- Start programs throughout the county. zation of the existing CAP board. Summa- These efforts also received support from the rizing an extensive investigation, an OEO Delta Ministry and MFDP. The challenge report emphasized that “it is crucially im- could quickly mobilize throughout the orga- portant that the Bolivar County Community nizational infrastructure that had been used Action Committee be given every consider- to operate Head Start. The local movement, ation for funding” (NA, RG 381, Box 40, calling itself the “Committee of the Poor in 1965). Despite initial support of the local Bolivar County,” held mass meetings, cir- CAP, Bill Seward concluded his investiga- culated a petition, and operated the CDGM tion for OEO that centers for approximately 1,200 children on a volunteer basis through the spring of 1966 ... although representing less than a third (NA, RG 381, Box 40, March 17, 1966; of the Negro population, [the CDGM group] is a potent and vocal force that must be rec- SHSW, Amzie Moore Papers, Box 2, Janu- ognized and included in any further OEO ary 19, 1966). The volunteer programs programs.... [F]urther postponement [of demonstrated the commitment of the local funding] will raise the level of emotional movement and posed an ongoing challenge discontent of the Negro/poor from one of to the legitimacy of the funded project in frustration, channeled into constructive ef- the county. One OEO investigator noted fort, to one of frustration resulting in overt that the petition “is a forceful and dramatic demonstration. In other words, there had expression of the feelings of these people of better be a Head Start and quick before the Bolivar County. It does show that there is a lid blows. (NA, RG 381, Box 40, March 17, 1966) good deal of organization at the grass roots level” (NA, RG 381, Box 40, March 3, This analysis led Seward to recommend di- 1966). In addition to the local activities, viding the funds evenly between CDGM and leaders went to Washington, D.C. to lobby the local CAP (NA, RG 381, Box 40, March OEO to maintain the CDGM-based program 31, 1966; U.S. Senate 1967). In April, this in Bolivar County.20 was the compromise that OEO reached in Bolivar County—two separate Head Start 20 Although there is no precise estimate of the movement’s size, the “Outline of Important Moore Papers, Box 2, n.d.b; for a copy of the pe- Events” cited above reports “approximately tition see SHSW, Amzie Moore Papers, Box 2, 7,000 signatures” on the petition (SHSW, Amzie n.d.c). SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND POLICY IMPLEMENTATION 89 programs with separate staffs and adminis- CONCLUSION trations were funded (SHSW, Amzie Moore Papers, Box 3, April 14, 1966). A striking finding of this study is the extent Despite initial opposition, support within to which movements shaped the implemen- OEO increased for the movement-based tation of local poverty programs. While this program which had applied for funding as influence was certainly less than local activ- the Associated Communities of Bolivar ists would have desired, it was nonetheless County (ACBC). A 1967 report noted that considerable. The quantitative analysis “preliminary evaluations indicate that the shows that local movements had a positive ACBC programs are probably better than impact on the amount of CAP funding in the CA[P]’s.” Even though the Bolivar Mississippi counties. The case studies sup- County CAP was making efforts to sub- port my interpretation of the quantitative sume ACBC within its program, OEO rep- evidence and show how movements influ- resentatives in Mississippi stated that “our enced the formation of Community Action position will be to support and maintain Programs by carving out areas of adminis- ACBC as a separate entity” (NA, RG 381, trative control. Box 5, January 13, 1967). The Bolivar I propose that researchers specify more County movement leveraged a response precisely how movements shape social from OEO because of its sustained mobili- policy. Even in this small case study, I dem- zation using conventional and disruptive onstrate several ways that local movements tactics. In the 1966 year-end report, the influenced policy implementation in Mis- southeast regional director singled out sissippi, including the disruption of pro- Bolivar County because of the “lessening of gram operations, negotiation with agency over-all community tensions” (NA, RG officials, and symbolic and persuasive pro- 381, Box 2, December 30, 1966). test activities. The greatest influence may The Bolivar County movement was able to have occurred indirectly when movements use sustained protest to secure an autono- prompted local white politicians to actively mous poverty program. Despite initial oppo- pursue grants for poverty programs. sition, OEO officials came to see the dupli- In terms of the movement-outcome mod- cation of administrative staff and costs as els, the evidence indicates that the impacts preferable to an ongoing challenge to their of the movement were cumulative, rather legitimacy in Bolivar County. The move- than momentary as suggested by the action- ment’s challenge depended on an expansive reaction models. The movement posed a network of activists that could run Head Start threat, but the threat was based on the ability centers, coordinate mass meetings, and ne- of the movement to distribute federal pro- gotiate the grant-writing process with OEO. grams independent of local agencies. Local Movements in Holmes County and movements used a variety of conventional Bolivar County were successful at main- tactics, but they did not abandon the politics taining movement-controlled Head Start of protest—marches and boycotts were orga- centers. In addition, both movements posed nized in local communities throughout the a credible threat that compelled local politi- late 1960s. Rather, movements were most in- cal elites to establish well-funded Commu- fluential when they built local organizations nity Action Programs. However, the coun- that allowed for an oscillation between mass- ties differed in important respects. In based tactics and routine negotiation with Holmes County, activists achieved greater agency officials. impact on the structure of CAP by capitaliz- The action-reaction models cannot account ing on a strong movement infrastructure. In for the sustained interactions between local Bolivar County, activists protected move- movements and OEO officials during the ment-affiliated Head Start programs but implementation of poverty programs. During ceded control to the broader CAP program. much of this period, local activists and pro- This outcome resulted from the relatively gram officials collaborated to establish pov- greater opposition and the less developed erty programs. The access-influence model infrastructure in Bolivar County compared would suggest a drift toward greater profes- with Holmes County. sionalization of the movement and the aban- 90 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW donment of protest tactics, but this did not other social movements, including labor occur as the Bolivar County case illustrates. movements (Fantasia 1989; Ganz 2000), the The movement infrastructure model shows movement (Bullard how movements exert influence through 1990), and many women’s movements multiple causal mechanisms. The three most (Ferree and Martin 1995; Whittier 1995). crucial mechanisms observed in this study One might reasonably ask whether there are (1) direct implementation of poverty pro- were distinctive aspects of the War on Pov- grams, (2) indirect influence by challenging erty in Mississippi that make this instance of the political authority of local elites, and (3) policy implementation and the findings pre- disruptive and persuasive protest that com- sented here unique? First, the high degree of pelled OEO to act on behalf of the move- public participation required by the poverty ment. These forms of influence all derive programs facilitated the movement’s access from the organizational capacity of local to the programs while bringing the move- movements. Direct program implementation ment’s opponents into the implementation required an extensive leadership cadre that process. Second, the high level of local au- could maintain ongoing ties to OEO offi- tonomy permitted in the formation and man- cials, other programs throughout the state, agement of projects allowed the movement and community members. In Bolivar to pursue local efforts to influence poverty County, activists secured independent pro- programs rather than pursue a national grams over the initial opposition of OEO ad- struggle in which the movement would have ministrators and the local CAP. The move- had to target federal actors, especially Con- ment-affiliated centers (formerly CDGM) gress and the Presidency. Local variation in continued to operate Head Start programs in policy implementation is common for social 1966 without funding, illustrating the under- policies in the United States (Amenta et al. lying strength of the local organization. The 1994; Banaszak 1996; Clemens 1997), but second form of influence flowed from the the model might require modification to ac- first. Because local movements were capable commodate variation in political context of operating poverty programs indepen- (Amenta, Halfmann, and Young 1999). dently, they undermined the authority of lo- Third, the central role of racial politics in the cal officials who had historically adminis- development of the War on Poverty is seen, tered social programs. Finally, local move- for example, in the ongoing efforts of OEO ments used protest, including disruptive pro- to showcase racial integration in its pro- test in Bolivar County, to bring additional grams (Quadagno 1994). However, this con- pressure to bear on OEO and to mobilize na- flict reveals dynamics of a more general na- tional support. OEO officials came to see ture in that the long-term goals of program this as an inevitable part of the implementa- administrators and movement activists often tion process in Mississippi with civil rights conflict. To address these concerns in a more groups acting as whistle-blowers. meaningful way requires similar analyses of As an analytic strategy, I have addressed other social movements across a variety of the long-standing problems of studying policy arenas. movement outcomes, opening questions The growing body of research on move- about the variation in movement infrastruc- ment outcomes calls for more explicit devel- tures and the ability of movements to influ- opment of the causal arguments concerning ence policy. The strategy employed is less movement impact. I provide a preliminary generalizable than studies based on a repre- map of these arguments that allows for more sentative sample of social movement orga- systematic, comparative research: Future nizations or campaigns (e.g., Gamson 1990), studies of outcomes can address these issues yet it avoids some of the problems inherent by (1) using quantitative analysis of out- in studies analyzing multiple movements, comes across time and policy arenas, (2) such as limited measures of movement im- giving greater attention to the process and pact. While the Mississippi movement is ex- mechanisms of impact through case studies, ceptional in some respects, the movement and (3) synthesizing across specific findings employed organizational forms and strate- to explain variation across movements and gies that are comparable to those of many political contexts. SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND POLICY IMPLEMENTATION 91

Kenneth T. Andrews is Assistant Professor of Rights Movement (Forthcoming, University of Sociology at Harvard University. His current re- Chicago Press), that traces the development of search examines questions about the impacts of the movement and its impact on electoral poli- social movements. He is completing a book, tics, educational institutions, and social policies. “Freedom is a Constant Struggle”: The Dynam- He is also beginning a project on contemporary ics and Consequences of the Mississippi Civil environmental politics in the United States.

Appendix Table A. Descriptions and Means and Standard Deviations of Variables Used in Analysis

Variable Name Variable Description Source Mean S.D.

Black Mobilization MFDP membership, Number of MFDP staff/ Tougaloo College, Ed King 1.81 2.55 1965 contact persons in county. Papers, Box 11, August 23, 1965. NAACP membership, Number of members in , NAACP 1.06 1.89 1963 (logged) NAACP 1963, (logged). Papers, Box 75, 1963. Number of black Black candidates running Mississippi Department of candidates, 1967 for office in 1967 county Archives and History, MFDP 1.38 2.73 and state elections. Records, Reel 2, n.d.; Tougaloo College, Rims Barber Papers, Box 1, August 4, 1967. Countermobilization Violent resistance Number of incidents of McAdam (1988:257–82); Holt 1.00 2.31 during Freedom physical attack on civil (1965:207–52); summary of Summer rights workers, June– incidents also included in SNCC August 1964. and CORE papers. Citizens’ Council organ- Presence of organization Citizens’ Council of America .69 .46 ization in county in county, January, 1956. (1956). Ku Klux Klan organ- Presence of organization U.S. House of Representatives .48 .50 ization in county in county, c. 1964. (1965). Political Variables Percentage voting for Percentage of votes cast U.S. Bureau of the Census (1967). 11.61 8.61 Lyndon Johnson, 1964 for Johnson in 1964. Proportion employed Proportion of labor force U.S. Bureau of the Census (1967). .021 .004 in local government, employed by local govern- 1964 ment in 1964.

County Socioeconomic Variables Proportion employed Proportion of labor force U.S. Bureau of the Census (1963). 20.42 8.98 in manuafacturing employed in manufacturing. Proportion professionals Proportion of labor force U.S. Bureau of the Census (1963). 24.27 6.3 employed as professionals. Landowner concen- Proportion of all commer- U.S. Bureau of the Census (1969). .42 .22 tration cial farm land owned by owners of 500 acres or more, 1964. Poverty, 1959 Proportion of households U.S. Bureau of the Census (1963). .59 .11 earning less than $3,000 in 1959. Total number of house- Number of households in U.S. Bureau of the Census (1963). 5.64 4.17 holds (in 1,000s) county in 1960.

Dependent Variables CAP grants 1965–1968 Total CAP grants for NA, RG 381, Box 14, n.d. multiple 5.28 13.05 (in $100,000s) 1965–1968. files by organization name.

CAP grants 1969–1971 Total CAP Grants for NA, RG 381, Box 14, n.d. multiple 3.30 6.74 (in $100,000s) 1969–1971. files by organization name. 92 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

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ington, DC: Government Printing Office. ———. Record Group 381, Box 40. March 3, U.S. Senate, Committee on Labor and Public 1966. File: Mississippi—OEO Program (Com- Welfare, Subcommittee on Employment, Man- pilation), January–March 1966. Preliminary power, and Poverty. 1967. “Examination of Report—Bolivar County, Mississippi. the War on Poverty.” 90th Cong., 1st sess. ———. Record Group 381, Box 40. March 17, Whittier, Nancy. 1995. Feminist Generations. 1966. File: Mississippi—OEO Program (Com- Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. pilation), January–March 1966. Memo from Seward to May. ARCHIVAL SOURCES ———. Record Group 381, Box 40. March 31, 1966. File: Mississippi—OEO Program (Com- Library of Congress. NAACP Papers, Box 75. pilation), January–March 1966. Memo from 1963. File: Mississippi State Conference, Berry to May. 1956–1972. Report on Memberships and Free- ———. Record Group 381, Box 108. July 5, dom Fund Contributions from Mississippi 1965. File: CDGM 1965, Head Start—Missis- Branches. sippi. Letter from Scott to Haddad. Mississippi Department of Archives and History. ———. Record Group 381, Box 108. July 30, Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party 1966. File: Mississippi. Inspection Report, Records, Reel 2. n.d. List of Candidates. CDGM Area B. ———. Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party ———. Record Group 381, Box 110. July 17, Records, Reel 3. n.d. Item 6, “Black Politics 1966. File: Mid-State Opportunity, Inc. in the South,” David Emmons. Inspector’s Field Report, Jenneman. National Archives (NA). Record Group 381, Box 2. State Historical Society of Wisconsin (SHSW). February 24, 1966. File: Southeast Region, Alvin Oderman Papers. August 27, 1966. 1966; Regional Organizational Subject Files, News Sheet on the Lorenzi’s—Holmes, 1966–1969; CAP Office, Records of the Direc- County, MS, Sue Lorenzi. tor. Memo from Dean to Shriver. ———. Amzie Moore Papers, Box 2. N.d.a. File: ———. Record Group 381, Box 2. October 14, 6. Resident Participation, Bolivar County 1966. File: Southeast Region, 1966, Regional CAP, Inc. Organizational Subject Files, 1966–1969; CAP ———. Amzie Moore Papers, Box 2. N.d.b. File: Office, Records of the Director. Letter from 8. An Outline of Important Events. Sloan to Bozman. ———. Amzie Moore Papers, Box 2. N.d.c. File: ———. Record Group 381, Box 2. November 8, 10. Petition from ACBC to Sargent Shriver. 1966. File: Regional Organizational Subject ———. Amzie Moore Papers, Box 2. 1966. File: Files, 1966–1969, CAP Office, Records of the 8. Telegram from Associated Communities of Director. Letter from Sloan to Shriver. Bolivar County to Shriver and Sloan. ———. Record Group 381, Box 2. December 30, ———. Amzie Moore Papers, Box 2. Jaunary 19, 1966. File: Southeast Region, 1966; Regional 1966. Minutes of the Proceedings, St. Peter’s Organizational Subject Files, 1966–1969; CAP Rock M. B. Church. Office, Records of the Director. Memo from ———. Amzie Moore Papers, Box 2. March 13, Sloan to Shriver and Harding. 1966. File: 8. Letter from Velma Bartley. ———. Record Group 381, Box 5. December 11, ———. Amzie Moore Papers, Box 2. March 22, 1965. File: Administrative, Mississippi; State 1966. File: 8. A Report of the Meeting Held Files, 1965–1968, CAP Office, Records of the with CAP. Director. Memo from Westgate to Gonzales. ———. Amzie Moore Papers, Box 3. N.d. File: ———. Record Group 381, Box 5. January 13, 1. Chronological History. 1967. File: Administrative, Mississippi; State ———. Amzie Moore Papers, Box 3. April 14 , File, 1965–1968; CAP Office, Records of the 1966. File: 1. Letter from Berry to Long, Director. Memo from Dean to Berry. Smith, and Moore. ———. Record Group 381, Box 14. n.d. File: Tougaloo College. Ed King Papers, Box 11. Au- Multiple files by organization name, Region gust 23, 1965. File: 579. FDP Projects by IV, Mississippi, Grant Profiles 1965–1972, County and Contacts. Policy Research Division, Office of Opera- ———. Ed King Papers, Box 11. 1966. File: 607. tions, OEO. Holmes County Community Newsletter. ———. Record Group 381, Box 40. 1965. File: ———. Rims Barber Papers, Box 1. August 4, Mississippi OEO Program (Compilation), 1967. File: Black Candidates, F.I.S. Newsletter. July–September 1965. Memo from Redwine to ———. Tom Dent Collection, July 2, 1979. In- Director, CAP. terview of Ed Brown by Tom Dent. 96 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW Studying Status: An Integrated Framework

Guillermina Jasso New York University

This paper reports development of an integrated framework for studying status. The framework provides models and methods for addressing long-standing, unresolved issues, such as (1) the emergence of status, (2) distinguishing between the status of individuals and the status of characteristics, and (3) measuring and understanding the status gap between subgroups (between men and women, or between races). The framework, which covers both small groups and large societies, and both task and nontask groups, utilizes ideas and insights from several literatures to identify three types of status, linked in precise ways to two kinds of personal characteristics (quantitative and qualitative). The three types of status are mathematically specified, and initial theoretical development is presented for all three, including, for each, formulation of measures, derivation of testable implications, and analysis of how to change status and the status structure. Testable implications cover such phenomena as status differences between group members, status gaps between subgroups, over- all status inequality, and status gains and losses from discrimination Ð all under varying conditions, including the number and intercorrelation of status-conferring personal characteristics and the proportions in the subgroups. The new status theory also identifies two mechanisms involved in the phenomenon of “internalized oppres- sion.” The framework thus opens many avenues for future work, both theoretical work, deriving more and sharper implications, and empirical work, testing the im- plications and using the new measures for the status of persons and the status of characteristics to assess key status phenomena in surveys and experiments.

tatus processes are central to the so- 1996) provide new urgency for obtaining Scial life, and understanding status is a sharper, more precise, and more reliable central task for sociology. Status processes knowledge about the operation of status. play a part in the development of powerful Although much has been learned, many inequalities, which shape the structure of basic questions about status remain unan- groups and societies as well as, directly and swered; and the insights that could be mar- indirectly, the opportunities of individuals shaled for sustained inquiry reside in sepa- (Berger, Rosenholtz, and Zelditch 1980). rate literatures. In this paper I develop an in- Moreover, recent conjectures and prelimi- tegrated framework for studying status.1 The nary evidence suggesting that status may di- framework provides models and methods for rectly affect physical health (Marmot 2000; addressing long-standing, unresolved issues. Sapolsky 1993; Smith 1999; Wilkenson These issues include: (1) the emergence of status; (2) how to distinguish between, and measure, the status of persons and the status Direct correspondence to Guillermina Jasso, Department of Sociology, New York University, 269 Mercer Street, 4th Floor, New York, New 1 Status, as used in this paper, refers to evalua- York 10003-0831 ([email protected]). I am grateful tions of the worth of individuals and characteris- to the ASR Editors and anonymous reviewers for tics; synonyms include “honor, esteem, respect, many helpful comments and suggestions. and prestige” (Zelditch 1968:250, 253). 96 American Sociological Review, 2001, Vol. 66 (February:96–124) STATUS ANALYSIS 97 of characteristics; (3) whether quantitative peace), vote their conscience, and face no and qualitative characteristics operate differ- legal bars to income and wealth. The new ently; (4) how to measure status gaps be- framework provides a coherent set of mod- tween subgroups of a group or society; (5) els and tools, based on the status, prestige, how to assess the effects of the proportions and stratification literatures, which enable in different subgroups; (6) how to incorpo- both measurement of the status gap and rate multiple bases for status; (7) how status analysis of why and how the status gap var- processes differ in small groups and large ies in magnitude. societies; (8) how status processes differ in The new framework not only enables ex- task groups and other kinds of groups; and amination of all the unresolved issues but (9) how status is shaped by the degree of also yields unexpected results. It shows that correlation among valued personal charac- key ideas and insights from the several sta- teristics. tus literatures, when combined together, pro- The proposed framework has three key duce unexpected synergies, providing new features. First, it distinguishes between two testable implications and opening new av- kinds of characteristics (quantitative and enues for status research. The initial set of qualitative) and between three types of sta- testable implications includes implications tus which are linked in precise ways to the for the effects on status and status structure two kinds of characteristics. Second, it of (1) the number and intercorrelation of per- builds carefully on previous work, incorpo- sonal characteristics, (2) the availability of rating seminal ideas and insights into a con- information about personal characteristics, sistent, coherent whole; chief among these and (3) the proportions of a group in each ideas and insights are (1) the mathematical category of a qualitative characteristic. Sta- specification for the production of status tus processes have a long reach, and the new from quantitative characteristics (owed to status theory identifies two mechanisms that Goode [1978] and Sørensen [1979]), (2) the may be involved in the phenomenon of “in- link between the status conferred on indi- ternalized oppression” (Bourdieu 1997; viduals by quantitative characteristics and Ridgeway 1997a:222; Stanton-Salazar the status acquired by qualitative character- 1997), provides a new way to understand istics (owed to Ridgeway [1991, 1997b], gains and losses from discrimination, and Ridgeway and Balkwell [1997], and Webster yields ceteris paribus implications for a wide and Hysom [1998]), and (3) the multidimen- range of behavioral and social phenomena sional specification of the status of individu- including coalition formation, defection, als (analyzed by Barber [1968], Goode identity and reference-group processes, re- [1978], Rossi [1979], and Turner [1984, sponse rates and missing data in surveys, 1995]). Third, the framework is fully mathe- veiling customs, relative size and skill of matized, leading to precise predictions about political parties, and the tension between in- the magnitude of status conferred on indi- dividualism and . viduals and the magnitude of status obtained Of course, the new framework for status by qualitative characteristics, and about the analysis is preliminary, and further theoreti- conditions conducive to greater or lesser sta- cal and empirical inquiry will no doubt lead tus and larger or smaller status gaps, and to modifications. To make the framework as providing as well a set of measures ready for useful as possible, I take a threefold ap- use in empirical work. proach: First, I lay the foundation carefully, For example, it is universally believed that formalizing the three basic status functions in almost all societies, men have higher sta- (corresponding to the three kinds of status tus than women. But the status gap between identified by the framework), which become the sexes is also known to vary greatly, and the three basic assumptions of the new sta- there has not been a theory-based way to tus theory. Second, I provide a sampling of measure it. The status-gap continuum ex- the kinds of theoretical development enabled tends from societies in which women are not by the framework, deriving implications for permitted to vote or to own property to soci- several special cases, including both small eties in which women and men work in groups and large societies under a variety of teams (on earth and in space, in war and in conditions. Third, I take a brief look at how 98 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW to change status and the status structure, in- throughout is on developing a foundation for cluding speculation linking measures and coherent and fruitful synthesis. Of course, mechanisms identified by the framework to not all status topics are covered, but future potential empirical applications across a work can draw them in, expanding and re- broad spectrum of social contexts. This fining the framework as needed, as well as threefold approach invites further work on establishing links to other frameworks. the content of the functions and assump- This section discusses the two basic ingre- tions, on additional special cases for deriv- dients in the framework: (1) a distinction be- ing implications, and on empirical applica- tween two kinds of personal characteristics; tions, including surveys and experiments. and (2) a distinction between three types of The next section provides an overview of status.3 the framework. It is followed by three sec- tions, focusing, respectively, on the three Two Types of Characteristics: kinds of status. Quantitative and Qualitative

OVERVIEW OF THE FRAMEWORK The new framework distinguishes between FOR STATUS ANALYSIS quantitative and qualitative characteristics. Quantitative characteristics are characteris- The objective is to develop a general frame- tics of which individuals can have “more” or work for the study of status—a framework “less”; qualitative characteristics, in con- that will cover status phenomena and status trast, describe features of individuals that processes in all settings (e.g., task groups as have no inherent ordering but which can be well as nontask groups) and at both micro used to classify them into groups or catego- and macro levels (e.g., in both small groups ries. Quantitative characteristics may be car- and large societies), that distinguishes dinal (like wealth) or ordinal (like beauty). clearly between the status of individuals and Qualitative characteristics may be binary the status of characteristics and between sta- (like gender) or polytomous (like race and tus and its determinants and its conse- ethnicity). quences, and that enables both measurement Until a decade ago, status research did not and analysis. The framework should contain distinguish between quantitative and quali- the basic building blocks which provide the tative characteristics; any possible distinc- starting assumptions from which a variety of tiveness in status processes had not been no- testable implications can be derived and ticed. For example, Berger et al. (1980) ob- which provide measures ready for use em- served: pirically. Future work can then proceed on The key concept in the study of status orga- three fronts—expanding and refining the nizing processes is the status characteristic, framework, building theories and deriving any characteristic of actors around which more and sharper implications, and testing evaluations of and beliefs about them come the implications and accumulating informa- to be organized. Examples include age, sex, tion on magnitudes and correlates of key sta- tus phenomena. Fararo (1996); Stinchcombe (1968); Turner The framework draws insights and reason- (1984, 1995); Veblen [1899] 1953; Wagner and ings from the many pertinent literatures, in- Berger (1993); Weber [1922] 1978; Webster and cluding literatures on social organization, Hysom (1998); and Zelditch (1968). , status organizing pro- 3 For simplicity, the framework is presented in cesses, and inequality.2 The emphasis terms of persons, personal characteristics, and the status of persons and of personal characteristics. Status processes, however, also operate at other 2 Valuable contributions to these literatures in- levels of analysis, such as that of social entities. clude Barber (1968); Berger et al. (1977); Berger Orchestras differ in status, as do countries. The et al. (1980); Fararo (1989); Goode (1978); framework is, with minor modifications, appli- Homans (1967); Lipset (1968); Merton ([1949, cable to status processes at all levels of analysis. 1957] 1968); Parsons [1949] 1964; Ridgeway For example, replacing the word “person” with (1991, 1997b); Ridgeway and Balkwell (1997); the word “actor” extends the framework to cor- Rossi (1979); Sørensen (1979); Skvoretz and porate actors. STATUS ANALYSIS 99

race, ethnicity, education, occupation, tion of rank; and, second, ranks are flexible physical attractiveness, intelligence quo- in that situations with most people in some tients, reading ability. . . . (P. 479) region can be modeled by the use of tied ranks. Ridgeway (1991) was the first to pose the Nonetheless, this element of the frame- question of how qualitative characteristics work merits further research. Such research acquire status value, and pioneered develop- should proceed along two lines. One is ment of a theory of status construction in mathematical—searching for functional which cardinal characteristics produce status forms capable of incorporating cardinal and for qualitative characteristics (Ridgeway ordinal goods. The other is substantive—as- 1991, 1997b; Ridgeway and Balkwell 1997). sessing the extent to which status processes Webster and Hysom (1998) extended the are responsive to rank rather than to amounts theory so that ordinal as well as cardinal— of cardinal goods. that is, all quantitative characteristics—can be used to produce status for qualitative Three Types of Status: characteristics. S1, S2, and S3 Status Quantitative characteristics: Goods and bads. Within the set of quan- The framework distinguishes between three titative personal characteristics, most status types of status. First-order status, denoted research has focused on characteristics S1, is a property of individuals and is based which have the property that “more” is pre- on quantitative personal characteristics. Sec- ferred to “less”; for convenience, these will ond-order status, denoted S2, is a property be called “goods.” For simplicity, this analy- of qualitative characteristics. Third-order sis is couched in terms of goods, but, of status, denoted S3, is a property of individu- course, “bads” (less is preferred to more) als; it arises as a way to impute status to in- may also operate in status processes and dividuals when S1 cannot be generated be- their handling is straightforward. cause there is no information on quantitative Quantitative characteristics: characteristics, but may linger after informa- Cardinal versus ordinal goods, and tion is obtained, combining both S1 and S2 rank versus amount of cardinal types of status. Each of the three types of goods. Two related questions arise: whether status operates in distinctive ways—each to distinguish between cardinal and ordinal arises and is maintained or altered via dis- goods; and whether, among cardinal goods, tinctive processes, as elucidated below. amounts play a part in status processes or The work on S1— the first kind of status, only ranks. Note that the operation of cardi- which is a property of individuals and which nal and ordinal goods can only be distin- is based on quantitative characteristics—be- guished by incorporating amounts of cardi- sides building in a general way on the sta- nal goods; and, conversely, if only rank mat- tus-relevant literatures, builds in a specific ters in cardinal goods, then there is no dis- way on two seminal contributions to the tinction between cardinal and ordinal goods. mathematical specification of status, Goode As discussed below, the process of choos- (1978) and Sørensen (1979). Similarly, the ing a functional form for first-order status work on S2—the second kind of status, led to the rank-based function that Sørensen which is a property of qualitative character- (1979) proposed in his work on the status of istics—builds directly on Ridgeway (1991, occupations; and thus the status of individu- 1997b), Ridgeway and Balkwell (1997), and als is modeled as a function of rank only. A Webster and Hysom (1998). The work on shortcoming is that the distribution of a S3—the third kind of status which is a prop- quantitative characteristic such as wealth is erty of persons and which arises when S1 treated as flat, rather than, say, as a peaked cannot be generated—builds on the multidi- distribution with most individuals located in mensionality aspect of status and prestige some region of the distribution. This short- (Barber 1968; Goode 1978; Rossi 1979; coming is mitigated somewhat, however, by Turner 1984, 1995). two things: First, the status function, as will Modeling S1 status requires a function be seen, is not flat, being a nonlinear func- which yields a clear status metric and em- 100 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Table 1. Summary of the Three Types of Status in the Framework for Status Analysis

Three Types of Status Characterization S1 S2 S3

Property of Person Qualitative Person characteristic Produced by Quantitative S1 S2, and possibly S1 characteristic Information Rank on quantitative Correlation between S2 required characteristic quantitative characteristic and qualitative characteristic

G  1  wg ln Formula ∑   SS21c = []M()c wwS1+ S2 g=1 1− rg  Note: Quantitative characteristics are orderable characteristics; they may be cardinal (like wealth) or ordi- nal (like attractiveness). Quantitative characteristics of which more is preferred to less are called “goods”; quantitative characteristics of which less is preferred to more are called “bads.” Qualitative characteristics are unorderable characteristics (e.g., race and sex). In the formulas above, g denotes a good (indexed from 1 to G), w denotes the weight, r denotes rank on a quantitative characteristic, c denotes a category of a qualitative characteristic, M(.) denotes the average (mean, median, etc.), and bold characters denote vectors. bodies the properties discussed in the status can be any measure of location, such as the literatures. Chief among these properties is arithmetic mean, the geometric mean, or the the property analyzed by Goode (1978) that, median. For simplicity and concreteness, in as rank increases, status increases at an in- the theoretical development below, we use creasing rate, rising steeply at higher ranks. the arithmetic mean. As will be seen, choice The search for a function satisfying proper- of summary measure affects some results but ties desirable in an S1 function led to the not others. Future research might investigate function proposed by Sørensen (1979) to both preference for, availability of, and ef- measure the status of occupations. The sim- fects of alternative measures. plicity, elegance, and tractability of this Information and types of status. function made it an appealing choice. Information is of two kinds: (1) information Personal characteristics and about the quantitative characteristics of par- types of status. Quantitative characteris- ticular individuals, and (2) information tics play a special role in the framework, as about the summary measure of first-order they form the basis for first-order status status in the subgroups formed by qualita- (S1). In this framework, building on tive characteristics. Information about indi- Ridgeway’s fundamental insight, qualitative viduals’ ranks on quantitative characteristics characteristics cannot confer first-order sta- is used to produce first-order status (S1). In- tus, but rather they must first acquire sec- formation about the average first-order sta- ond-order status. Accordingly, qualitative tus of the subgroups formed by qualitative characteristics are used to form subgroups; characteristics is used to generate second-or- the subgroups are characterized by a sum- der status (S2) in the qualitative characteris- mary measure of the members’ first-order tics. In the absence of information about the status, and this summary measure in turn at- quantitative characteristics of particular in- taches to each category of a qualitative char- dividuals (i.e., when first-order status can- acteristic, becoming its measure of second- not be generated), second-order status is order status (S2). used to produce an imputed individual sta- Summary measure of S1 within the tus, the third-order status (S3). But S3 may categories of a qualitative charac- not disappear when information about the teristic. The summary measure of S1, quantitative characteristics of particular in- which becomes a category’s measure of S2, dividuals is obtained; the process by which STATUS ANALYSIS 101

Table 2. Self-Other S1 Status Matrix The S1 and S3 matrices are square, each member of the collectivity represented by both a row and a column. In the S2 matrix, S111 S112 S113 L S11J each person occupies a row and each char- S121 S122 S123 L S12J acteristic is represented by a set of columns,

S131 S132 S133 L S13J one column for each category of the charac- M M M O M teristic. If all the rows of a matrix are identical, S1 S1 S1 L S1 N1 N2 N3 L NJ the matrix collapses to a vector. An impor- tant area of research focuses on the pro- Note: Each individual (i = 1 to N) accords S1 sta- cesses by which individuals agree, or not, on tus to each individual (j = 1 to J). Each row repre- status matters, for example, how individuals sents the S1 status accorded by one individual (to Self and to Others), and each column represents the choose the quantitative characteristics they S1 status received by one individual. Thus, each use in the S1 function, how individuals row represents the S1 status structure in the mind of shape the societal S1 function and societies one person. In the special case of consensus, the in turn shape individuals’ S1 functions.4 matrix collapses to a vector. The initial theoretical development below follows a twofold approach. First, as in most S3 combines both S1 and S2, with S2 lin- status research, we characterize groups by a gering even in the face of S1—a form of dis- single status function, asking, for example, crimination—is analyzed below. what status processes look like if all group Summary table of three types of members share the same S1 function (i.e., status. Table 1 provides a summary of the use the same quantitative characteristics as three types of status, including the formulas bases of evaluation and weight them the to be presented below. The table may be help- same way). Second, we consider strategies ful not only as an outline of the exposition for changing status structures, some of but also as a guide to further theoretical work which involve parallel status structures. For (e.g., assessing alternative functional forms example, individuals make, and expect, for S1) and empirical work (e.g., formulat- prestige payments (in Goode’s words) based ing information conditions in experiments). on the S1 structure in their heads; con- versely, they receive prestige payments Status Matrices based on the S1 structures in others’ heads. Important and interesting phenomena ac- Corresponding to each type of status is a company such interindividual differences in matrix containing each actor’s evaluations of S1 structure. the status of persons (S1 and S3) and the sta- tus of characteristics (S2). To illustrate, con- sider S1 status in a collectivity of N persons. FIRST-ORDER STATUS (S1) Each individual (called “Self”) accords S1 S1 Assumption and Function status (or makes prestige payments, in Goode’s [1978] evocative phrase) to every We begin with the general S1 function, writ- individual (to “Others” and also to “Self”). ten to accommodate multiple goods, denoted Group members may differ in the first-order g, and differential weights, denoted w (with status they accord to any given Other. Dif- bold characters denoting vectors). Formally: ferent individuals may value different quan- titative personal characteristics; for example, Assumption 1a (General First-Order Status one individual may value wealth, while an- Function): First-order status (S1) is a other may value beauty, and a third may weighted function of goods, value both. Moreover, different goods may S1 = S1(wg). (1) be weighted differently; for example, one in- dividual may weight wealth two-thirds and 4 For insightful analysis of diffusion and con- beauty one-third, while a second may do the sensus processes, see Berger et al. (1998), Blau opposite. Thus, the S1 status order is repre- (1977), Friedkin (1998), Ridgeway and Balkwell sented by a matrix (Table 2). (1997), and Skvoretz and Fararo (1996). 102 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

The weights, which may take zero or posi- S1 Initial Theoretical Development tive values, must sum to one; if zero, the as- sociated good does not produce status, and In this initial theoretical development, we if one, the associated good is the only good analyze the operation of first-order status in that confers first-order status. several settings, varying the number of Following Goode (1978), we assume that goods and their association and modeling S1 first-order status is a special kind of func- in both small groups and large societies. The tion: it is not only an increasing function of theoretical results are empirically testable the quantitative personal characteristics but implications. Of course, many more results also it increases at an increasing rate. As can be obtained, and the framework can be Goode (1978:142) observes, “prestige pay- applied to many new arenas. ments rise steeply.” As discussed above, we S1 in the special case of one-good adopt the function proposed by Sørensen small groups. To examine how first-order (1979), which has the upwardly-concave status operates, we begin with the simplest property as well as other appealing proper- one-good case in small groups of size rang- ties. Accordingly, we specify S1 status as a ing from 2 to 12, with no tied ranks. Table 3 function of rank on a valued characteristic: presents the magnitudes of S1 for each mem- ber of such groups; the valued characteristic 1 S1 = ln  , (2) can be any quantitative personal characteris- 1− r tic (e.g., wealth or beauty or athletic skill).7 where r denotes the relative rank (between The figures immediately reveal three impor- zero and one) on the valued quantitative char- tant implications of the S1 function in the acteristic.5 For convenience, we will refer to one-good case. First, the status of the low- this function as the “log-rank function.” The est-ranking person (Member 1) declines as log-rank function ranges from zero to infin- group size increases. Second, the status of ity, approaching but never reaching the value the highest-ranking person (the last member zero. When working with small groups, the in each column) increases as group size in- rank r is approximated by i/(N+1), where i creases. Third, average status increases as denotes the raw rank (the sequence of inte- group size increases. Thus, the status differ- gers from 1 to the group size N, with 1 as- ence between the lowest- and highest-rank- signed to the lowest-ranking person).6 The ing members of the group increases steeply formula for the small-group case is: with group size, from .7 S1 units in the dyad and 1.1 in the triad to almost 2.5 in the 12- N +1 8 S1 = ln  . (3) member case.  Ni+1−  Many of the status phenomena in small Extending Sørensen’s (1979) function to groups involve interactions within subsets the multiple-good case and making explicit of the members. The status difference in the assumption about the specific form of the each of the possible pairs of members of a S1 function: group is thus an important feature of groups. The number of pairs rises steeply Assumption 1b (Specific First-Order Status from one in the two-member group to 66 in Function): First-order status is the the 12-member group. To investigate dyadic weighted sum of good-specific S1 com- status difference in small groups, Table 4 ponents, where each component is the presents the complete S1-difference struc- log-rank function of a good: ture for the possible pairs in three groups, G  1  those of sizes 4, 5, and 6. Although the full S1 = ∑ wg ln  . (4) g=1 1− rg  7 The figures in Table 3 are obtained by apply- 5 Formally, the first-order status function has ing the S1 formula to the one-good case; see positive first and second derivatives. equations 2, 3, and 4 and the notes to Table 3. 6 The formula can incorporate tied ranks. Both 8 Formally, the range of S1 is equal to ln(N). the sequence of integers and the set of ranks in- The average of S1 can also be expressed as a corporating tied ranks sum to the same quantity, function of group size, as shown in the note to N (N +1)/2. Table 3. STATUS ANALYSIS 103

Table 3. S1 Status in One-Good Small Groups: By Group Member and Group Size

Group Size Member 23456789101112

1 .405 .288 .223 .182 .154 .134 .118 .105 .095 .087 .080 2 1.099 .693 .511 .405 .336 .288 .251 .223 .201 .182 .167 3 .— 1.386 .916 .693 .560 .470 .405 .357 .318 .288 .262 4 .— .— 1.609 1.099 .847 .693 .588 .511 .452 .405 .368 5 .— .— .— 1.792 1.253 .981 .811 .693 .606 .539 .486 6 .— .— .— .— 1.946 1.386 1.099 .916 .788 .693 .619 7 .— .— .— .— .— 2.079 1.504 1.204 1.012 .875 .773 8 .— .— .— .— .— .— 2.197 1.609 1.299 1.099 .956 9 .— .— .— .— .— .— .— 2.303 1.705 1.386 1.179 10 .— .— .— .— .— .— .— .— 2.398 1.792 1.466 11 .— .— .— .— .— .— .— .— .— 2.485 1.872 12 .— .— .— .— .— .— .— .— .— .— 2.565

Mean .752 .789 .815 .834 .849 .862 .872 .880 .887 .894 .899 Note: S1 status is a function of one valued quantitative characteristic. Group members are ordered from lowest ranking to highest ranking on the valued characteristic. S1 status is given by the formula, ln[1/(1– r)], where r denotes the relative rank and is approximated by [i/(N + 1)], where i, in turn, denotes the raw rank and N denotes the group size. The equivalent formula expressed directly in terms of the raw rank i and group N +1 size N is: ln[(N + 1)/(N +1 – i)]. The formula for the arithmetic mean of S1 is: E(lnS1) = . N N! structure could be reported in the triangle few) group members are equally distant above the diagonal, Table 4 presents com- from two group members, one below and the pletely filled-out matrices; these have the other above, with the one below being not advantage that they directly show not only immediately below and the one above being the set of S1 differences for the group but immediately above. In Table 4 there are also the set of S1 differences for each indi- three such persons, one in each group: Mem- vidual. ber 3 in the 4-member group, Member 4 in As expected from Table 3, the magnitude the 5-member group, and Member 5 in the of the smallest status distance decreases with 6-member group. These individuals may group size, and the magnitude of the largest play pivotal parts in group dynamics, being status distance increases with group size. uniquely situated to bridge status distance in Additionally, there are three main results in two directions. Table 4. First, the magnitude of the S1 dif- There is evidence from previous empirical ference increases for successive ranks; research that observable behaviors produced Member 1 in the 4-member group is not only by status follow the predicted S1 patterns. farther away from Member 4 than from For example, Bales (1999) documented the Member 3 and farther away from Member 3 acts initiated by each member of a group, in than from Member 2 but also the increment groups of size 3 to 8, coding both acts di- in the status distance increases for each suc- rected at the group and acts directed at an- cessive rank (from .288 to .405 to .683). other member. The number of acts initiated Second, a group member is always closer to increases at an increasing rate with rank, and the individual below than to the individual who-to-whom matrices of acts initiated in- above. For example, in the 6-member group, dicate that each member is closer in status Member 3 is closer to Member 2 than to to the lower neighbor than to the higher Member 4, but Member 2 is closer to Mem- neighbor, as predicted here. ber 1 than to Member 3. Thus, dyadic rela- S1 in the special case of two-good tions are not symmetric. Third, a few (very small groups. Consider now the case in 104 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Table 4. S1 Status Differences among Members of One-Good Groups: By Member Pairs in Groups of Three Different Sizes

Group Size and Member Member 1 Member 2 Member 3 Member 4 Member 5 Member 6

N = 4: Six Pairs Member 1 .— .288 .693 1.386 .NA .NA Member 2 .288 .— .405 1.099 .NA .NA Member 3 .693 .405 .— .693 .NA .NA Member 4 1.386 1.099 .693 .— .NA .NA

N = 5: Ten Pairs Member 1 .— .223 .511 .916 1.609 .NA Member 2 .223 .— .288 .693 1.386 .NA Member 3 .511 .288 .— .405 1.099 .NA Member 4 .916 .693 .405 .— .693 .NA Member 5 1.609 1.386 1.099 .693 .— .NA

N = 6: Fifteen Pairs Member 1 .— .182 .405 .693 1.099 1.792 Member 2 .182 .— .223 .511 .916 1.609 Member 3 .405 .223 .— .288 .693 1.386 Member 4 .693 .511 .288 .— .405 1.099 Member 5 1.099 .916 .693 .405 .— .693 Member 6 1.792 1.609 1.386 1.099 .693 .—

Note: Group members are ordered from lowest ranking to highest ranking on the valued quantitative char- acteristic; each person’s S1 status appears in Table 3 (see the previous page). Each row and/or column pro- vides the set of pairwise S1 status differences involving each member of the group. The full set of pairwise S1 status differences for the entire group occupies the triangle above the diagonal (and is duplicated in the triangle below the diagonal). which the members of a small group use two ond good; Member 1 has a magnitude of .223 quantitative characteristics as bases of on s11 (the lowest status) and a magnitude of evaluation; as in the previous special case, 1.609 on s12 (the highest status). The two- there are no tied ranks. If the two goods are good S1 status is the unweighted average of perfectly positively associated—that is, each s11 and s12, namely, .916. member’s rank is the same on both charac- Table 5 shows that the status structure is teristics—then the S1 structure remains the dramatically compressed, although the aver- same as in the one-good case. However, if age status in each group remains the same the two goods are independent or negatively (compare with Table 3). First, S1 no longer associated or imperfectly positively associ- approaches zero, but now has a floor of ated, then S1 structure changes. Here we in- ln(2), or approximately .693.9 Second, the vestigate the case in which two equally status of the top person—who is always the weighted goods are perfectly negatively as- person who ranks highest and lowest on the sociated. Other special cases can be simi- two characteristics—is reduced by the larly studied. amount ln N ; for example, S1 for Member Table 5 reports the status structure in the 1 in the 5-member group is reduced from case of two goods negatively associated and 1.792 (as in Table 3, as well as for the sec- equally weighted, for groups of size 4, 5, and ond good’s status s12 in Table 5) to .987. 6. For each group member, the table reports Third, the range of S1 is substantially re- S1 derived from each of the two goods, de- duced, for example, from 1.792 (1.946 – noted s11 and s12. Member number denotes the rank on the first good. Thus, for example, 9 The lowest value of S1 is always ln(2) in Member 1 in the 4-member group ranks low- odd-sized groups and approaches it in even-sized est on the first good and highest on the sec- groups. STATUS ANALYSIS 105

Table 5. S1 Status in Small Groups with Two Negatively Associated, Equally Weighted Goods: By Group Member and Group Size

Group Size 456

Member s11 s12 S1 s11 s12 S1 s11 s12 S1 1 .223 1.609 .916 .182 1.792 .987 .154 1.946 1.050 2 .511 .916 .714 .405 1.099 .752 .336 1.253 .795 3 .916 .511 .714 .693 .693 .693 .560 .847 .703 4 1.609 .223 .916 1.099 .405 .752 .847 .560 .703 5 .— .— .— 1.792 .182 .987 1.253 .336 .795 6 .— .— .— .— .— .— 1.946 .154 1.050

Mean .815 .815 .815 .834 .834 .834 .849 .849 .849

Note: The status components s11 and s12 are each functions of a single valued quantitative characteristic (as in Table 3). Member number refers to rank on the first valued characteristic, corresponding to the status component s11 . The two characteristics are perfectly negatively associated. In this example, the two charac- teristics are weighted equally, and thus S1 is the unweighted average of s11 and s12. A direct formula for S1 in this case is given by: −−ln rr2 , where r denotes the relative rank on the first characteristic and is ap- proximated by [i/(N + 1)], where i, in turn, denotes the raw rank, and N denotes the group size. The equiva- lent formula expressed directly in terms of the raw rank i and the group size N is: ln[] (NiNi++11 ) (− ) .

.154) to .347 (1.050 – .703) for the 6-mem- independent of group size, being zero for ber group. Fourth, all the groups are sym- every group size. Third, all group members metric, such that the S1 scores are symmet- have several identical status distances from ric about the midrange. Thus, except for other members, in contradistinction to the odd-sized groups, each member has a fellow one-good groups in which very few group group member of identical status; for ex- members were in this situation; for example, ample, in the 4-member group, Members 1 in the 4-member group, every member has and 4 have identical status, and Members 2 identical status distances from two other and 3 have identical status. members. To the extent that a group’s status struc- Figure 1 illustrates the contrast between ture defines its character, the groups in Table the one-good and the two-goods/negatively- 5 are dramatically different from their one- associated small groups, displaying the full good counterparts in Table 3—they have less set of S1 differences for the 4-member and inequality, less status distance, and more dy- 5-member groups (i.e., with 6 and 10 status adic symmetry. differences, respectively). It is clear from To more carefully assess these two-goods/ Figure 1 that the one-good group has con- equally-weighted/negatively-associated siderably more status inequality. small groups, Table 6 presents the status-dis- S1 in the special case of large so- tance matrices for the groups portrayed in cieties. Status phenomena and processes Table 5. The results are striking. First, occur in groups and societies of all sizes, and whereas the one-good status-distance matri- thus it is important to investigate the opera- ces of Table 5 had large status distances— tion of first-order status (S1) in large societ- for example, ranging from .288 to 1.386 in ies as well as in small groups. To do so, we the 4-member group—the corresponding sta- use techniques from the study of probability tus distances in these two-good matrices are distributions (Stuart and Ord 1987).10 Sub- small—for example, ranging from 0 to .203 in the 4-member group. Second, the status- 10 Formally, many of the formulas and results distance matrices retain the property that the for large societies may be thought of as the limit, largest status distance increases with group as N increases to infinity, of the formulas and re- size, but the smallest status distance is now sults for small groups. 106 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Table 6. S1 Status Differences among Members of Small Groups with Two Negatively Associated, Equally Weighted Goods: By Member Pairs in Groups of Three Different Sizes

Group Size and Member Member 1 Member 2 Member 3 Member 4 Member 5 Member 6

N = 4: Six Pairs Member 1 . — .203 .203 0 .NA .NA Member 2 .203 . — 0 .203 .NA .NA Member 3 .203 0 . — .203 .NA .NA Member 4 0 .203 .203 . — .NA .NA

N = 5: Ten Pairs Member 1 . — .235 .294 .235 0 .NA Member 2 .235 . — .059 0 .235 .NA Member 3 .294 .059 . — .059 .294 .NA Member 4 .235 0 .059 . — .235 .NA Member 5 0 .235 .294 .235 . — .NA

N = 6: Fifteen Pairs Member 1 . — .255 .347 .347 .255 0 Member 2 .255 . — .091 .091 0 .255 Member 3 .347 .091 . — 0 .091 .347 Member 4 .347 .091 0 . — .091 .347 Member 5 .255 0 .091 .091 . — .255 Member 6 0 .255 .347 .347 .255 . —

Note: Group members are ordered from lowest ranking to highest ranking on the first valued characteris- tic, as in Table 5; each person’s S1 status appears in Table 5. Each row and/or column provides the set of pairwise S1 status differences involving each member of the group. The full set of pairwise S1 status differ- ences for the entire group occupies the triangle above the diagonal (and is duplicated in the triangle below the diagonal). stantively, the model is set up as before. S1 of S1 in the negatively associated and inde- is a function of valued quantitative personal pendent cases equals 1. characteristics; the function is the log-rank The formula for S1 in the two-goods/nega- function given in equations 2 and 4. Be- tively-associated case is straightforward to cause, as seen, the case in which S1 arises obtain. The two formulas for both the posi- from one good is identical to the case in tively and negatively associated cases, with which S1 arises from two perfectly posi- equally weighted goods, may be expressed: tively associated goods, we present an inte- grated theoretical development in which two   1  positively ln , goods are used as bases of evaluation. As  1− r  associated goods  before, let the two goods be weighted S1 =  equally in the S1 function. Also as before,   2  negatively ln ,   2  associated goods. (5) we distinguish between perfectly positively  1− r  associated goods and perfectly negatively  associated goods; we also introduce a new As before, r denotes the relative rank; in the case, which arises naturally in the study of negatively associated goods case, r is the probability distributions—namely, the case relative rank on one of the two goods.11 in which the two goods are independent. When the two goods are independent, it is At the outset it is known that the distribu- not possible to obtain an algebraic formula tion associated with S1 in the positively as- for S1. However, S1 can be numerically ap- sociated case is the exponential and that its proximated by interpolating from the cumu- mean equals 1. Because the mean of the av- erage of two identical variates is equal to the 11 In probability-distribution terms, the formu- original mean, it is also known that the mean las for S1 in equation 5 are quantile functions. STATUS ANALYSIS 107

2.0

Four-Member Group Five-Member Group

1.5

1.0 S1 Status Difference .5

0 One Good Two Goods One Good Two Goods

Figure 1. S1 Status Differences in Small Groups Note: In the two-good case, the goods are equally weighted and negatively associated. In the four-member group there are 6 pairs, and in the five-member group there are 10 pairs. In each of the two-good groups, there are two pairs with S1 status differences equal to zero. lative distribution function of the Erlang A different way to gauge the three types variate.12 of S1 structures is to examine their probabil- Table 7 reports the first-order status (S1) ity density functions (pdf). Figure 2 presents for individuals at selected relative ranks graphs of the three pdf’s. The graphs indi- (from 0 to 1, in increments of .05), for the cate several important features: First, there three cases—positively associated goods, are individuals of very high status in all negatively associated goods, and indepen- three types of S1 structure. Second, there are dent goods. As expected from the work with individuals of very low status (approaching small groups, the positively and negatively zero) only in the positively associated and associated cases differ both with respect to independent cases; as already known, in the the lower extreme value of S1 and to the negatively associated case, S1 has a floor of compression of S1. In the independent- approximately .7. Third, in the positively goods case, S1 retains the lower extreme and negatively associated cases, the mode value of zero but, with respect to compres- occurs at the lower extreme value and in the sion, occupies an intermediate place be- independent case it occurs at .5; that is, there tween the positively and negatively associ- is a concentration of low-status persons. ated cases. In all three cases, the majority of These graphs provide vivid depiction of the the population have S1 magnitudes below sociological insight that high status is rela- the mean of 1—59.4 percent in the indepen- tively scarce and the philosophical insight dent case, 63.2 percent in the positively as- that societies differ dramatically according sociated case, and 67.7 percent in the nega- to whether valued characteristics are posi- tively associated case. tively or negatively associated.

12 The sum of two independently and identi- How to Change S1 and the S1 cally distributed exponential variates is distrib- Structure uted as an Erlang variate; the unweighted aver- age of two iid exponentials is also an Erlang. The Individuals are accorded status because they Erlang is a member of the larger gamma family. possess quantitative characteristics which 108 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Table 7. S1 Status in Three Kinds of Two-Good Large Societies, by Member’s Relative Rank

Member’s Two Characteristics, Two Characteristics, Two Characteristics, Relative Rank Positively Associated Negatively Associated Independent

. 0 . 0 .693 . 0 .10 .105 .698 .266 .15 .162 .704 .342 .20 .223 .714 .413 .25 .288 .725 .481 .30 .357 .740 .549 .35 .431 .758 .618 .40 .511 .780 .689 .45 .598 .806 .762 .50 .693 .837 .840 .55 .798 .873 .922 .60 .916 .916 1.012 .65 1.050 .968 1.110 .70 1.204 1.030 1.220 .75 1.386 1.106 1.347 .80 1.609 1.204 1.498 .85 1.897 1.334 1.687 .90 2.303 1.524 1.945 .95 2.996 1.857 2.372 . 1 .∞ .∞ .∞ Note: Member’s relative rank is the relative rank corresponding to (a) both characteristics in the positively associated case, (b) one characteristic in the negatively associated case, and (c) the composite rank in the independent case. The formulas for S1 status are: (a) in the positively associated case, S1= ln[] 1 ( 1 − r ) ; and (b) in the negatively associated case, S1= ln 2 1 − r2 . In the independent case, S1 is approximated nu-   merically from the cumulative distribution function of the S1 distribution (see Appendix Table A). individuals and groups reward and use as a he or she ranks high. status-conferring device. If individuals lose Note that the strategy of changing the the valued characteristics, they lose their sta- quantitative characteristics used to confer tus, holding constant the goods in the S1 status appears in two versions. In the first function. Conversely, if individuals change version, an individual attempts to change their minds about what they find admirable others’ valued goods, for example, by per- and desirable, then receipt of S1 is altered. suading them that wealth is meaningless and For example, suppose that Smith is the best should not be used as a status-conferring de- swimmer in the world. As long as some in- vice or that writing poetry is the most admi- dividuals (swimming enthusiasts, say) value rable and desirable skill. In the second ver- swimming skill and Smith retains the skill, sion, an individual changes his or her own Smith will be accorded the highest status on valued goods, effectively ceasing to make the S1 swimming component (by swimming prestige payments, in Goode’s (1978) evoca- enthusiasts). However, if Smith loses the tive phrase, and thus putting an end to this skill or if swimming enthusiasts disappear, micro form of “.” Smith will lose status. Similarly, the strategy To illustrate, consider two college room- for the film character who says, “I don’t get mates in a fraternity house: One is wealthy no respect,” is to promote admiration for, or and an athlete of no particular distinction; desirability of, some characteristic on which the other comes from a poor family and is a STATUS ANALYSIS 109

2.0

Goods negatively associated 1.5

Goods positively associated

1.0

.5 Probability Density Function

Goods independent

0 0.51.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 S1 Status

Figure 2. S1 Status in Two-Good Large Societies Note: Formulas for the probability density function are reported in Appendix Table A. gifted athlete.13 If both roommates value tively associated, or independent—power- wealth only and use it to confer status, then fully affects first-order status. The associa- the rich roommate will be accorded higher tion between any pair of goods is less open status than the other roommate—by both of to alteration than the choice of valued goods, them. The athlete roommate can change this although it can be changed by changing the S1 structure by two methods: (1) S/he can population, through recruitment or expulsion persuade him/herself and the rich roommate of members. that athletic skill is highly desirable and should also be used to confer status; or (2) s/he can relinquish his/her love of riches SECOND-ORDER STATUS (S2) and value only athletic skill. Under the first S2 Assumption and Function method, if successful (and athletic skill and wealth are weighted equally), the S1 struc- First-order status is a property of persons— ture would be transformed into one of per- individuals obtain first-order status from fect equality—the two goods are perfectly their quantitative characteristics. Individuals negatively associated, hence both room- also have qualitative characteristics and, by mates would receive equal magnitudes of processes of status generalization (Berger et S1. Under the second method, if successful, al. 1977; Ridgeway 1991, 1997b; Ridgeway the athlete roommate would no longer ac- and Balkwell 1997; Webster and Hysom cord higher status to the rich roommate. Of 1998), if in a group or society there is an as- course, if the rich roommate still uses wealth sociation between the valued quantitative as a basis of evaluation, there would be a characteristics (the goods) and a qualitative new tension arising from their having dis- characteristic, the qualitative characteristic crepant S1 functions. acquires status by that association. This sta- As shown, the kind of statistical associa- tus acquired by qualitative characteristics we tion between two or more valued goods— call second-order status (S2).14 whether they are positively associated, nega- 14 In the analysis of second-order status, a new 13 This example was suggested by an anony- kind of association figures prominently. Whereas mous reviewer. in the analysis of first-order status the focal as- 110 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Thus, as discussed earlier, we assume that the qualitative characteristic has not ac- qualitative characteristics cannot produce quired second-order status. status; they can only derive it from some al- Note that the process of generating S2 sta- ready produced status. Formally, letting c tus may operate simultaneously for many denote a category of the qualitative charac- qualitative characteristics, each acquiring S2 teristic and M(.) denote the average (mean, status (or not) depending on the average S1 median, etc.): status in its categories. For example, gender, race, ethnicity, and religion all potentially Assumption 2a (Second-Order Status): Sec- can acquire S2 status simultaneously. ond-order status is obtained by a quali- tative characteristic if and only if the average first-order status differs across S2 Initial Theoretical Development its categories. In such case, the second- We focus here on two outcomes—second-or- order status attached to each category is der status (S2) and the gap in second-order equal to the average first-order status in status between the categories of a qualitative the category: characteristic (S2gap)—and on determinants S2c = []M (S1) c . (6) of these outcomes. We examine the effects of (1) the number of valued goods in the S1 The second-order status gap follows im- function and the goods’ association, (2) the mediately. Letting cA and cB denote two cat- association between the valued good(s) and egories of the qualitative characteristic and the qualitative characteristic, and (3) the gap denote the gap in second-order status relative sizes of the categories of the quali- between them: tative characteristic. The summary measure of S1 is specified as the arithmetic mean. Assumption 2b (Second-Order Status Gap): Sufficient conditions for second- The S2 status gap is the difference in S2 order status. To begin, look back at the between the categories of a qualitative layout of first-order status in one-good small characteristic: groups presented in Table 3. If there is a per-

S2gap = []MM (S1)cc− [] (S1) . (7) fect association between the good (i.e., the AB quantitative characteristic used to confer The second-order status gap ranges from first-order status) and a binary qualitative zero to high positive values. For a given characteristic, then the qualitative character- qualitative characteristic, there is a set of istic will acquire second-order status. For second-order status gaps defined as the set example, in the group of size 4, if Member 1 of gaps for all pairs of categories. For ex- is female and Members 2 through 4 are ample, while gender has only one pair of cat- male, or if Members 1 and 2 are female and egories and hence only one possible second- Members 3 and 4 male, or if Members 1 order status gap, ethnicity could have 3, 6, through 3 are female and Member 4 male, 10, 15 pairs of categories, and so on, and then gender will acquire second-order status, hence could have that many second-order such that the category “male” will have a status gaps. If all gaps are equal to zero, then higher magnitude of S2 than the category “female.” And conversely, if the association goes in the opposite direction. Thus, the sociation is between quantitative characteristics combination of (1) a one-good S1 function (as between wealth and beauty), in the analysis with (2) a perfect association between the of second-order status the focal association is be- good and a qualitative characteristic is suffi- tween one quantitative characteristic and one cient to induce second-order status for the qualitative characteristic. Put differently, given qualitative characteristic. Moreover, because that the term “goods” is used for quantitative the S1 structure of a one-good society is characteristics of which more is preferred to less identical to that in a society with several per- and given that here we are not working with “bads,” the focal association in the analysis of S1 fectly positively associated goods, the com- is between two goods, whereas the focal associa- bination of (1) perfectly positively associ- tion in the analysis of S2 is between a good and a ated goods in the S1 function with (2) a per- qualitative characteristic. fect association between the goods and a STATUS ANALYSIS 111 qualitative characteristic is also a sufficient are situations in which S2 will not arise, in- condition for second-order status to arise. cluding the situation, obvious from Table 5, Consider now a somewhat more compli- in which S1 is based on two perfectly nega- cated case, that of societies with negatively tively associated goods and the subgroup associated goods. Look at Table 5. If there is split is fifty-fifty.17 a perfect association between one of the two S2 in the special case of one-good goods and the qualitative characteristic and small groups. Consider a group of size 12 if group members are assigned in equal num- (as in Table 3). First-order status (S1) is bers to categories of a binary qualitative based on either one good or several posi- characteristic (e.g., let Members 1 and 2 of tively associated goods, there are no tied the four-member group be men and Members ranks, and the qualitative characteristic is 3 and 4 be women), then the average S1 binary. Next, suppose that there is a perfect among men equals the average S1 among association between the good(s) and the women. In this situation, gender does not qualitative characteristic. The subgroup with acquire status. On the other hand, suppose the lowest-ranking individuals on the quan- that Members 1 and 4 are women and Mem- titative characteristic is called the bottom bers 2 and 3 are men—that is, eliminate the subgroup, and the subgroup with the high- perfect association between the valued goods est-ranking individuals is called the top sub- and the qualitative characteristic—then av- group. Now imagine all possible subgroup erage S1 status differs across the two sexes splits, ranging from the case in which the and gender acquires second-order status.15 bottom subgroup has 1 member and the top Combining the results obtained from in- subgroup has 11 members to the opposite spection of Tables 3 and 5 leads to statement case in which the bottom subgroup has 11 of sufficient conditions for the emergence of individuals and the top subgroup has only 1. S2 status: Given a perfect association be- Table 8 reports the average first-order sta- tween one quantitative good and the qualita- tus in each subgroup formed by the 11 pos- tive characteristic, singly sufficient condi- sible subgroup splits (with each split repre- tions for the qualitative characteristic to ac- sented by a row). As shown, average S1 dif- quire second-order status are: (1) S1 is based fers for the two subgroups in each row; for on one good; (2) S1 is based on several per- example, in the case of a fifty-fifty split, av- fectly positively associated goods; (3) S1 is erage S1 is .33 in the bottom subgroup and based on two perfectly negatively associated 1.47 in the top subgroup. Thus, this situation goods, and the group size is odd; (4) S1 is unambiguously produces second-order sta- based on two perfectly negatively associated tus. If, in the example just given, the quali- goods, and the subgroup split is not fifty- tative characteristic is gender, then gender fifty.16 acquires second-order status, and if women Note again that even in this case of per- are the top subgroup and men are the bottom fect association between one quantitative subgroup, then the magnitudes of S2 are .33 good and the qualitative characteristic, there for the category “men” and 1.47 for the cat-

15 egory “women.” The case of imperfect correlation between Table 8 also reports the S2 gap between the quantitative and qualitative characteristics is an important one to analyze. Although space con- the two categories of the qualitative charac- straints prevent such an analysis here, two things teristic. As shown, the second-order status are worth noting: First, a priori it is obvious from equation 7 that the status gap will be smaller if 17 This is a highly suggestive case for gender the correlation is weaker; the bottom subgroup phenomena. For example, if heroism (or, say, will include higher scorers, so to speak, and the wealth or hunting skill) is perfectly negatively top subgroup will include lower scorers, thus at- associated with beauty and concomitantly per- tenuating the status gap. Second, attenuation of fectly associated with sex and if the sex split is the status gap, especially in situations of multiple fifty-fifty, then the average S1 status will be the qualitative characteristics acquiring S2, may lead same among both sexes and gender will not ac- to competition among alternative views for struc- quire S2 status. The new framework enables turing status relations. fresh interpretation of many situations in history 16 Work is underway to analyze the case of two and literature, including the rise of veiling cus- independent goods. toms and their link to gender inequality. 112 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Table 8. S2 Status (Average S1 Status) in Two Subgroups of Group of Size 12

Bottom Subgroup Top Subgroup S2 Status Size S2 = E(S1) Size S2 = E(S1) Gap 1 .080 11 .974 .894 2 .124 10 1.054 .931 3 .170 9 1.142 .973 4 .219 8 1.239 1.020 5 .272 7 1.347 1.074 6 .330 6 1.468 1.138 7 .394 5 1.607 1.214 8 .464 4 1.770 1.307 10 .636 2 2.218 1.583 11 .748 1 2.565 1.817 Note: Each group member’s S1 status is reported in Table 3. Direct formulas for calculating S2 status (average S1 status) in the two subgroups and the S2 gap (letting N denote the group size and n denote the size of the bottom subgroup) are: N! S2 in bottom subgroup: S2bot =+ln(N 1 )− ln n ; ()!Nn−

Nn− S2 in upper subgroup: S2top =+ln(NNn1 )−− ln ( )! ;  −N  1 S2 gap: S2gap =  {}ln[(Nn− )!]+ ln(N !). nN()− n n gap increases as the relative size of the bot- ability distributions make it possible to ob- tom subgroup increases. To illustrate, if tain many a priori results. Table 9 presents, women are wealthier than men, such that the as in Table 8, the S2 acquired by the two cat- poorest woman is richer than the richest man, egories of the qualitative characteristic and then the S2 gap between men and women is the S2 gap. As shown, and consistent with lowest when there is only one man and there the previous results, in both categories, sec- are 11 women (a gap of .89 S1 units) and it is ond-order status increases with the relative highest when there are 11 men and one size of the bottom subgroup. More impor- woman (a gap of 1.82 S1 units). tant, the second-order status gap also in- S2 acquisition is a general process, and creases with the relative size of the bottom this analysis applies to any qualitative char- subgroup. This means, for example, that acteristic. For example, consider the status given a racially divided society in which two of academic disciplines. Suppose that a races are, respectively, advantaged and dis- given interdisciplinary course enrolls first- advantaged on the good, the status gap will year graduate students from discipline A and be substantially larger if the disadvantaged third-year graduate students from discipline race constitutes 90 percent of the population B. If competence is valued and if it increases and the advantaged race constitutes 10 per- with years of study, then S2 status arises, fa- cent of the population than if the disadvan- voring discipline B. Moreover, if the disci- taged race constitutes 10 percent of the plines differ in sex ratio and racial or ethnic population and the advantaged race consti- composition, then a train of further status in- tutes 90 percent of the population. equalities is set in motion. To more fully appreciate the results, it is S2 in the special case of one-good useful to graph S1 and S2 (average S1) for large societies. Consider now S2 in each subgroup split of interest. Figure 3 re- large societies in which a binary qualitative ports the graphs of S1 and S2 for the case in characteristic is perfectly associated with the which the population is evenly split between good(s). As in the analysis of S1 in large so- the two categories of the binary qualitative cieties, techniques from the study of prob- characteristic. As expected, S1 increases at STATUS ANALYSIS 113

Table 9. S2 Status (Average S1 Status) in Two Subgroups of Large Society

Bottom Subgroup Top Subgroup S2 Status Relative Size S2 = E(S1) Relative Size S2 = E(S1) Gap

.05 .025 .95 1.051 1.026 .10 .052 .90 1.105 1.054 .15 .079 .85 1.162 1.083 .20 .107 .80 1.223 1.116 .25 .137 .75 1.288 1.151 .30 .168 .70 1.357 1.189 .35 .200 .65 1.431 1.231 .40 .234 .60 1.511 1.277 .45 .269 .55 1.598 1.328 .50 .307 .50 1.693 1.386 .55 .347 .45 1.798 1.452 .60 .389 .40 1.916 1.527 .65 .435 .35 2.050 1.615 .70 .484 .30 2.204 1.720 .75 .538 .25 2.386 1.848 .80 .598 .20 2.609 2.012 .85 .665 .15 2.897 2.232 .90 .744 .10 3.303 2.558 .95 .842 .05 3.996 3.153 Note: Subgroup S2 status (average S1 status) is based on S1 arising from a single valued characteristic or several perfectly positively associated characteristics. S1 status for representative persons in this population is reported in the second column of Table 7. Formulas for calculating the S2 status (average S1 status) in the two subgroups and the S2 status gap in this large-population case (letting p denote the relative size of the bottom subgroup) are: 11− p   S2 in bottom subgroup: S2bot = 1−   ln  ;  pp 1−   1  S2 in upper subgroup: S2top =+1 ln ; 1− p 11  S2 gap: S2gap = ln  . pp1−  an increasing rate as relative rank increases. the elements in play (e.g., the number of A vertical dashed line divides the population goods and their intercorrelations and into the two equal-sized subgroups. Average weights, the correlation between good(s) and first-order status is represented by horizon- qualitative characteristics, and population tal lines; the two short lines are for S2 in subgroup splits) may prove useful in under- each of the two subgroups, and the long line standing gender relations as well as inter- is for average S1 over the entire population. group relations across a wide variety of set- In this equal-split case, the two categories’ tings, including, for example, empires, colo- magnitudes of second-order status are equi- nial societies, and multiracial societies. distant from the overall average S1 of 1; and the S2 gap between the two categories is How to Change S2 2ln(2). (There are precise relations between each subgroup split and the S2 gap.) We have described the process by which This kind of analysis, carried out more qualitative characteristics acquire status. elaborately and examining the effects of all The question arises, how second-order sta- 114 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

3 Bottom Subgroup Top Subgroup

2 S2 status in top subgroup S1 Status Average S1 status in population 1

S2 status in bottom subgroup S1 Status

0 0 .25 .50 .75 1 Relative Rank

Figure 3. S1 Status and S2 Status in a One-Good Society with Two Equal-Sized Subgroups Note: Subgroup S2 status equals average S1 status in each subgroup. The vertical dashed line denotes the division of the society into two equal-sized subgroups. Horizontal lines denote average S1 status in each subgroup and in the population as a whole. S1 values are reported in Table 7 (see page 108) and S2 values in Table 9 (see page 113). tus changes, is maintained, or is discarded. These strategies illuminate the underlying According to the framework, S2 is totally dynamics, pointing to a mechanism that dependent on S1 and on the configuration of may play a part in the phenomenon of “in- goods, their weights, their association with ternalized oppression” (Bourdieu 1997; each other and with the qualitative charac- Stanton-Salazar 1997). If women did not teristic. Thus, S2 cannot be directly af- value wealth, gender would not have ac- fected; rather it is altered by altering the de- quired S2. The members of the bottom sub- terminants of S1 and the association be- group are always in collusion, so to speak, tween the goods and the qualitative charac- with the members of the top subgroup. By teristic. agreeing that wealth is desirable, members To illustrate with an example based on the of the bottom subgroup let wealth confer work of Ridgeway (1991, 1997b), Ridgeway first-order status, and once wealth confers and Balkwell (1997), and Webster and first-order status, given the association be- Hysom (1998): Suppose that wealth is the tween wealth and gender, gender acquires valued good and that wealth is perfectly as- second-order status. Hence, a radical way to sociated with gender, such that men are remove S2 from gender is to renounce richer than women. Wealth produces first- wealth. The literature on utopian communi- order status, and first-order status generates ties provides trenchant insights into this second-order status—the category “male” process for removing S2 from qualitative has greater S2 than the category “female.” characteristics. Note, however, that if Strategies to make gender shed its second- women renounce wealth but men still value order status include: (1) change the S1 func- it, then there will be two parallel status tion (e.g., by eliminating wealth or by intro- structures, with men making prestige pay- ducing a second good negatively associated ments on the basis of wealth (to both men with wealth); and (2) change the association and women) and women making prestige between wealth and gender (e.g., by recruit- payments on the basis of something else (to ing wealthy women and/or destitute men both men and women). The ensuing wind- into the society). falls and shortfalls in status constitute a STATUS ANALYSIS 115 new avenue for research, with many new The S3 formula may be generalized in a special cases to be analyzed, together with number of ways. First, there may be infor- the mechanisms for achieving a new con- mation about average S1 status for subsets sensus. formed by more than one qualitative charac- The second strategy is less drastic. One teristic (e.g., “black women,” “white men,” can continue to value wealth and enjoy its etc.). Second, if S1 is produced by more than use, but one has to search for anomalous in- one quantitative characteristic, there may be dividuals and import them into the society, separate information about average S1 sta- thus reducing or eliminating the association tus derived from one good in one qualitative between wealth and gender. characteristic and average S1 status derived from another good in another qualitative characteristic (e.g., average S1 status due to THIRD-ORDER STATUS (S3) wealth in each category of gender and aver- S3 Assumption and Function age S1 status due to beauty in each category of race). We have described the processes for produc- There is another important process. S2, ing first-order status—which is a property of once produced, acquires a life of its own, so individuals and arises from individuals’ to speak. Even if information about the per- quantitative characteristics, together with in- tinent quantitative characteristic(s) becomes formation about their ranks—and for pro- available, there may be a reluctance to relin- ducing second-order status—which is a quish the S2 component of S3, leading to a property of qualitative characteristics and generalized version of S3, denoted S3*. For- arises from first-order status. Now consider mally: the case in which first-order status cannot be Assumption 3b (Generalized Third-Order produced because there is no information Status): Given that third-order status has about an individual’s ranks on quantitative been produced, a generalized version of characteristics. Suppose that wealth is the S3, S3*, is generated; this is a weighted basis of evaluation, but there is no informa- sum of S1 and S2: tion about an individual’s wealth rank. In this case, if the individual can be catego- S3* = wS1 + wS2. (9) rized with respect to a qualitative character- istic (e.g., can be classified as male or fe- (As before, bold characters indicate vectors male) and if there is information about the and the weights must sum to one.) average S1 status in that category of the This process of combining S1 and S2 is qualitative characteristic, then third-order related, in part, to the empirical tradition status is produced and imputed to the indi- pioneered by Rossi (1979) in which the pres- vidual. Formally: tige of an individual is linked to a large set of the individual’s quantitative and qualita- tive characteristics. Thus, consistent with the Assumption 3a (Third-Order Status): If in- theoretical framework developed here, if S1 formation about an individual’s ranks on is generated by schooling and earnings and quantitative characteristics (goods in the S2 is acquired by race and gender, then S3 S1 function) is not available so that may respond to all four characteristics. A first-order status cannot be produced, primary research objective would be to as- and if there is information about the av- certain whether, given information about erage S1 in the category of a qualitative schooling and earnings, race and gender characteristic corresponding to the indi- have no effect or whether, alternatively, S2, vidual, then third-order status (S3) is once generated, is long-lived. imputed to the individual. S3 for the jth person in the cth category of a qualita- tive characteristic is equal to the second- S3 Initial Theoretical Development order status of the category: Why would use of S2 survive introduction of the information required to produce S1? S3jc = S2c . (8) Look again at Figure 3. Notice that the sub- 116 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW group S2 lines intersect the S1 curve. To the For example, in the 3-9 subgroup split, the left of the intersection in each subgroup, S2 two lowest-ranking members (Member IDs 1 status (average S1 status) is greater than the and 2) gain from discrimination and the third individual’s first-order status (S1), and to the member of the bottom subgroup (Member ID right, S2 status (average S1 status) is smaller 3) loses from discrimination—within the than the individual’s S1. This indicates that subgroup, then, 67 percent gain from dis- there are status gains and losses from the use crimination and 33 percent lose from dis- of S2: Individuals whose S1 is lower than crimination. Meanwhile, in the top subgroup, their subgroup’s S2 gain status from the use the bottom five members gain from discrimi- of S2, while individuals whose S1 is higher nation and the top four lose from discrimina- than their subgroup’s S2 lose status from the tion; thus, within the top subgroup, 56 per- use of S2.18 cent gain from discrimination and 44 percent Use of S2 is a form of discrimination— lose. Looking at the group as a whole, seven individuals are not assessed on their indi- members gain and five members lose, for to- vidual S1-pertinent quantitative characteris- tal percentages of 58 percent who gain from tics but rather are treated as part of a sub- discrimination and 42 percent who lose. Of group and their subgroup’s characteristics are course, when the subgroup has only one per- imputed to them. Thus, there are status gains son, as in the bottom subgroup of the 1–11 and losses from discrimination, and they may split and the top subgroup of the 11–1 split, not be what one expects. That is, it would be the person neither gains nor loses from dis- reassuring to find that all members of the crimination; in those cases, the total gain and bottom subgroup suffer from discrimination loss do not sum to 100. and that all members of the top subgroup gain Table 10 shows that the majority gain from discrimination. But the reality is more from discrimination in all subgroup splits complex, with some individuals in the bot- except the 8–4 (a tie) and the 11–1 (which tom subgroup gaining status from discrimi- has a plurality gaining from discrimination). nation and some individuals in the top sub- If individuals care about their status, then in group losing status from discrimination.19 most situations the majority will want to re- S3 in the special case of one-good tain S3 even if information becomes avail- small groups. To analyze S3 in small able to generate S1. groups, we return to the case of a 12-member If affinities arise from similarity in inter- group which values one good and in which ests and if individuals care about their sta- that good is perfectly associated with a bi- tus, then there is a natural affinity between nary qualitative characteristic. The members’ those members of the bottom subgroup who S1 was presented in Table 3, and the sub- gain from discrimination and those members groups’ S2 was presented in Table 8. Table of the top subgroup who also gain from dis- 10 reports the status gains and losses from crimination. Similarly, there is a natural af- discrimination in each subgroup and the total finity between those members of the bottom gain and loss, for all possible subgroup splits subgroup who lose from discrimination and from 1–11 to 11–1. For each subgroup, Table those members of the top subgroup who also 10 reports the Member ID numbers of those lose. Accordingly, the stage is set for coali- who gain and those who lose, and the per- tions to form. These coalitions have the in- centage of the subgroup who gain and lose. teresting property that proponents of dis- crimination are drawn from among the least 18 Note that this result continues to hold even advantaged of each subgroup, while oppo- if S2 is measured by the median of S1, or by any nents of discrimination are drawn from other location measure, rather than by the mean among the most advantaged of each sub- of S1. In contrast, the proportions who gain and group (regardless of the summary measure lose from discrimination depend on the summary of S1 underlying S2). Thus, if the quantita- measure of S1. tive characteristic which confers S1 status is 19 Note the importance of distinguishing be- tween use of S2 when S1 cannot be generated correlated with political skill, then oppo- and use of S2 when S1 is available. Note also that nents of discrimination—although almost al- similar reasonings may be used to analyze iden- ways outnumbered—may by cunning win tity and reference-group processes. the day. STATUS ANALYSIS 117

Table 10. Status Gains and Losses from Discrimination in a Group of Size 12

Bottom Subgroup Top Subgroup Gain Loss Gain Loss Total S1i < E(S1) S1i > E(S1) S1i < E(S1) S1i > E(S1) Member Member Member Member Gain Loss Size ID Percent ID Percent Size ID Percent ID Percent Percent Percent

1 .— .— .— .— 11 2–8 63.6 9–12 36.4 58.3 33.3 2150.0 2 50.0 10 3–8 60.0 9–12 40.0 58.3 41.7 31–2 66.7 3 33.3 9 4–8 55.6 9–12 44.4 58.3 41.7 41–2 50.0 3–4 50.0 8 5–9 62.5 10–12 37.5 58.3 41.7 51–3 60.0 4–5 40.0 7 6–9 57.1 10–12 42.9 58.3 41.7 61–3 50.0 4–6 50.0 6 7–10 66.7 11–12 33.3 58.3 41.7 71–4 57.1 5–7 42.9 5 8–10 60.0 11–12 40.0 58.3 41.7 81–4 50.0 5–8 50.0 4 9–10 50.0 11–12 50.0 50.0 50.0 91–5 55.6 6–9 44.4 3 10–11 66.7 12 33.3 58.3 41.7 10 1–6 60.0 7–10 40.0 2 11 50.0 12 50.0 58.3 41.7 11 1–6 54.5 7–11 45.5 1 .— .— .— .— 50.0 41.7 Note: The entries in this table are obtained by comparing each person’s S1 status from the rightmost column of Table 3 (see page 103) with the subgroups’ S2 status (average S1 status) from Table 8 (see page 112). When a subgroup has only one member, that member’s S1 equals the average, and hence he or she neither gains nor loses status from discrimination. In those cases (the top and bottom rows of the table), the percentages of the entire group with status gains and losses from discrimination do not sum to 100; the residual may be thought of as unaffected by discrimination.

S3 in the special case of large so- To flesh out Table 11, suppose that the cieties. Next we analyze the status gains bottom subgroup (or its leadership) decides and losses from discrimination in large soci- to fight against discrimination and the top eties which value one good or several posi- subgroup (or its leadership) decides to fight tively associated goods. S1 in such societies for discrimination. Both the bottom and top was reported in Table 7, and S2 in Table 9. subgroups are vulnerable to defections; that Table 11 indicates that, for every subgroup is, members may disagree with the leader- split, majorities of both the bottom and top ship and refuse to participate in the fight or subgroups gain from discrimination. The even sabotage it. The figures in Table 11 sizes of these majorities differ between bot- quantify the danger of defection. In the bot- tom and top subgroups and across the sub- tom subgroup, those who gain from dis- group split. While in the top subgroup, the crimination are at risk of defecting; and in percentages who gain and lose are constant the top subgroup, those who lose from dis- across all subgroup splits—63 percent al- crimination are at risk of defecting. Accord- ways gain and 37 percent always lose—in ingly, while the top subgroup has a constant the bottom subgroup, the percentage who risk of defecting of approximately 37 per- gain increases with the relative size of the cent of the membership, the bottom sub- bottom subgroup, and the percentage who group has a larger subset at risk of defect- lose decreases.20 ing—the lowest subset at risk of defecting is over half (50.2 percent in the .05 subgroup

20 split)—and the subset at risk increases with Analysis of the formulas underlying the the subgroup’s relative size. quantities in Table 11 (Appendix Table B) indi- cates that in the bottom subgroup, as the sub- Thus, the bottom subgroup is more diffi- group split approaches zero, the proportion who cult to discipline (to prevent defections) than gain from discrimination approaches its lower is the top subgroup. And the difficulty in- limit of .5 and the proportion who lose from dis- creases as the bottom subgroup increases in crimination approaches its upper limit of .5. relative size. 118 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Table 11. Status Gains and Losses from Discrimination in Large Societies

Bottom Subgroup Top Subgroup Gain Loss Gain Loss Total S1 < E(S1) S1 > E(S1) S1 < E(S1) S1 > E(S1) Gain Loss Relative i i Relative i i Size Rank Percent Rank Percent Size Rank Percent Rank Percent Percent Percent .05 0–2.5 50.2 2.5–5 49.8 .95 5–65 63.2 65–100 36.8 62.6 37.4 .10 0–5 50.4 5–10 49.6 .90 10–67 63.2 67–100 36.8 61.9 38.1 .15 0–8 50.7 8–15 49.3 .85 15–69 63.2 69–100 36.8 61.3 38.7 .20 0–10 50.9 10–20 49.1 .80 20–71 63.2 71–100 36.8 60.8 39.2 .25 0–13 51.2 13–25 48.8 .75 25–72 63.2 72–100 36.8 60.2 39.8 .30 0–15 51.5 15–30 48.5 .70 30–74 63.2 74–100 36.8 59.7 40.3 .35 0–18 51.8 18–35 48.2 .65 35–76 63.2 76–100 36.8 59.2 40.8 .40 0–21 52.1 21–40 47.9 .60 40–78 63.2 78–100 36.8 58.8 41.2 .45 0–24 52.5 24–45 47.5 .55 45–80 63.2 80–100 36.8 58.4 41.6 .50 0–26 52.8 26–50 47.2 .50 50–82 63.2 82–100 36.8 58.0 42.0 .55 0–29 53.3 29–55 46.7 .45 55–83 63.2 83–100 36.8 57.7 42.3 .60 0–32 53.7 32–60 46.3 .40 60–85 63.2 85–100 36.8 57.5 42.5 .65 0–35 54.2 35–65 45.8 .35 65–87 63.2 87–100 36.8 57.4 42.6 .70 0–38 54.8 38–70 45.2 .30 70–89 63.2 89–100 36.8 57.3 42.7 .75 0–42 55.5 42–75 44.5 .25 75–91 63.2 91–100 36.8 57.4 42.6 .80 0–45 56.2 45–80 43.8 .20 80–93 63.2 93–100 36.8 57.6 42.4 .85 0–49 57.2 49–85 42.8 .15 85–94 63.2 94–100 36.8 58.1 41.9 .90 0–52 58.3 52–90 41.7 .10 90–96 63.2 96–100 36.8 58.8 41.2 .95 0–57 60.0 57–95 40.0 .05 95–98 63.2 98–100 36.8 60.1 39.9 Note: The entries in this table are obtained by applying the mathematical formulas in Appendix Table B, which compare each person’s S1 status, as in the second column of Table 7 (see page 108), with the sub- groups’ S2 status (average S1 status), as in Table 9 (see page 113).

Although the subgroup-specific patterns their own status would be highest, discrimi- are monotonic (or constant, as in the top sub- nation would win. group), they combine to form totals which However, as noted above, the proponents are nonmonotonic. As shown in Table 11, the of discrimination are drawn from the bottom overall percentage who gain first decreases ranks of each subgroup, while the opponents as the relative size of the bottom subgroup of discrimination are drawn from the top increases, then when the bottom subgroup ranks of each subgroup. Thus, if the status- contains approximately 70 percent of the conferring quantitative characteristic is cor- population, the overall percentage who gain related with political skill, then opponents of begins to increase. Meanwhile, the overall discrimination—though always outnum- percentage who lose first increases, then, bered—may be able to snatch victory. when the bottom subgroup contains approxi- A different way to approach these results mately 70 percent of the population—mir- is to assess the sources of support for and roring the pattern among the percentage who opposition to discrimination. Table 12 pre- gain—the percentage who lose begins to de- sents, separately for the subset who gain sta- crease. However, although the percentages tus from discrimination and presumably sup- who gain and lose vary, a majority always port it and the subset who lose status from gains. Thus, in a contest adjudicated by ma- discrimination and presumably oppose it, the jority rule, and in which everyone voted and percentage drawn from the bottom subgroup everyone voted for the platform under which and the percentage drawn from the top sub- STATUS ANALYSIS 119

Table 12. Sources of Support for and Opposition to Discrimination, by Population Subgroup Split

Support for Discrimination Opposition to Discrimination Percentage Percentage Percentage Percentage Percentage in Bottom from Bottom from Top from Bottom from Top Subgroup Subgroup Subgroup Subgroup Subgroup

54.0 96.0 6.7 93.4 10 8.1 91.9 13.0 87.0 15 12.4 87.6 19.1 80.9 20 16.8 83.2 25.0 75.0 25 21.3 78.7 30.7 69.3 30 25.9 74.1 36.1 63.9 35 30.6 69.4 41.4 58.6 40 35.5 64.5 46.5 53.5 45 40.4 59.6 51.4 48.6 50 45.5 54.5 56.2 43.8 55 50.7 49.3 60.8 39.2 60 56.0 44.0 65.4 34.6 65 61.4 38.6 69.8 30.2 70 66.9 33.1 74.1 25.9 75 72.5 27.5 78.4 21.6 80 78.1 21.9 82.6 17.4 85 83.7 16.3 86.8 13.2 90 89.2 10.7 91.1 8.9 95 94.7 5.3 95.4 4.6 Note: The population subgroup split is represented by the percentage in the bottom subgroup in the leftmost column. The sources of support for discrimination sum to 100 percent, as do the sources of opposition to discrimination. Thus, for example, in a society split into two equal-sized subgroups, the majority of support- ers for discrimination are drawn from the top subgroup (54.5 percent), and the majority of opposers to dis- crimination are drawn from the bottom subgroup (56.2 percent). The entries in this table are obtained by applying the formulas in Appendix Table B. group. The percentages from the bottom and A final way to examine the status gains top subgroups sum to one. For example, in and losses from discrimination is to graph the case where 25 percent of the population the proportions of the entire population is in the bottom subgroup (the fifth row), who are in each of the four subsets (those support for discrimination relies heavily on who gain and are in the bottom subgroup, the top subgroup, which constitutes 78.7 of those who lose and are in the bottom sub- its base; concomitantly, opposition to dis- group, those who gain and are in the top crimination also relies heavily on the top subgroup, and those who lose and are in subgroup, which provides 69.3 percent of its the top subgroup) as a function of the rela- constituency. tive size of the bottom subgroup. Figure 4 The sources of support and opposition to presents these plots. As shown, the two discrimination operate monotonically. As the subsets from the top subgroup decrease lin- percentage in the bottom subgroup in- early, the gain subset from the bottom sub- creases, the percentages of both the support group increases nonlinearly, and the loss and opposition constituencies drawn from subset from the bottom subgroup increases the bottom subgroup increase, and the per- throughout most of the range but then centages drawn from the top subgroup de- shifts direction (at a subgroup split of ap- crease. proximately .955). 120 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

.75

Gain in top subgroup Gain in bottom subgroup

.50

Loss in top subgroup Loss in bottom subgroup .25 Proportion in the Population

0 0.25.50.751 Relative Size of the Bottom Subgroup

Figure 4. Status Gains and Losses from Discrimination Note: For a given population subgroup split (represented by the relative size of the bottom subgroup), the proportions in the four subsets sum to one. Formulas are reported in Appendix Table B; related values are reported in Table 11 (see page 118).

Because the proportions in the four sub- How to Change (or Keep) S3 sets sum to one, Figure 4 enables assessment of which sets dominate, by population split. Third-order status arises because of the lack For example, in societies in which the pro- of information on quantitative personal char- portion in the bottom subgroup is less than a acteristics; but provision of such information little over half, the largest subset in the soci- does not guarantee its elimination. Nonethe- ety is the one composed of top-subgroup less, provision of the information may be members who gain from discrimination. useful in eliminating S3—for those who Similarly, at the point where the top-gain wish to eliminate it. Perhaps the most in- and bottom-gain subsets intersect (i.e., when triguing result is that some members of the the proportion in the bottom subgroup is a disadvantaged subgroup gain from discrimi- little over half), the two subsets (top-gain nation, suggesting another mechanism pro- and bottom-gain) are of equal size. ducing and maintaining “internalized op- It is especially interesting to examine Fig- pression” (Bourdieu 1997; Ridgeway 1997a: ure 4 at the points corresponding to an equal 222; Stanton-Salazar 1997). Thus, devising population split. As shown, the smallest sub- strategies to change S3 entails devising strat- set consists of individuals from the top sub- egies for all actors. group who lose from discrimination (18 per- Those who gain status from discrimination cent), and the largest subset consists of indi- have as their objective to maintain S3 as a viduals from the top subgroup who gain from function exclusively of S2; introducing S1, discrimination (32 percent); the two subsets even mildly weighted, diminishes their sta- from the bottom subgroup intermedi- tus. Accordingly, a useful strategy for them ate places (26 percent in the bottom-gain sub- is to, first, prevent the free flow of informa- set and 24 percent in the bottom-lose sub- tion, second, discount the information or dis- set). Given that the gender split is approxi- pute its accuracy, and, third, make arguments mately fifty-fifty, it would be useful to reex- for ignoring individual characteristics and amine data generated by experiments on gen- focusing instead on subgroup membership or der and status in light of these results. other communal considerations. Because STATUS ANALYSIS 121 there are people in both subgroups who gain tion) and a “collectivistic” party comprising from discrimination, they will form partner- those who gain from discrimination (or from ships; these partnerships can then be used to subgroup identification). Then the individu- underscore the amicable relations that obtain alistic party is predicted to be smaller but between the two subgroups. higher-skilled.21 The strategy for those who lose status from discrimination is exactly the oppo- CONCLUDING NOTE site—except that they will still form partner- ships with their natural allies in the other This paper presented an integrated frame- subgroup. For these individuals, the goal is work for studying status. The framework to increase information, make it widely combines ideas and insights from several lit- available, express confidence in it, extol in- eratures in order to address long-standing, dividualism. unresolved issues in status research, such as: Finally, a little insight for political activ- (1) the emergence of status; (2) how to dis- ists and organizers, who often must go into tinguish between, and measure, the status of unfamiliar situations: In both subgroups, the individuals and the status of characteristics; lowest-ranking individuals (on the quantita- (3) how to measure and understand the sta- tive characteristic that confers S1 status) are tus gap between subgroups (e.g., between likely to support discrimination, and the men and women, or between races); and (4) highest-ranking individuals are likely to op- how to distinguish the operation of quantita- pose discrimination. Thus, lobbyists for dis- tive and qualitative characteristics in the crimination should seek out low-ranking production of status. persons, and lobbyists against discrimination By identifying three distinct types of sta- should seek out high-ranking persons. tus and linking them in distinctive ways to quantitative and qualitative characteristics, Further Implications the framework makes it possible to analyze a wide variety of status phenomena in a S3 status provides fertile ground for sub- broad range of groups and societies. stantial further theorizing. One avenue in- The new status theory yields many test- volves the effects of status processes on able implications and, based on the work to identity phenomena. Suppose that activation date, appears capable of yielding many of a subgroup identity produces status gains more implications beyond the ones pre- and losses, exactly as in the analysis of dis- sented here. The initial set includes impli- crimination. Then, among other things, two cations for the effects of (1) the number and ceteris paribus implications follow: First, in intercorrelation of personal characteristics, self-report surveys, the higher-ranking in (2) the availability of information about each subgroup formed by a qualitative char- personal characteristics, and (3) the propor- acteristic (such as race or ethnicity) will be tions of a group in each category of a quali- less likely to answer subgroup-identification tative characteristic. The derived implica- questions; thus, average schooling, skills, tions cover such phenomena as status dif- and income will be underestimated in all ferences between group members, status subgroups. Second, in face-to-face inter- gaps between subgroups, and overall in- views, if interviewer characteristics or be- equality in the status structure, all under havior activate subgroup identity, there will varying conditions. For example, the analy- be a tendency for higher-ranking prospec- ses suggest that under certain given condi- tive respondents to decline to participate in tions: (1) status inequality is lower if the the survey; thus, nonresponse will be dis- valued goods are negatively correlated; (2) proportionately greater among persons with in a two-subgroup society, the least advan- higher schooling, skill, and income. taged from both subgroups gain status from Finally, suppose that the cross-subgroup discrimination, and the most advantaged coalitions discussed above lead to formation of political parties—an “individualistic” 21 The “Florida phase” of the 2000 U.S. presi- party comprising those who lose from dis- dential election may provide a case in point (see crimination (or from subgroup identifica- Nagourney and Barstow 2000). 122 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW from both subgroups lose status from dis- cannot be fully understood without under- crimination, leading to cross-subgroup standing how individuals come to have the coalitions; (3) the status gap between two characteristics they bring to the social subgroups increases with the relative size of arena—and, importantly, the two processes the disadvantaged subgroup; (4) when two may be dynamically linked. Thus, a more subgroups are fighting for and against dis- complete framework than the one devel- crimination, it is more difficult to prevent oped in this paper would integrate the two defections in the bottom subgroup than in kinds of status, providing fertile ground the top subgroup; and (5) opponents of dis- for new substantive and methodological crimination are outnumbered. synergies. The new framework for status analysis opens many avenues for future work—refin- Guillermina Jasso is Professor of Sociology at ing the basic status functions, building theo- New York University. Recent work includes: ries and deriving more and sharper implica- “Trends in the Experience of Injustice” (Social tions, and testing the implications and using Justice Research, 2000), “The Changing Skill of New Immigrants to the United States” (with M. the new measures for the status of persons R. Rosenzweig and J. P. Smith, in Issues in the and the status of characteristics to assess key Economics of Immigration, edited by G. J. status phenomena and their correlates in sur- Borjas, University of Chicago Press, 2000), veys and experiments. “Some of Robert K. Merton’s Contributions to Ahead, a further integration looms on the Justice Theory” (, 2000), horizon. The status analyzed here refers to “The New Immigrant Survey Pilot (NIS-P)” (with evaluations of the worth of individuals and D. S. Massey, M. R. Rosenzweig, and J. P. Smith, characteristics (footnote 1). This kind of , 2000), “How I Became a Theo- status is related to the other major kind of rist,” (Sociological Theory, 2000), “Assortative status of interest in social science—the Mating among Married New Legal Immigrants to the United States” (with D. S. Massey, M. R. “status” in status attainment (Sewell and Rosenzweig, and J. P. Smith, International Mi- Hauser 1972, 1992)—in that the status in gration Review, 2000), and “Rule Finding about status attainment consists of the character- Rule Making: Comparison Processes and the istics which confer the evaluation kind of Making of Norms” (in Social Norms, edited by status. Ultimately, this evaluation status M. Hechter and K.-D. Opp, Russell Sage, 2001).

Appendix Table A. Principal Functions and Parameters of the S1 Status Distribution, in Four Special Cases

Variate Case Family f(x) F(x) Q(α) Q(0) E(X) Q(1)

 1  One Characteristic Exponential e –x 1 – e–x ln 01∞ 1− α 

Two Characteristics:

 1  Positively associated Exponential e Ðx 1 – eÐx ln 01∞ 1− α 

4e−x 4  2  ln Negatively associated Unnamed 1− 2x   ln2 1 ∞ e2x − 4 e  1− α 2 

Independent Erlang 4xe–2x 121−[]ex−2x ()+ — 01∞

Note: This appendix table presents principal functions (probability density function f(x), cumulative distribution function F(x), and quantile function Q(α)) and parameters of the S1 status distribution arising in four special cases defined by the configuration of valued personal characteristics. In the three two-good cases, the two goods are equally weighted. STATUS ANALYSIS 123

Appendix Table B. Formulas for Calculating Gains and Losses from Discrimination

Quantity Bottom Subgroup Top Subgroup

1− p  11  p 1− p (1) Relative rank at which S1 = E(S1) 1−   1−  ep1−  e

1− p (2) Those who gain status from discrimination,  11  p  1 1−   ()11− p − as a proportion of the population  ep1−   e

1− p (3) Those who lose status from discrimination,  11  p 1− p p −1+   as a proportion of the population  ep1−  e

1− p  11  p 1−   (4) Those who gain status from discrimination,  ep1−  1 1− as a proportion of the subgroup p e

1− p  11  p p −1+   (5) Those who lose status from discrimination,  ep1−  1 as a proportion of the subgroup p e Note: In the formulas, p denotes the relative size of the bottom subgroup. The four proportions given in rows 2 and 3—representing those who gain and lose status from discrimination, in both subgroups. as pro- portions of the population—sum to one. In each subgroup, the two proportions in rows 4 and 5—represent- ing those who gain and lose status from discrimination, as a proportion of the subgroup—sum to one.

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C. Wesley Younts Charles W. Mueller University of Iowa University of Iowa

Extant theories suggest that individuals’ perceptions of the fairness of their pay causally intervene between the salary/wages they receive and their emotional re- sponses (e.g., satisfaction) to that level of pay. In addition, it has been argued that the impact of an event evaluated by an individual as unfair depends on the impor- tance of fairness to that individual—an unfair event has a greater effect for those who place greater importance on distributive justice. Despite the centrality of these arguments in the justice literature, current research has not adequately tested them. In this article, the authors propose a general theoretical model based on these argu- ments. A structural equation model is then estimated using data from a national sample of Protestant clergy. The findings support both the mediating role of minis- ters’ perceptions of distributive justice and the moderating role of the importance of justice in explaining their level of pay satisfaction.

ustice is a rather murky concept in so- the extent to which an individual’s percep- Jcial psychology, perhaps because of its tion that a reward is unfair causally mediates various uses in common discourse. In gen- the effect that reward has on cognitive, be- eral, the term distributive justice refers to the havioral, and emotional responses. fairness of the outcomes or rewards that an We model the causal relationships be- individual or group receives. This can be tween the reward conditions an individual contrasted to (i.e., the fair- faces (especially relative to what he or she ness of the process by which outcomes are believes is fair), the importance the indi- determined) and (i.e., the vidual places on justice, the individual’s per- fairness of interpersonal treatment). Al- ception of the degree of injustice present in though the focus of research has recently the situation, and the individual’s emotional shifted somewhat toward the latter two forms response to the situation.1 Although our of justice, our understanding of distributive justice processes is by no means complete. A 1 Although most theories claim that justice per- critical question that remains unanswered is ceptions can lead to cognitive, behavioral, and emotional responses (Jasso 1986, 1993; Mark Direct all correspondence to C. Wesley and Folger 1984), we focus here on emotional Younts, Department of Sociology, University of responses, and in particular on individuals’ ex- Iowa, W140 Seashore Hall, Iowa City, IA 52242 pressions of (dis)satisfaction regarding their re- ([email protected]). The Louisville wards. An individual’s emotional response (e.g., Institute provided grant support for collection of satisfaction, anger) is distinct from the affective the data used in this study. We thank Barry component of justice evaluations, often referred Markovsky, Lisa Troyer, Stacey DeCoster, sev- to as the “sense of injustice” or “injustice experi- eral anonymous ASR reviewers, and the ASR Edi- ence” (Jasso 1993). It is also important to distin- tors for their helpful comments on early drafts. guish the perceptual components of justice evalu- An earlier version of this paper was presented at ations (e.g., justice perceptions) from the emo- the annual meeting of the American Sociological tional consequences of such evaluations (e.g., re- Association, Chicago, Illinois, August 1999. ward satisfaction)—an individual’s assessment American Sociological Review, 2001, Vol. 66 (February:125–145) 125 126 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW theoretical model is based on the arguments cally demonstrated. The majority of social contained in extant theoretical perspectives, psychological theories employing the dis- the pivotal concept in our model—“justice tributive justice concept recognize (at least perceptions”—is seldom explicitly defined, implicitly) that individuals’ perceptions of and its causal position within the justice injustice in a particular situation intervene evaluation process is usually only loosely, if between the reward conditions they face and at all, specified. Our work adds to the theo- the cognitive, behavioral, and emotional out- retical literature by more explicitly defining comes of interest. However, as Hegtvedt and and specifying the causal position of this Markovsky (1995:272) argue, the perceptual critical construct. component of justice evaluations has re- The looseness in how the concept of jus- ceived inadequate theoretical attention. tice perceptions is often used is rarely chal- Since the classical equity (Adams 1965; lenged by justice theorists because there Homans 1974; Walster, Walster, and Bers- have been few attempts to empirically assess chied 1978) and per- whether justice perceptions actually serve spectives (Crosby 1976; Folger 1986) began the mediating role suggested in the theoreti- dominating the justice literature more than cal literature. In response to this oversight, 30 years ago, primary attention has been we estimate a structural equation model that paid to specifying (1) the comparison pro- relates workplace rewards (including their cesses that are assumed to lead to percep- comparison with the rewards believed to be tions of injustice (i.e., justice perceptions as fair) to pay satisfaction through individuals’ a dependent variable, or “ends”), and (2) the perceptions of distributive injustice. We use cognitive, behavioral, and emotional conse- survey data collected from a national sample quences of injustice (i.e., justice perceptions of Protestant ministers. as an independent variable, or “means”). Both “ends” and “means” conceptions of JUSTICE PERCEPTIONS justice contain, at their heart, the assumption that it is an individual’s perception of the For social psychologists, the notion that per- degree of injustice existing in a situation that ceptions mediate the effects of concrete so- drives his or her emotional response to re- cial conditions on individuals’ responses is ward conditions—if an individual does not by no means novel—it is one of the corner- perceive a situation as unfair, he or she will stones of the field. The symbolic inter- not express negative emotions regarding that actionist tradition has long held such a con- situation (Hegtvedt and Markovsky 1995; ception of social reality, represented by such Törnblom 1992). constructs as the “Thomas theorem” (Tho- Extant research supports the importance of mas and Thomas 1928) and the “looking- justice perceptions as both a dependent and glass self” (Cooley 1902). Each of these ab- an independent variable.2 Unfortunately, stract concepts shares the general notion that social behavior is based on the actor’s inter- 2 pretation, or “definition,” of the situation, Most empirical investigations of distributive justice processes also tend to follow either the and thus behavior cannot be directly pre- “ends” or the “means” conceptions of justice. dicted from the characteristics of the objec- Research using justice perceptions as ends often tive stimuli an actor faces (also see Goffman involves experiments in which researchers ma- 1959). nipulate the rewards individuals receive and Although the mediating role of percep- those received by a social referent or implied by tions has long been accepted as an orienting normative standards; subjects are then asked to principle in sociological social psychology, report their perceptions of the degree of injustice its relevance for understanding distributive in the situation (Anderson 1976; Jasso 1978; justice processes has not been fully ex- Mellers 1982). Studies treating justice percep- tions as means often use surveys in which mea- ploited theoretically, nor has it been empiri- sures of justice perceptions predict individuals’ reward satisfaction and their organizational com- of the fairness of rewards is conceptually and em- mitment (McFarlin and Sweeney 1992; Mueller pirically distinct from his or her expressed satis- and Wallace 1996; Sweeney and McFarlin faction with them. 1993). DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE PERCEPTIONS 127

Reward conditions (pay) ε ε

Pay justice evaluation (actual pay vs. just pay)

Distributive justice perceptions: Emotional response Justice importance • Pay distributive justice (pay satisfaction) • Global distributive justice

Pay justice evaluation × Justice importance JUSTICE EVALUATION PROCESS JUSTICE EVALUATION

Control variables

Figure 1. Causal Model of Justice Evaluations Note: All exogenous variables are allowed to correlate. Disturbances for pay and global distributive jus- tice perceptions are allowed to correlate. however, there is a lack of empirical evi- ceptions of distributive injustice in the situ- dence directly demonstrating that justice ation. However, we also assume that the im- perceptions act as a mediator in justice portance of justice to the individual moder- evaluation processes. Given the significance ates the effect of unfair rewards on justice of this issue and the absence of demonstra- perceptions, such that the more important tive data, we believe it is important to em- justice is, the greater the effect of injustice pirically test the assumed mediating role of on the individual. Finally, we assume that justice perceptions that has been at the root justice perceptions directly affect the indi- of distributive justice theories since their in- vidual’s emotional response to the situation ception. and mediate the effects of justice evalua- tions. Specifying a Causal Model of Justice Evaluation Processes Reward Conditions and Justice Evaluations We have developed a general theoretical model (see Figure 1) in which justice per- In our model, reward conditions refer to the ceptions explicitly mediate the effects of re- absolute magnitude of the rewards (e.g., pay, ward conditions on individuals’ emotional benefits) existing in a given situation. Ac- responses to these conditions. At the center cording to a basic “self-interest model,” the of our model are four distinct constructs that reward conditions faced by an actor have an make up the justice evaluation process—the important direct impact on his or her ex- justice evaluation, justice perceptions, jus- pressed emotions—the more rewards an in- tice importance, and the emotional response dividual receives, the more “positive” the to perceived injustice. Below, we explicitly emotional reaction. For instance, Randall define these concepts and specify their cau- and Mueller (1995) found partial empirical sal position within the model. As shown in support for a parsimonious self-interest Figure 1, we assume that the reward condi- model relating the absolute magnitude of tions individuals face relative to the rewards workplace rewards and privileges to em- that are believed to be fair (i.e., the justice ployees’ job satisfaction and organizational evaluation) directly affect individuals’ per- commitment. 128 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Contrary to the self-interest model, our by the following justice evaluation (JE) “justice model” emphasizes a comparison equation:4 process, suggesting that it is the magnitude  actual share of rewards relative to some standard of fair- JE = ln  , (1) ness that generates subjective states of injus-  just share  tice and determines the resulting reactions.3 where ln is the natural logarithm, “actual This view of the “relativity” of rewards is share” is the amount of reward received in exemplified by classical equity theories the situation, and “just share” is the amount (Adams 1965; Homans 1974; Walster et al. of reward believed to be fair by the indi- 1978) and relative deprivation formulations vidual (for a more detailed discussion of the (Crosby 1976). More recent sociological determination of the just share, see Jasso and perspectives have expanded the scope of Wegener 1997:399). possible referents, allowing comparisons to Distributive injustice is assumed to be dis- other individuals, groups, prior experiences, tressing (Adams 1965; Homans 1974; Mar- imagined alternatives, and normative stan- kovsky 1988; Törnblom 1992) and is ex- dards (Folger 1986; Jasso 1986; Markovsky pected to lead to cognitive, behavioral, and 1991). We follow Markovsky (1985) in as- emotional responses (Jasso 1986; Mark and suming, as a scope condition, that individu- Folger 1984). Focusing on emotional re- als evaluating the fairness of rewards al- sponses, we can specify an alternative to the ready possess a principle of fairness with self-interest model—the greater the discrep- which to assess outcomes. Therefore, the rel- ancy between the actual and just shares, the evant questions are: Given an activated stan- more “negative” the individual’s emotional dard of distributive justice, how do particu- response to those rewards (Jasso 1993). lar levels of over- or underreward (relative Consistent with this argument, justice re- to that standard) translate into specific de- searchers have empirically demonstrated grees of perceived distributive injustice? that the greater the discrepancy between the And, how are specific degrees of perceived pay/benefits received and those felt to be de- injustice translated into measurable emo- served, the more likely an individual is to tional reactions in specific situations (Jasso make a formal complaint (Markovsky 1985), and Wegener 1997:394)? the lower his or her satisfaction with those Jasso (1980) has labeled the comparison rewards (Randall and Mueller 1995), and the of actual rewards to just rewards the justice greater the resentment he or she will direct evaluation; we adopt this term to represent at the perceived perpetrator (Folger et al. the rewards individuals’ receive relative to 1983). With reference to the theoretical their activated justice standard. Specifi- model presented in Figure 1, we assume that cally, Jasso (1980) proposes that an indivi- an individual’s justice evaluation has a total dual’s sense of injustice can be expressed causal effect on his or her emotional re- sponse to the situation, net of the absolute level of rewards received. 3 We recognize that an individual may base the outcome he or she feels is fair (i.e., the just share) on a principle of “self-interest,” such that the in- The Mediating Role of dividual feels he or she deserves the majority of Justice Perceptions rewards (Leventhal, Karuza, and Fry 1980; Mes- sick and Sentis 1979). Although this allows a re- We use the term justice perceptions to refer lationship between self-interest and notions of to an individual’s assessment of the magni- fairness, the distinction between the justice and self-interest models remains. The justice model 4 Several specific functional forms have been treats self-interest as one of the possible prin- suggested to represent the properties of justice ciples for determining the just share against evaluations (Anderson 1976; Jasso 1980; Mar- which actual outcomes are compared, and this kovsky 1985, 1991; Mellers 1982). We adopt comparison is assumed to lead to perceptions of Jasso’s (1980) specification because of its gen- fairness and subsequently to observable reac- eral acceptance in the sociological literature and tions. On the other hand, the self-interest model its mathematical properties (for refinements of treats the absolute magnitude of rewards as a di- this mathematical model, also see Jasso and rect determinant of individuals’ responses. Wegener 1997). DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE PERCEPTIONS 129 tude of distributive injustice in a particular 1991) treats the following as distinct ele- situation.5 Our primary contribution here is ments of the justice evaluation process: (1) our assessment of the argument that justice the actual reward and the reward standard perceptions mediate the impact of reward activated in a situation, (2) the cognitive as- conditions and distributive justice evalua- sessment of their fit, (3) the subjective feel- tions on individuals’ reactions to injustice. ing of justice or injustice resulting from this Three basic assumptions are embodied in the comparison, and (4) the overt behavioral re- argument that a variable (Y) mediates the ef- sponses of the actor. fects of another variable (X) on a given re- Although these perspectives differ some- sponse variable (Z): (1) X is assumed to have what in how justice evaluations, justice per- a direct causal effect on Y, (2) Y is assumed ceptions, and reactions to injustice are con- to have a direct causal effect on Z, and (3) ceptualized, each perspective acknowledges the effect of X on Z is assumed to be indi- (at least implicitly) that perceptions of injus- rect, working through X’s effect on Y. tice are a crucial part of the process that The first assumption suggests that justice leads individuals to react to injustice. In the evaluations directly impact an individual’s majority of perspectives, however, the defi- perceptions of injustice in the situation. Al- nition and causal position of the justice per- though equity researchers have focused pri- ception construct is somewhat ambiguous. marily on the link between “objective” ineq- Our conceptualization remedies this, as il- uities and behavioral reactions, Adams lustrated in Figure 1: Discrepancies between (1965) stressed that perceptions play an im- the rewards an individual receives and those portant role in linking the two. As Törnblom he or she believes are fair (i.e., the value of (1992) has noted, “perceived discrepancies the justice evaluation) directly affect the between the perceived actual and perceived individual’s perception of the degree of in- ideal (expected) match between inputs and justice in the situation. outputs [are] assumed to result in subjective The direct causal link between justice experiences of inequity” (p. 181, italics evaluations and justice perceptions is sup- added). ported by an impressive body of experimen- Contemporary theories of distributive jus- tal research that has shown that manipulated tice make even finer distinctions between discrepancies in rewards have a substantial the concrete, evaluative, subjectively per- impact on individuals’ perceptions of the ceived, and responsive components of the fairness of those rewards (Anderson 1976; justice evaluation process. Jasso (1980) ex- Greenberg 1993; Hegtvedt, Thompson, and plicitly states, with respect to her justice Cook 1993; Mellers 1982). Likewise, ex- evaluation function, that the ratio of actual periments in which measures of justice per- share to just share (in parentheses in equa- ceptions are treated as a “manipulation tion 1) is “an exclusively cognitive magni- check” (i.e., a means of validating the gen- tude, completely devoid of any emotional eral efficacy of the manipulated experimen- content” (p. 6), thus categorically distin- tal factors) are based on the logic that indi- guishing between distributive justice evalu- viduals must perceive reward conditions as ations and their subjective impact on the in- unfair in order to react as theoretically ex- dividual. Similarly, Markovsky (1985, pected. In such cases, a “successful” ma- nipulation supports the justice evaluation → 5 We recognize that perceptual processes may justice perception relationship (Hegtvedt also come into play at two other points in the jus- 1990; Markovsky 1985, 1988). Finally, em- tice evaluation process: (1) an individual’s per- pirical support for the specific justice evalu- ceptions of the amount of rewards received may ation function in equation 1 is provided by differ from those actually received, and (2) an data reported by Jasso (1980), Markovsky individual’s determination of the rewards that are (1985), and Randall and Mueller (1995). deserved in the situation (i.e., the “just reward”) The foregoing theoretical arguments and may differ from “objectively” determined stan- dards of fairness, such as the rewards received research findings lead to our first hypothesis, by comparison others, received in the past, or represented in Figure 1 by the causal path implied by existing normative standards (Jasso leading directly from pay justice evaluations and Wegener 1997:407–408). to justice perceptions. 130 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Hypothesis 1: The greater the degree of in- Markovsky (1985) has provided experimen- justice in a distributive justice evalua- tal evidence that increasing the degree to tion, the lower the perceived distributive which an individual identifies with his or justice. her workgroup (and thus presumably, the more important it is that the group be fairly Theoretical interest in perceptual pro- rewarded) increases the impact of a given cesses in the distributive justice literature is pay discrepancy on the number of com- also reflected in the emergence of several plaints the individual makes on behalf of “individual-difference” constructs. For in- the workgroup. Similarly, Gartrell and stance, theorists have suggested that indi- Paille (1997) found that employees who felt viduals differ in terms of “justice impor- responsible for wage-cut decisions (and tance” (Markovsky 1985), “equity sensitiv- thus who were presumably more indifferent ity” (Huseman, Hatfield, and Miles 1987), to the fairness of wage cuts) perceived ac- and “expressiveness” (Jasso and Wegener tual wage cuts as more fair than employees 1997). Although these concepts differ ac- who were not responsible. cording to the particular individual and situ- These are the only two studies we have ational characteristics they consider impor- found, however, that empirically investigate tant and in the manner in which they are ex- the potential moderating effects of justice pected to impact the justice evaluation pro- importance for justice evaluations, and nei- cess, each provides further support for the ther study employed direct measures of jus- basic contention that “justice is in the eye of tice importance. This means not only that a the beholder” (Markovsky 1985:822)—what significant theoretical insight remains sup- the individual perceives in terms of fairness ported by only a few empirical studies, but, governs his or her response to the situation. just as important, that statistical models that Determining how such individual-level fac- do not control for the interactive effects of tors affect the justice evaluation process justice importance are potentially misspec- (e.g., through additive or interaction effects) ified. Thus, we include the moderating im- is critical for correctly specifying and esti- pact of justice importance in our model of mating empirical models of distributive jus- justice processes, represented in Figure 1 by tice processes. the direct causal path leading from the inter- We begin to address this issue by incor- action term (pay justice evaluation × justice porating into our model Markovsky’s importance) to justice perceptions. This (1985) concept of “justice importance,” leads to our second hypothesis. which he defines as the degree to which an Hypothesis 2: The greater the importance of individual values fairness in the given situa- justice, the greater the effect of a given tion and for the particular actor on whose degree of injustice on perceptions of behalf the justice evaluation is being made. distributive justice. Markovsky suggests that justice importance moderates the effect of reward discrepan- The second assumption regarding the me- cies (captured by the justice evaluation) on diating role of justice perceptions suggests the amount of injustice perceived—the that an individual’s perception of injustice in more the evaluator cares about justice, the a situation directly affects his or her emo- greater the impact an injustice will have.6 tional reaction to that situation. We represent this assumption in Figure 1 by including a 6 Formally, Markovsky (1985) defines the base direct causal path leading from justice per- of the logarithmic function (equation 1) as the ceptions to the emotional response. This evaluator’s indifference to injustice (i.e., the in- causal link is supported by a vast body of verse of justice importance) for the specific com- survey research in which measures of justice parison being made. As such, the greater the im- perceptions have been used to predict a vari- portance of justice to the evaluator, the smaller ety of emotional responses, including job the base of the logarithmic function and the steeper the slope of the relationship between re- ward discrepancies and the amount of injustice justice importance interacts with the value of the felt by the evaluator (Markovsky 1985:828). Dis- justice evaluation to predict perceptions of injus- cursively, this translates into the assumption that tice (Markovsky 1985:838). DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE PERCEPTIONS 131 and reward satisfaction, organizational com- predicting individuals’ emotional reactions; mitment, anger, and resentment (Folger and this has yet to be done. Konovsky 1989; McFarlin and Sweeney It is important to note, however, that we 1992; Mueller and Wallace 1996; Sweeney do not mean to criticize or refute the myriad and McFarlin 1993). This causal path leads empirical investigations of justice processes. to our third hypothesis. To the contrary, these studies provide impor- tant empirical justification for the individual Hypothesis 3: The lower the perceived dis- assumptions of our model. Rather, we sug- tributive justice, the more negative an gest simply that previous research has fo- individual’s emotional response. cused on aspects of the justice evaluation The final assumption regarding the medi- process other than the mediating role of jus- ating role of justice perceptions suggests that tice perceptions, such that there is a general the effects of justice evaluations are indirect, lack of evidence directly assessing the me- working through perceptions of injustice. diating role of justice perceptions in the We represent this assumption in Figure 1 by study of distributive justice. Below, we re- excluding direct paths from pay justice port results from a national survey of Prot- evaluations to emotional reactions, leading estant clergy that bear on the mediating role to our fourth hypothesis. of justice perceptions and the moderating role of justice importance in explaining min- Hypothesis 4: Perceptions of distributive isters’ reported pay satisfaction. justice mediate the effect of the justice evaluation on an individual’s emotional response. DATA AND METHODS Because the proposed interaction between The data analyzed here come from a 1996 justice importance and justice evaluations is national survey of parish ministers in the assumed to directly affect justice percep- United Church of Christ (UCC) and Chris- tions, our causal model also implies that the Church (Disciples of Christ) (DOC). interaction effect should be mediated by Both are Protestant denominations in the justice perceptions. We represent this as- moderate to liberal range with respect to re- sumption in Figure 1 by excluding direct ligious . Details of the survey paths from the interaction term (pay justice instrument and sample are provided by Mc- evaluations × justice importance) to the Duff and Mueller (1999, 2000). Of the 4,500 emotional response, leading to our final hy- ministers who were mailed the question- pothesis. naire, a total of 2,780 (62 percent) returned them, a reasonable response rate for a na- Hypothesis 5: Perceptions of distributive tional-level mailed survey (Dillman 1991). justice mediate the effect of the pay jus- To ensure sufficient cases for analyzing sub- tice evaluation × justice importance in- groups (not at issue in the current paper), all teraction on an individual’s emotional female ministers were sampled, while a 50- response. percent random sample of male ministers Despite the seemingly “obvious” nature of was taken. Because females were “double these mediating propositions and the sub- over-sampled,” weights have been intro- stantial supporting each duced so that coefficients estimated from the of the direct causal paths in our model (rep- entire sample are not biased by female over- resented in Hypotheses 1 through 3), there representation. Also, we restricted our analy- are few, if any, examples of experimental or ses to the subset of ministers who reported survey research that directly test the mediat- that they are not in interim positions. After ing role of justice perceptions we propose in applying the sampling weights and eliminat- Hypotheses 4 and 5. To test their role re- ing cases listwise for missing data, the ef- quires that researchers simultaneously con- fective sample size is 2,350 (1,953 males sider the reward conditions faced by indi- and 397 females). In general, a comparison viduals, their justice evaluations, how im- of characteristics of the sample with those portant justice is to them, and their percep- of the population of parish ministers in UCC tions of the fairness of those conditions in and DOC churches indicates that there are 132 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW few differences, suggesting that this sample ables included in the analysis are presented is representative of the population (see in Table 1. The variables are introduced be- McDuff and Mueller 1999, 2000). low by tracing the causal model in Figure 1 from left to right, that is, from the exogenous Logic of Analysis to the endogenous variables. Controls. The estimated model in- The hypotheses presented above are as- cludes three sets of exogenous control vari- sessed by estimating a structural equation ables. The first set includes characteristics of model (Jöreskog and Sörbom 1996) based the work setting—church budget, church on the theoretical model presented in Figure size, and denomination. The first two vari- 1, as specified with the measures we de- ables are common in models of work satis- scribe below. LISREL with maximum-like- faction and are potentially important sources lihood estimation produces reliability-cor- of symbolic rewards, as large and well- rected estimates of direct and indirect effects funded churches tend to represent high-sta- and the relevant asymptotic standard errors. tus positions in the ministerial occupational As described below, some of the constructs labor market (McDuff and Mueller 2000). are captured with multiple-item measures, Also, there are qualitative differences be- although most are based on single indicators. tween denominations that might influence Finally, several of the indicators are mea- justice processes, such as the status of min- sured as ordinal scales and, thus, violate the isters in the congregation. assumption of interval scales when Pearson The second set of controls includes vari- correlations and MLE are used. We con- ous characteristics of the respondents as em- ducted several sensitivity checks of the re- ployees and as individuals—gender, marital sults using a smaller model, a polychoric status, full-time employment status, being correlation matrix, and weighted-least- the primary wage-earner for their household, squares estimation. These checks suggest occupational tenure, and organizational ten- that our results are robust to the violation of ure. Again, these are common controls for this assumption.7 models of work satisfaction that partial out potentially confounding effects. In general, Variables and Measures ministers in this sample are more likely than not to be married, to be employed full-time, Full details of each of the measures used in and to be the primary wage-earner; they tend the analyses are provided in Appendix A, to have been in the profession for around 18 and descriptive statistics for all of the vari- years and in their present position for around 7 years. 7 When variables in such models are ordinally The third set of controls focuses on the scaled, Bollen (1989) and Jöreskog and Sörbom degree of autonomy allowed ministers on the (1996) recommend using polychoric correlations job, an aspect of workplace conditions (other to estimate an asymptotic covariance matrix and than the rewards considered below) that may weighted-least-squares to estimate the structural affect respondents’ overall feelings of fair- equation model. However, without very large sample sizes the asymptotic covariance matrix is ness and satisfaction. As suggested by recent often poorly estimated and/or the solution will research and theory, interactional and proce- not converge, even after a large number of itera- dural aspects of the workplace, although tions. Jöreskog and Sörbom (1996) argue that conceptually distinct from distributive jus- maximum-likelihood estimation (MLE) is the tice, may exert an independent effect on per- better alternative in such cases, and Bollen (1989) concludes (based on Monte Carlo simula- tions) that assuming interval-level data and us- parts of that model using polychoric correlations ing Pearson correlations (with MLE) does not and weighted-least-squares. We followed this substantially alter the results when there are more strategy because our attempt to estimate the full than four categories for the variables. Facing the model with weighted-least-squares failed to con- problem we have just described, Matsueda verge after over 2,000 iterations. The results ob- (1992) and Heimer and Matsueda (1994) estimate tained by this strategy (available on request from their full model with MLE, but then assess the the authors) were consistent with those reported robustness of their results by estimating smaller in Table 3 based on the MLE strategy. DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE PERCEPTIONS 133 ceptions of distributive fairness (Brockner Table 1. Descriptive Statistics for Variables in and Wiesenfeld 1996; Randall and Mueller the Analysis: Protestant Ministers, 1995; van den Bos, Vermunt, and Wilke 1996 1997). By including autonomy as an exog- Variable Mean S.D. enous variable in the model, we control for the potentially confounding effects of intrin- Emotional Response sic characteristics of the work, as well as Pay satisfaction 3.21 1.13 procedural and interactional factors of the Work Setting workplace, on distributive justice percep- Church budget 2.28 .76 tions and pay satisfaction. Ministers in the sample report, on average, that they have a Church size 2.15 .73 relatively high degree of autonomy, with a Denomination .69 .46 mean score of 4.29 (S.D. = .52) on our five- Worker Characteristics point autonomy scale (which ranges from Female .17 .38 low to high autonomy). Assuming that min- Married .87 .34 isters prefer more autonomy in their work, we expect autonomy to positively affect jus- Employed full time .86 .35 tice perceptions and pay satisfaction in our Primary wage-earner .69 .46 model. Years in ministry 18.65 9.91 Reward conditions. Because we focus Tenure 7.07 6.00 on respondents’ evaluations and perceptions of distributive (as opposed to procedural or Working Conditions interactional) fairness, and the effects of Autonomy a 4.29 .52 those evaluations and perceptions on respon- Workplace Rewards dents’ pay satisfaction, we include several Pay (in 1996 dollars) $33,713.08 $14,242.03 variables as indicators of the concrete re- Formal benefits 7.84 2.76 wards received by respondents in their jobs. Perhaps the most obvious workplace reward Informal benefits 3.50 1.84 is pay—ministers in this sample earned an Distributive Justice average of about $33,713 per year in 1996 Pay justice evaluation 1.31 .30 (S.D. = $14,242). To tap into workplace re- (× 10–03) b wards other than pay that may impact re- Justice importance 2.51 .73 spondents’ perceptions of distributive injus- (× 10–03) b tice and thus indirectly affect their pay satis- Pay justice evaluation × 1.32 .26 faction, we also include the number of both Justice importance formal and informal benefits. Ministers in (× 10–03) b this sample reported receiving an average of Distributive justice perceptions: 7.84 out of 13 possible formal benefits (S.D. Pay 2.38 .72 = 2.76) and an average of 3.5 out of 9 pos- Global a 3.25 1.02 sible informal benefits (S.D. = 1.84), weighted by their frequency. Note: Sample size is for the weighted sample af- Justice evaluations. ter listwise deletion of cases with missing data; N = The first variable 2,350. of interest in the distributive justice process a Statistics are based on the simple sum of the is the distributive justice evaluation. This items divided by the total number of items. construct is measured as a pay justice evalu- b Statistics are calculated on the centered vari- ation, by taking the natural log of the ratio able. of the income reported by the respondent (i.e., the actual share) to the income the re- spondent says he or she deserves (i.e., the nates the need for such information by asking re- spondents to report the level of pay they deserve just share).8 This operationalization of the given their own experience, effort, education, and training. This allows the specific referent to 8 Although we do not have data pertaining to vary across respondents without biasing the mea- the specific referent used by respondents in our sure of just rewards. Again, this strategy for mea- sample, this measure of the just reward elimi- suring the just reward is justified by adopting 134 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW justice evaluation function proposed by ters are not in direct competition with others Jasso (1980) is based on the statistical mod- for the salary and other benefits they receive, els employed by Markovsky (1985) and and because they are not directly responsible Randall and Mueller (1995). As coded here, for determining their own pay, it is likely the pay justice evaluation variable becomes that those who are overrewarded would be more negative as an individual’s salary able to justify this fact through external at- moves farther below the deserved salary tributions (Hegtvedt et al. 1993). (i.e., the greater the degree of underreward), Based on this reasoning, the results re- and it becomes more positive as an indi- ported by Randall and Mueller (1995), and vidual’s salary moves farther above the de- the coding of the variable, we expect pay served salary (i.e., the greater the degree of justice evaluations to have a positive, mono- overreward). As suggested by Jasso (1980), tonic effect on justice perceptions, such that the justice evaluation will equal 0 for an in- increasingly negative justice evaluations dividual who receives the salary he or she should be associated with lower perceived says is deserved. For our sample, the uncen- justice (Hypothesis 1). tered mean pay justice evaluation is –.28 Justice importance. As conceptual- (S.D. = .30), indicating that, on average, ized, Markovsky’s (1985) concept of justice ministers in our sample are slightly under- importance can be directly operationalized rewarded. via attitudinal survey items. We measure this As Randall and Mueller (1995) have dem- construct on a five-point scale indicating the onstrated, the characteristics of the rewards importance to the respondent of being fairly being evaluated must be carefully consid- rewarded given the work done (ranging from ered within the context in which they are “not at all important” to “of great impor- evaluated. Specifically, several justice re- tance”). The uncentered mean justice impor- searchers have suggested that, under particu- tance for respondents in this sample is 3.89 lar conditions, slight degrees of overreward (S.D. = .73). may not lead to negative emotional reactions Pay justice evaluation x Justice im- (Hegtvedt 1990; Hegtvedt et al. 1993; Jasso portance interaction. We operational- 1986; Markovsky 1988). There are several ize the pay justice evaluation × justice im- reasons that we do not expect overrewarded portance interaction effect proposed in Hy- ministers to perceive injustice in their pay or pothesis 2 by creating a variable computed to express dissatisfaction with it. First, be- as the product of the justice evaluation and cause most ministers receive low pay rela- justice importance variables. This is consis- tive to other professionals, it is unlikely that tent with Bollen’s (1989:128) recommenda- many respondents in our sample will be tion for including single-indicator interac- overrewarded. In fact, 85 percent of minis- tion terms in LISREL models. Also, because ters in the sample were underrewarded, of high collinearity between the interaction slightly more than 12 percent were justly re- term and the two variables composing it, we warded, and only about 2 percent were over- have centered the pay justice evaluation and rewarded, indicating a general state of justice importance variables at their means underreward.9 Second, because most minis- prior to computing values for the interaction term, as recommended by Neter et al. Markovsky’s (1985) scope condition that indi- (1996). viduals already possess a standard of fairness Distributive justice perceptions. with which to evaluate the rewards they receive, We include two indicators of distributive and because we are interested in the effects of justice perceptions, one specific to pay and the justice evaluation given such a standard, without concern for the source of that standard. 9 This frequency distribution is strikingly simi- overrewarded for each type of reward ranges lar to that reported by Randall and Mueller from 0 percent to 11.1 percent). This adds to our (1995:186) for a sample of registered nurses. confidence that the results reported here have Across a variety of qualitative, nontransferable implications for justice evaluations in other rewards, an average of 2.9 percent of the respon- samples and that there will be a monotonic rela- dents in their sample reported being over- tionship between pay justice evaluations and rewarded (the percentage who reported being each of the endogenous variables we consider. DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE PERCEPTIONS 135 one a more global distributive justice mea- follow, we assume that respondents frame sure (which includes pay plus other benefits pay as a positively valued goal-object.10 of being a minister). The pay-specific mea- Our measure of pay satisfaction ranges sure taps the degree to which respondents from 1 to 5, with lower values representing perceive that they have been under- or lower pay satisfaction (i.e., a more “nega- overrewarded in terms of pay and benefits; tive” emotional response) and higher values the midpoint (2.5) represents perfect justice. representing higher pay satisfaction (i.e., a The mean of 2.38 (S.D. = .72) indicates that more “positive” emotional response). As in- respondents generally perceive themselves dicated in Table 1, on average, ministers in to be slightly underrewarded. Global dis- this sample were relatively satisfied with tributive justice perceptions are measured by their pay (mean = 3.21), although there is three items from the Price-Mueller index substantial variation (S.D. = 1.13). that tap the degree to which respondents per- ceive themselves to be fairly rewarded given RESULTS their effort, experience, and responsibilities (Price and Mueller 1986). Table 1 indicates Table 2 gives the LISREL-estimated corre- that ministers generally agree that they are lation coefficients (corrected for unreli- fairly rewarded, with a mean of 3.25 on a ability) and Table 3 presents the LISREL-es- five-point Likert scale. However, there is timated path coefficients for the model pro- substantial variation in these perceptions posed in Figure 1. Our main concerns are to (S.D. = 1.02), and this variation is more im- (1) demonstrate the general efficacy of the portant to our analysis than the overall causal model proposed, (2) determine means. Because we do not make any as- whether justice importance interacts with sumptions about the causal effect of one per- justice evaluations as proposed by Mar- ception on the other, but we do expect them kovsky (1985), and (3) determine whether to be empirically related, we allow the dis- (and to what extent) justice perceptions me- turbances for these two justice perceptions diate the effects of the exogenous variables. to be correlated in the estimated structural In assessing the general efficacy of the equation model. causal model, it is important to first consider Emotional response. We investigate whether the expected relationships between the effect of justice evaluations and percep- the exogenous and intervening variables are tions on respondents’ pay satisfaction, our found (see Table 3). Focusing on workplace indicator of an emotional response to injus- rewards, both pay and informal benefits tice. Pay satisfaction exemplifies what Jasso have the expected positive effects on pay (1986) has called a “responsive” conse- and perceptions. Unexpect- quence of experienced injustice (as opposed edly, however, formal benefits have a nega- to purposive behaviors designed to reduce tive effect on both pay and global justice injustice), and it includes both cognitive and perceptions, a finding we discuss below. Au- affective elements (Mark and Folger 1984; tonomy, our indicator of working conditions Randall and Mueller 1995). We chose this other than pay, has the expected positive ef- specific facet of job satisfaction (rather than fect on both pay and global justice percep- overall job satisfaction) because (1) it pro- tions. Moreover, attesting to the general ef- vides a cleaner test of the theoretical model ficacy of the model, about 71 percent of the (focusing attention on distributive rather variance in pay satisfaction is accounted for than other forms of justice) and (2) follow- by all causally antecedent variables, and ing neoclassical economic theory, pay is per- haps the most universally (positively) valued 10 workplace reward. This is important, be- The survey instrument we used contained a cause, as Jasso and Wegener (1997) convinc- question asking respondents to indicate the im- portance they place on receiving “good pay.” Our ingly argue, whether an individual frames a assumption that pay is positively valued by re- particular outcome as a positively or nega- spondents is supported by the fact that the mean tively valued object has direct implications value for the pay importance variable is 3.80 for the form and magnitude of the sense of (S.D. = .75), nearly one and two-thirds standard injustice that may result. In the analyses to deviations above the scale midpoint. 136 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

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×

: Correlations are computed on the weighted sample, for the centered variables, and corrected for unreliability (as generated b

Justice importance

justice

Note

(9) Years in ministry .09 .23 .22 .00

(8) Primary wage earner

(7) Employed full time

(6) Married .09 .20 .19

(5) Female

(4) Denomination .01

(3) Church size .15 .73 1.00

(2) Church budget .18 1.00

(1) Pay satisfaction 1.00

(18) Global distributive

(19) Pay distributive justice

(17) Pay justice evaluation

(16) Justice importance

(15) Pay justice evaluation

(14) Informal benefits

(13) Formal benefits .09 .50 .46 .27

(11) Autonomy .27 .08 .05 .01 .01 .04

(10) Tenure .07 .16 .15 .05

(12) Pay .25 .71 .63 .06

Table 2. Correlation Coefficients between Variables in the Analyses: Protestant Ministers, 1996

Variables (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) (15) (16) (17) (18) (19)

2,350. DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE PERCEPTIONS 137

Table 3. Unstandardized LISREL Coefficients for the Justice Model Illustrated in Figure 1: Protestant Ministers, 1996

Mediating Variables Pay Distributive Global Distributive Variables Justice Perception Justice Perception Pay Satisfaction

Work Setting Church budget .011 –.010 .074* (.029) (.039) (.030) Church size –.014 –.009 .006 (.027) (.036) (.028) Denomination –.046 –.069 .081** (.029) (.040) (.030) Worker Characteristics Female –.109** –.153** .081* (.039) (.053) (.041) Married .064 .116* .008 (.041) (.056) (.043) Employed full time –.287*** –.323*** –.165*** (.047) (.064) (.049) Primary wage-earner –.038 –.102* .011 (.031) (.043) (.033) Years in ministry .003 .005* .001 (.002) (.002) (.002) Tenure –.002 –.002 .001 (.002) (.003) (.003) Working Conditions Autonomy .127*** .404*** .062* (.028) (.038) (.030) Workplace Rewards Pay (in $1,000) .004** .009*** .001 (.001) (.002) (.002) Formal benefits –.022** –.017* –.004 (.006) (.008) (.006) Informal benefits .047*** .099*** –.004 (.007) (.010) (.008) Distributive Justice Pay justice evaluation 1.124*** 1.271*** .127* (.051) (.070) (.059) Justice importance –.080*** –.068** –.124*** (.018) (.024) (.019) Pay justice evaluation × .226*** .395*** .026 Justice importance (.051) (.069) (.053) Distributive Justice Perceptions: Pay .— .— .216*** (.027) Global .— .— .827*** (.023)

R2 .326 .271 .714 Note: Numbers in parentheses are standard errors. Model fit information: L2 = 482.412; d.f. = 98; stan- dardized Root Mean Square Residual = .0195; Goodness-of-Fit Index = .983; Adjusted Goodness-of-Fit In- dex = .949; Normed Fit Index = .980. *p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 (two-tailed tests) 138 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Table 4. Direct, Indirect, and Total Causal Effects of Selected Variables on Pay Satisfaction: Protestant Ministers, 1996

Standardized LISREL Coefficients Variables Direct Effect Indirect Effect Total Causal Effect a

Pay .007 .107*** .114** Formal benefits –.010 –.046* –.056** Informal benefits –.006 .150*** .144*** Autonomy .029* .169*** .198*** Pay justice evaluation .033* .342*** .375*** Justice importance –.080*** –.047*** –.128*** Pay justice evaluation × .006 .086*** .091*** Justice importance a Coefficients in column 3 represent the total causal effect rather than the total effect of the variable. The total causal effect does not include the covariation between the variable and pay satisfaction that is due to the variable’s correlation with other exogenous variables that also influence pay satisfaction. The total effect of the variable is the zero-order correlation with pay satisfaction and can be found in column 1 of Table 2. *p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 (two-tailed tests) each of the goodness-of-fit indices (see note Turning to the estimates for the pay satis- to Table 3) indicates a respectable corre- faction equation in Table 3, both pay and spondence between the model and the data. global justice perceptions significantly and Hypotheses 1 and 2 refer to the first set of dramatically increase satisfaction with causal paths directly linking justice evalua- one’s pay, supporting Hypothesis 3. With tions and the justice evaluation × justice im- respect to the other exogenous variables in portance interaction to justice perceptions. our model, we find that the pay justice Supporting Hypothesis 1, our measure of evaluation has a significant positive direct pay justice evaluations has a significant effect, justice importance again has an un- positive effect on both types of justice per- expected significant negative main effect, ceptions and, in support of Hypothesis 2, our and the direct effect of the interaction term indicator for the pay justice evaluation × jus- is not significant. The causal importance of tice importance interaction significantly in- justice perceptions is highlighted in that fluences both pay and global justice percep- their standardized coefficients (β = .137 and tions. As suggested by Markovsky (1985), β = .705 for pay and global justice percep- the positive sign for this interaction term tions, respectively) are substantially larger means that justice evaluations impact justice than those for any of the other variables perceptions more strongly when justice is used to predict pay satisfaction. more important to the person (a graph of this The third assumption regarding the medi- interaction is available on request from the ating role of justice perceptions requires that authors). Unexpectedly, however, justice im- the effects of the pay justice evaluation and portance has a significant negative main ef- the pay justice evaluation × justice impor- fect on both types of justice perceptions (we tance interaction be indirect, affecting pay discuss possible reasons for this below). satisfaction primarily through their impact Most important, these findings support the on justice perceptions. In Table 4, we de- first assumption required for justice percep- compose the total causal effects of the key tions to serve a mediating role as proposed— exogenous and intervening variables in our respondents’ justice evaluations directly af- model into direct and indirect effects. As re- fect their perceptions of distributive justice. ported above, autonomy, pay justice evalua- Recall that the second assumption regard- tions, and justice importance have signifi- ing the mediating role of justice perceptions cant direct effects on pay satisfaction. The requires a direct effect of justice percep- indirect effects of these variables (through tions on pay satisfaction (Hypothesis 3). justice perceptions), however, are 85 per- DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE PERCEPTIONS 139 cent, 91 percent, and 38 percent of the total isfaction as a result, suggests an interesting causal effects, respectively, supporting Hy- paradox. It may be that receiving substan- pothesis 4. We discuss possible reasons for tial formal benefits (e.g., insurance, vaca- the substantial unmediated (direct) effect of tion) leads ministers in this sample to be- justice importance below. Also supportive of lieve that they could, and, in fact, should, the proposition that justice perceptions is the receive greater pay from their parish. Obvi- mediator, the effects of pay, formal benefits, ously, this interpretation is speculative, but informal benefits, and the pay justice evalu- it is supported by the positive correlation (r ation × justice importance interaction are en- = .385, p < .001) between formal benefits tirely indirect, working through the two jus- and the amount of pay respondents believe tice perceptions. The fact that the effect of is just (the denominator of the pay justice the interaction term is entirely mediated by evaluation). Future research investigating justice perceptions offers strong support for distributive justice in work settings should Hypothesis 5. include a wide variety of workplace re- wards, and should attempt to disentangle DISCUSSION the interrelationships between the rewards respondents receive and those they believe These results provide substantial support for they deserve (also see Jasso and Wegener the theoretical model presented in Figure 1 1997). and the five hypotheses we have drawn from Also supporting the model presented in it. While the absolute level of pay and infor- Figure 1, we find that pay justice evaluations mal benefits have significant and positive have a positive total causal effect on pay sat- total effects on pay satisfaction, these effects isfaction, primarily through their effects on are entirely indirect through the individual’s justice perceptions and, consistent with perceptions of distributive justice. These Markovsky’s (1985) argument, this effect is findings are especially relevant for pay (94 moderated by the importance placed on jus- percent of its total causal effect is indirect), tice by the respondent. That is, for ministers given the inability of previous researchers to in this sample, the more importance they distinguish between the relative efficacy of place on being fairly rewarded, the greater self-interest and justice models of work sat- the effect of discrepancies between their ac- isfaction (Randall and Mueller 1995). Con- tual and deserved pay on their perceptions sistent with the justice model, we find that of distributive justice and, indirectly, on the absolute level of rewards received by in- their pay satisfaction. dividuals does not exhibit a direct effect on The main anomaly found in this study is pay satisfaction net of justice evaluations the direct negative main effect of justice and perceptions. Randall and Mueller’s importance on pay satisfaction—net of all (1995) failure to include justice perceptions other variables, ministers who place a high in their statistical models may account for value on being fairly rewarded tend to per- their inability to adjudicate between the self- ceive themselves as being underrewarded interest and distributive justice explanations. and to express lower pay satisfaction. Al- At a minimum, our findings suggest that fu- though justice importance has significant ture investigations of justice evaluation pro- negative effects on both pay and global jus- cesses should include measures of the cru- tice perception measures, its effect on pay cial mediating variable—justice percep- satisfaction is predominantly direct (62.5 tions—to avoid reaching faulty substantive percent of the total effect is unmediated). conclusions. Our measure of justice importance asks re- We find an unexpected significant nega- spondents about the importance of being tive direct effect of formal job benefits on fairly rewarded in general (not restricted to both pay and global justice perception mea- pay or job benefits). Conceptually, it is pos- sures, and a similar negative total causal ef- sible that the importance one places on dis- fect (but no direct effect) on pay satisfac- tributive justice affects not only the transla- tion. The fact that respondents who receive tion of reward discrepancies into perceived greater formal benefits perceive being injustice in concrete situations (i.e., the in- underrewarded, and express lower pay sat- teraction effect proposed here), but also 140 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW may serve as a more general schema that justice perceptions do, in fact, act as a me- sensitizes individuals to issues of distribu- diator in the justice evaluation process. Ex- tive fairness beyond their pay and job ben- tant empirical studies focus on the effects of efits.11 Thus, individuals who place a high absolute rewards, justice evaluations, or jus- value on distributive justice may also be tice perceptions on individuals’ reactions, more likely to attend to a wider range of but rarely on all three simultaneously. We justice evaluations (e.g., intangible rewards, have filled this empirical void by analyzing workplace procedures, interactions with su- data from a national sample of Protestant pervisors) and justice referents. In our sam- ministers that contains measures of all of ple, ministers who place a high value on these theoretical constructs. Based on esti- fair pay may be more sensitive to the fact mates from a structural equation model, we that their pay is quite low when compared have found considerable support for the pro- with pay in other professions (the ministers’ posed justice evaluation model. The effects average salary for 1996 was less than of (1) the absolute level of workplace re- $34,000 per year). Future research should wards (e.g., pay, informal benefits), (2) jus- investigate both the moderating effects of tice evaluations (i.e., discrepancies between justice importance for justice evaluations in actual and deserved pay), and (3) the pay specific situations, and the broader implica- justice evaluation × justice importance inter- tions of this overarching value for justice action on pay satisfaction are all primarily perceptions and for individuals’ emotional indirect, mediated by perceptions of pay- responses. Because this is one of only a specific and global distributive justice. Sup- handful of studies that empirically consid- port for our distributive justice model also ers this intriguing concept, much remains to provides support for the more general notion be learned about the role of justice impor- within social psychology that individuals’ tance in the justice evaluation process. perceptions (e.g., definitions of the situa- tion) play an important mediating role in de- CONCLUSION termining their resultant behaviors and emo- tions. We have argued that justice perceptions— Our findings also have practical implica- the degree of injustice that an individual per- tions for understanding justice processes. ceives to exist in a situation—mediate the Many professionals rely on their ability to impact of rewards (both absolute and rela- satisfy others’ sense of fairness to maintain tive to those the individual believes are fair) relatively harmonious interpersonal interac- on individuals’ emotional responses to injus- tions. Understanding the crucial mediating tice. Although this argument is basic to al- role of justice perceptions means that this most all theories of distributive justice, it task becomes more complex—not only appears to be a “taken-for-granted” assump- must one consider the level of rewards of- tion, as most theories leave the definition fered relative to available normative stan- and causal role of justice perceptions im- dards and social referents (e.g., coworkers), plicit. To counter this, we have presented a but also individuals’ perceptions of the fair- theoretical model of the justice evaluation ness of those rewards and the individual- process that (1) more explicitly defines and level factors (e.g., justice importance) that specifies the causal position of justice per- impact reactions to specific reward discrep- ceptions, (2) explicitly incorporates the ancies. For instance, Mueller and Wallace moderating effects of justice importance (1996) argue that the “paradox of the con- suggested by Markovsky (1985), and (3) tented female worker” (Phelan 1994), in demonstrates the relevance of perceptions as which women whose work conditions and intervening mechanisms in the justice evalu- rewards are objectively below those of male ation process. counterparts often feel just as satisfied as Most important for our purposes, past re- (or even more satisfied than) men, is partly search has not directly demonstrated that due to the fact that women do not perceive the differences as unfair. Also, the ability to 11 We thank an anonymous ASR reviewer for manipulate factors such as responsibility suggesting this interpretation. (Gartrell and Paille 1997) and social identi- DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE PERCEPTIONS 141 fication (Markovsky 1985), which have speculative and awaits further corroboration been associated with the importance indi- and theoretical refinement. viduals place on distributive fairness, may A final word of caution regarding our re- prove particularly effective for managers sults is warranted. The data we use to test the and other professionals facing potentially theoretical model are cross-sectional, and “explosive” situations (e.g., pay raises/cuts, therefore we cannot make unambiguous layoffs). causal inferences despite our estimation of a While our empirical model was estimated structural equation model. In fact, some theo- based on data from a relatively restrictive rists have questioned the presumed causal population of professionals (i.e., ministers role of justice perceptions, suggesting in- from two Protestant denominations), there stead that individuals first experience a nega- is reason to be guardedly confident that the tive affective response, then “search” for the general model would also apply to other cause of this negative affect in the situation, groups of professionals and nonprofession- leading them to perceive that their rewards als. Justice researchers have generated an are “unfair” (Scher and Heisse 1993). In our impressive body of research illustrating the case, this argument implies that workplace importance of distributive justice percep- rewards lead to pay satisfaction, and only tions for individuals’ attitudes, behaviors, then to evaluations of pay justice and to per- and emotions in a vast array of work orga- ceptions of distributive injustice. Future re- nizations. This includes evidence that the search, grounded in carefully controlled ex- rewards employees receive affect percep- periments, may assist in disentangling the tions of fairness in a wide variety of set- causal order of the cognitive and affective tings, including workers at a plywood coop- elements of justice evaluations. However, erative facing pay-cuts (Gartrell and Paille such fine-grained analysis is far beyond the 1997), public university employees facing aims of the current paper and the data used in pay-raise decisions (Dulebohn and this study. Instead, we provide an explicit and Martocchio 1998), and teachers in the general theoretical model, based on the pre- United States and South Korea (Mueller, dominant theoretical position and prior em- Iverson, and Jo 1999). There is also evi- pirical evidence, that stresses the mediating dence that justice perceptions have substan- role of justice perceptions in translating re- tial effects on job and/or pay satisfaction ward conditions into emotional responses, for a broad range of occupations, including and find substantial support for the assump- first-line manufacturing employees (Folger tions represented by this model. and Konovsky 1989), engineers in a public utility company (Sweeney and McFarlin C. Wesley Younts is a Ph.D. candidate in the 1993), bank employees (McFarlin and Department of Sociology and Assistant Director Sweeney 1992), supervisors in Chinese of the Center for the Study of Group Processes at joint-venture hotels (Leung et al. 1996), and the University of Iowa. His research focuses on Canadian lawyers (Mueller and Wallace building and testing theories of basic social psy- 1996). Finally, Randall and Mueller (1995) chological processes. His recent work includes provide evidence of the total effect of jus- articles on status characteristics and expectation states theory (American Journal of Sociology tice evaluations on job satisfaction, organi- 1997, pp. 692Ð732; Social Psychology Quarterly, zational commitment, intent to stay with an forthcoming), theories of distributive and proce- employer, and turnover for a sample of reg- dural justice (Social Justice Research, forthcom- istered nurses. The sampling universe cov- ing), and power in exchange networks. He is also ered by these studies is impressive, ranging interested in the etiology of crime and delin- from salaried professionals to hourly manu- quency, specifically, in social influence and so- facturing workers. The fact that the evi- cial learning as distinct explanations of peer in- dence in each case supports a portion of our fluences and in the structural characteristics of model gives us reason to be confident that communities that motivate and shape criminal behavior. our entire model should apply to other samples. Because ours is the first study to Charles W. Mueller is Professor of Sociology at consider each of these relationships simul- the University of Iowa. His recent research fo- taneously, however, such generalizability is cuses on justice perceptions in the workplace 142 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

(Social Psychology Quarterly, 1996, pp. 338Ð49; 2000, pp. 89Ð116; Social Psychology Quarterly, Social Justice Research, 2000, pp. 1Ð24), factors 1999, pp. 325Ð46), and temporary labor markets differentially affecting organizational and pro- for clergy (Research in the Sociology of Work, fessional commitment (Work and Occupations, 2000, pp. 211Ð30).

Appendix A. Variable Names and Definitions

Unless otherwise noted, all variables were measured Formal benefits. The total number (ranging from on five-point Likert scales (1= strongly disagree to 0 to 13) of the following benefits the respondent 5 = strongly agree). Reverse coded items are denot- receives based on written contract with the con- ed [R]. Coefficient alpha and factor loadings [ ] are gregation: (a) health insurance, (b) dental insur- reported for multi-item scales. ance, (c) medical co-payment plan, (d) vacation, (e) maternity/paternity leave, (f) life insurance, EXOGENOUS CONTROL VARIABLES (g) insurance, (h) sabbaticals, (i) pen- sion/annuity, (j) travel expenses, (k) continuing Work Setting education, (l) allowable reimbursement policy, Church budget. “What is the budget of your con- (m) malpractice insurance. gregation?” (1) Under $50,000, (2) $50,000 to Informal benefits. The total number of the fol- $100,000, (3) Over $100,000. lowing benefits the respondent receives, weight- Church size. “What is the size of your present ed by their frequency (0 = never, 1 = sometimes, congregation?” (1) 0 to 100, (2) 101 to 300, (3) 2 = often), that are dependent on the good will of more than 300. the congregation and not in a written contract: (a) parsonage furnishings, (b) gifts of food, (c) din- Denomination. A dummy variable, with UCC ner invitations by parishioners, (d) special occa- coded 1 and DOC coded 0. sion gifts, (e) use of a parishioner’s vacation home, (f) use of a car, (g) reduced insurance Worker Characteristics rates, (h) reduced mortgage rates, (i) country club and/or other club memberships. Female. A dummy variable, coded 1 if respon- dent is a female, 0 if respondent is a male. Working Conditions Married. A dummy variable, coded 1 if respon- dent indicated that he or she was currently mar- Autonomy. The mean of four items: (a) “I have a ried, 0 if single, divorced, separated, or widowed. considerable amount of freedom to do my job” [.82], (b) “I influence the things that affect me on Full-time. A dummy variable, coded 1 if current the job” [.78], (c) “I have input deciding what position is 40 or more hours per week, 0 if less. tasks or what parts of tasks I will do” [.71], and Primary wage-earner. A dummy variable, coded (d) “I control the scheduling of my own work” 1 if the respondent indicated he or she earned 51 [.67]. The composite scale has a reliability α = percent or more of the household income, 0 oth- .83, and ranges from 1 to 5 with higher values erwise. representing greater autonomy. Years in the ministry. Total years as a minister. DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE VARIABLES Tenure. Years serving in present congregation. Pay justice evaluation. A variable constructed by Workplace Rewards taking the natural log of the ratio of the respon- dent’s value for pay (see above) and for just pay. Pay. A variable constructed from a single item, The latter was constructed from the respondent’s which asked each respondent to indicate their response to the question, “Thinking in terms of current yearly income from parish ministry be- your current position, what annual salary from fore : (1) less than $10,000, (2) $10,000 to your job (base salary plus housing or fair rental $15,999, (3) $16,000 to $20,000, (4) $21,000 to value of parsonage) do you feel you deserve, one $25,999, (5) $26,000 to $30,999, (6) $31,000 to that would be fair and just given your education, $35,999, (7) $36,000 to $40,999, (8) $41,000 to training, experience, position and input into your $50,999, (9) more than $60,000. We then com- work?” (1) $10,000 to $15,999, (2) $16,000 to puted each respondent’s pay as the midpoint of $20,999, (3) $21,000 to $25,999, (4) $26,000 to the salary range they indicated, except in the case $30,999, (5) $31,000 to $35,999, (6) $36,000 to of category (9), in which a Pareto estimate was $40,999, (7) $41,000 to $50,999, (8) $51,000 to assigned (see Parker and Fenwick 1983 for de- $60,999, (9) $61,000 to $70,999, (10) $71,000 or tails on this procedure). more. We then assigned each respondent the mid- (Appendix A continued on next page) DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE PERCEPTIONS 143

(Appendix A continued from previous page)

point of the category they selected, except for statement that best describes their beliefs about category (10), in which a Pareto estimate of the their current pay and benefits? (1) “I receive median value ($104,802 for females and $88,792 much less than I deserve,” (2) “I receive less than for males) was assigned (see Parker and Fenwick I deserve,” (3) “I receive exactly what I deserve,” 1983 for details on this procedure). (4) “I receive more than I deserve,” and (5) “I receive much more than I deserve.” Justice importance. Measured by a single item that asks respondents to rate the importance of Global distributive justice perception. The mean being fairly rewarded for the job they do: (1) of three items: (a) “I am fairly rewarded for the “Not important at all,” (2) “Of little importance,” amount of work I put in” [.90], (b) “I am fairly (3) “Of some importance,” (4) “Quite important,” rewarded considering the responsibilities I have” (5) “Of great importance.” [.94], and (c) “I am fairly rewarded in view of my experience” [.86]. The composite scale rang- Pay justice evaluation × justice importance. An es from 1 to 5, with higher values representing interaction term created by multiplying the val- greater perceived fairness (α = .93). ues of the pay justice evaluation and justice im- portance variables. EMOTIONAL RESPONSE VARIABLE Pay distributive justice perception. Measured by Pay satisfaction. Measured by a single item: “I a single item that asks respondents to choose the am satisfied with my pay.”

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Comment on Greeley and Hout, ASR, ferences) on beliefs. They use statistical December 1999 models that are mathematically incapable of producing such estimates. (5) G&H ignore True Facts, True Stories, gender differences in trends in belief in life and True Differences after death. In fact, results for men contra- dict G&H’s conclusions. Ross M. Stolzenberg University of Chicago CRITICISMS Differences “Not Significant” with 12 Cases reeley and Hout (1999, hencefor- Gward G&H) make extended arguments G&H are correctly concerned about differ- about the religions and religious beliefs of ences in belief among Jewish denomina- Jews and Catholics. They present hypotheses tions. Before 1990, the GSS did not ask Jews about trends in those beliefs, which they their denomination. G&H assert, “Differ- claim to support with analyses of the 1973– ences among Orthodox, Conservative, and 1998 General Social Survey (GSS) and with Reform Jews are not significant” (G&H, p. examination of the traditional teachings of 831). However, their reported “not signifi- and Catholicism. Their arguments cant” differences for the Orthodox are mis- are crippled by critical errors in their statis- leading, because it is based on only 12 Or- tical analyses and in their exposition of Jew- thodox Jewish respondents in the cumulative ish religious doctrine.1 In particular: (1) In GSS. For example, in a sample of only 12 their comparisons of Orthodox, Conserva- respondents, sample estimates of the popu- tive, and Reform Jews, G&H claim to find lation proportion who believe in the afterlife “no significant differences” in beliefs in life would not be significantly different from 43 after death. They do not mention that the percent (p ≤ .05, two-tailed test) if 2, 3, 4, 5, GSS includes data on only 12 Orthodox Jew- 6, 7, 8, or 9 respondents were to report that ish respondents. (2) G&H draw key substan- they believe in the afterlife (based on bino- tive conclusions from statistically nonsig- mial exact confidence intervals estimated nificant parameter estimates. They report with Stata 6.0). G&H do not report the num- neither statistical significance tests nor the ber of respondents who are Orthodox Jews. small numbers of cases for these estimates. (3) G&H misrepresent traditional Jewish Erroneous Statements about doctrine about life after death. Their asser- Jewish Religious Doctrine tions are inconsistent with well-known pri- mary and secondary sources, including the G&H write, “Belief in life after death is not traditional Jewish prayer book. (4) G&H a question of orthodoxy (sic.) for Jews as it claim to estimate cohort and age effects (dif- is for Christians. As belief in the afterlife in- creases for Jews, they are innovating at least Direct Correspondence to Ross M. as much as they are conforming” (p. 828). Stolzenberg, Department of Sociology, Univer- G&H offer no support for this assertion. In sity of Chicago, 1126 E. 59th Street, Chicago, IL contrast, consider the following statements 60637 ([email protected]). 1 from the Oxford Dictionary of the Jewish I discuss only those problems that undermine Religion (also see Asheri 1978:195–97; G&H’s core conclusions. One might object also to the accuracy, documentation, and appropriate- Gillman 1997): ness of the “true story” with which G&H begin By the time of the Talmud [approximately their article, which concerns a conversation be- the year 200 of the common era], the con- tween a rabbi and a priest at a Chicago funeral cept of an afterlife had become highly de- (p. 813). veloped and had a number of components. COMMENT AND REPLY 147

Souls continued after death and received ei- Table 1. Numbers and Percentages of Jewish ther reward or punishment based on the Respondents Believing in Life after person’s conduct during life (divine retribu- Death: GSS, 1973 to 1998 tion). The righteous were assigned to the garden of Eden to receive their reward, and Number of Respondents the wicked were assigned to Geihinnom to GSS Don’t Percentage receive their punishment, which was gener- Survey Year Believe Believe Believing ally not supposed to last more than twelve months. The Pharisees developed the doc- 1973–1975 46 11 19 trine of bodily resurrection, which was one 1976–1980 52 19 27 of the major doctrinal disputes between the 1982–1985 39 20 34 Pharisees and Sadducees. . . . In the Middle Ages, Maimonides included resurrection and 1986–1990 68 37 35 divine reward and punishment in his Thir- 1991–1994 32 34 52 teen Principles of Faith. (Werblowsky and 1996–1998 34 44 56 Wigoder 1997:193) All years 271 165 38 Maimonides’ [1135–1204] Thirteen Prin- ciples of Faith found their way into the prayer book in two versions: a prose version in which each principle is introduced with “May his/her resting place be in the Garden “I believe with perfect faith” (ani ma’amin), and a rhymed version known as Yigdal. of Eden” (Scherman 1984:455). And, prior (Werblowsky and Wigoder 1997:692) to , “The Book of Daniel (12.2) mentions the resurrection of the righteous” The traditional prayer book offers a direct (Werblowsky and Wigoder 1997:193). view of Jewish orthodoxy. The afterlife is mentioned prominently and explicitly in Trends Not Significant Orthodox and Conservative prayer ser- vices.2 In addition to Yigdal (Harlow G&H’s Table 1 (p. 816) gives the percent- 1985:326; Scherman 1984:12–13) and other age of persons believing in life after death, prayers, the Eighteen Benedictions by survey year and religion from 1973 to (Amidah) asserts belief in the afterlife. Con- 1998. G&H write that Table 1 shows, “Be- sider a popular translation for Conservative lief increased monotonically among Jews Jews: “Thou . . . callest the departed to ev- since the early 1970s, reinforcing the im- erlasting life.... Faithful art Thou, O Lord, pression of significant change garnered from who callest the dead to life everlasting” comparing the end points” (p. 816). G&H (Silverman [1946, 1973] 1984:96). A trans- report neither number of cases nor signifi- lation meant for Orthodox Jews reads, “He cance tests here. My Table 1 (above) pre- ... resuscitates the dead with abundant sents the number of cases for Jews from the mercy . . . causes death and restores life” GSS data. To test for association between (Scherman 1984:269). For centuries, the time period and afterlife belief in the 1970s Amidah has been recited once or more in and 1980s, I compute chi-square tests on the each Sabbath, holiday, and daily prayer ser- counts in the first four rows (i.e., the 4 × 2 vice for the morning, afternoon, and tabulation of beliefs in 1973–1975, 1976– evening (Elbogen [1913,1972] 1993; 1980, 1982–1985, and 1986–1990). The Harlow 1985; Scherman 1984). Contrary to Pearson χ2 is 5.28, the likelihood χ2 is 5.49; G&H’s assertion (p. 814), the afterlife of neither is significant at p ≤ .05 or even p ≤ the individual is explicit in Jewish ortho- .10. Thus, we cannot reject the null hypoth- doxy. For example, in memory of the dead esis that the proportion of Jews who believe (El Maleh Rachamim), Orthodox Jews ask, in the afterlife remained stable throughout the 1970s and the 1980s. For the 1990s, the story is the same: The 2 My statements about Jewish orthodoxy do not apply to theological positions taken by Reform proportion who believe in 1991–1994 is not Judaism, which rejects key tenets of traditional significantly different from the proportion Judaism and, by its very name, is neither “tradi- who believe in 1996–1998 (p ≤ .10). Nor can tional and established,” nor “Orthodox.” we reject the hypothesis that the proportion 148 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Table 2. Recalculation, by Gender, of G&H’s Table 2: Logistic Regression Coefficients with Z- a Statistics and Wald Test Results

Males Females Tests/Cohorts Protestant Catholic Jewish Protestant Catholic Jewish

Test of the Null Hypothesis b P-value .093 .232 .348 .244 .001 .001 Number of cases 5,831 2,445 196 8,411 3,285 219 χ2 12.25 9.29 7.83 9.13 24.76 24.24 d.f. 7 7 7 7 7 6

Birth Cohorts 1900–1909 –.603 –.451 –.419 –3.200* –.602 .229 (–.493) (–1.245) (–1.913) (–2.274) (–1.877) (1.064) 1900–1909 –.419 –.451 –.603 .229 –.602 –3.200* (–1.913) (–1.245) (–.493) (1.064) (–1.877) (–2.274) 1910–1919 –.370* –.323 –.370 .104 –.531* –1.101 (–2.136) (–1.254) (–.432) (.619) (–2.184) (–1.258) 1920–1929 –.208 –.093 –.347 –.048 –.519* –1.651 (–1.473) (–.449) (–.493) (–.357) (–2.761) (–1.859) 1940–1949 .214 .242 .329 –.118 .419* 2.427* (1.622) (1.234) (.570) (–.951) (2.430) (2.940) 1950–1959 .166 .297 1.266* .091 .606* 3.263* (1.120) (1.361) (1.967) (.632) (3.186) (3.601) 1960–1969 .325 .575* 1.681 .100 .554* 3.868* (1.802) (2.289) (1.902) (.605) (2.558) (3.790) 1970–1978 .427 .643 2.381* .372 .666* .NA (1.548) (1.900) (2.274) (1.592) (2.202)

Constant 1.545* 1.221* –1.149* 1.921* 1.331* –2.104* (13.688) (7.204) (–1.981) (17.747) (8.915) (–2.753) Log-likelihood –2,757.000 –1,304.083 –12.878 –3,498.209 –1,666.300 –119.540 Note: Standard errors can be obtained by dividing the coefficients by the z-scores. Calculations are unweighted; weighted calculations lead to identical significance test results and nearly identical coefficients. G&H’s Table 2 appears on page 818 of their December 1999 article. The number of cases in this table differ slightly from those in G&H’s table; see text. Two small coding errors are corrected (see footnote 3). a For the Wald tests, coefficients for age dummies are not shown. b Tests for the null hypothesis that the cohort coefficients equal 0. *p ≤ .05 (two-tailed tests) believing never declined from one interval Ignoring Gender Differences to the next. So G&H’s Table 1 does not sup- in Effects port their claim of monotonic increases in afterlife beliefs among Jews throughout the Previous research shows strong gender dif- 1970s and 1980s, or after 1990. Indeed, the ferentiation in religious beliefs and practices data are more consistent with the hypothesis (de Vaus and McAllister 1987; Mueller and that these percentages remained approxi- Johnson 1975). G&H neither consider nor mately stable from the early 1970s through calculate gender differences in independent the 1980s, increased substantially about variable effects. To assess the consequences 1990, when the wording of GSS questions of ignoring these gender differences, my about Jewish identity changed, and then re- Table 2 recomputes G&H’s analyses (from mained steady. their Table 2, p. 818) separately for men and COMMENT AND REPLY 149 women.3 For example, to reassess G&H’s Confounding Age, Period, assertion that their Table 2 logit analyses and Cohort “show substantial increases [in belief in the afterlife] from earlier to more recent cohorts In their Tables 2, 5, and 7, G&H claim to for Catholics and Jews” (p. 819), I use these estimate cohort differences and to distin- gender-specific analyses to test the null hy- guish them from age differences in afterlife potheses that all year-of-birth (cohort) vari- beliefs (henceforward “cohort effects” and ables have coefficients equal to 0. Cohort “age effects”). For example, in their Table 2 variables are not significant for Jewish and analyses, G&H seek to “completely purge Catholic males, but are significant for Jew- the effects of age from the data” (p. 817) and ish and Catholic females. These results are thereby “dismiss the conjecture that the in- not caused by small sample sizes: For creases across cohorts in belief in life after Catholic males, the sample size is large death among Catholics and Jews are an arti- (2,445), and results are not significant, even fact of the increased religiousness associated at p ≤ .20. For Jewish females, the number with age” (p. 819). Unfortunately, G&H con- of cases is small (219), and the significance found cohort, age, and period (survey year) level of the test is very stringent (p ≤ .0005). effects. Tests for specific cohort variables show the The root cause of G&H’s confounded age, same thing. For Catholic males, only the period, and cohort effects is the well-known dummy variable for the 1960–1969 birth co- multicollinearity of age, period, and cohort. hort has a statistically significant coefficient If any two of these quantities are known, (p ≤ .05). For Jewish males, only coeffi- then the third is known also, as follows: cients for only the 1950–1959 and 1970– 1978 cohorts are significant. This absence of YOB = Period – Age; year-of-birth effects for Catholic and Jewish Period = YOB + Age; men is entirely inconsistent with G&H’s ar- guments. Age = Period – YOB;

where YOB represents year-of-birth (or co- 3 I also correct some coding errors. G&H indi- hort), Period is the survey year of the GSS, cate that their Table 2 describes analyses based and Age is the respondent’s years of age at on respondents who report their religion as Prot- the time of the survey. estant, Catholic, or Jewish (p. 817); who were G&H solve their collinearity problems by born in or after 1900 (per their Table 2); who simply ignoring period effects; ignoring pe- were at least 18 years old when surveyed (per riod effects does not make them go away their Table 2); and who have no missing data on (Blalock 1967; Mason et al. 1973:243). That age, birth year, and response to the GSS question about belief in the afterlife. G&H report on is, absent some defensible assumptions to 20,715 respondents—14,489 Protestants, 5,794 identify age, period, and cohort effects, it is Catholics, and 432 Jews. Applying those same mathematically impossible to know if G&H criteria to the GSS data, I obtain 322 fewer re- have found age and cohort effects, age and spondents (14,242 Protestants, 5,730 Catholics, period effects, period and cohort effects, or and 421 Jews). I am able to replicate G&H’s a combination of all three. G&H could numbers exactly (i.e., 432 Jews) if I include re- present ancillary evidence to support an as- spondents who were born before 1900, and if I sumption that period or cohort effects are exclude respondents to the 1998 GSS who re- absent. Or they could include age, period, ported their age as 18 years. Thus, I speculate and cohort variables but constrain sets of co- that G&H did not actually exclude those born be- horts, periods, or ages to have equal effects. fore 1900 from these analyses, and that in ma- For example, in response to a critic’s com- nipulating the 1998 data, they included only those whose age was greater than (not greater plaint of a previous underidentified age–pe- than or equal to) 18 years. Respondents born be- riod–cohort analysis, Knoke and Hout fore 1900 would be grouped with those who were (1976) use the second strategy to support a born in 1930–1939, which is the omitted (or ref- claim of “constant cohort effects” (p. 905). erence) category in G&H’s dummy variable rep- But G&H simply ignore period effects. resentation of the distribution of birth years. (G&H’s two-knot linear spline transforma- 150 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW tion of COHORT is no solution: In each of Log-likelihood = –1224.174; the three YOB intervals defined by the knots N=195 (2) the model is linear and additive.) To see the consequences of these interde- In equation 2, independent variables are Pe- pendencies for G&H’s analyses, consider riod and Age only; the coefficient of Age is logit models 1 and 2 below, which are esti- negative and significant (z = 2.799). If I mated here for Jewish females in the GSS. show that equation 1 can be derived com- Equation 1 is a continuous-variable, linear pletely and exactly from equation 2, then I specification of G&H’s analyses from their also show that equation 1 incorporates the Table 2 (p. 818). If additional independent statistically significant negative effects of variables are added, equation 1 is also the age, in contradiction of G&H. The algebraic same model that G&H estimate in their manipulations below accomplish the neces- Tables 5 and 7 (except for the continuous sary derivation: and linear parameterizations of YOB and Age). Y = 1 if the respondent believes in the Logit(Y = 1) = –107.043 + .054 Period afterlife; Y = 0 indicates otherwise. Z-statis- – .026 Age, tics are presented in parentheses below the = –107.043 + .054 Period coefficients. The asterisks indicate statistical – .026 Age significance at p .05. ≤ + (.054 Age – .054 Age),

Logit (Y=1) = –107.043 + .054 YOB = –107.043 (–2.556*) (2.569*) + .054 (Period – Age) – .026 Age + .054 Age, + .028 Age; (1.303) = –107.043 + .054 YOB + .028 Age; Log-likelihood = –1224.174; N=195. (1) which is the right hand side of equation 1. Equation 1 appears to do what G&H claim So equation 1 equals equation 2. The two to do with a dummy variable specification equations are simply different ways to write of the same model: It produces a significant exactly the same model. positive net association between cohort and Thus, it is no surprise that equations 1 probability of afterlife belief, and it finds an and 2 have identical log-likelihood statistics nonsignificant net association between age and identical constant terms with identical and probability of afterlife belief (z = 1.303; standard errors and identical z-statistics. p ≤ .05). The coefficient, z-statistic, and standard er- But the absence of age effects in equation ror of YOB in equation 1 are identical to the 1 is illusory. YOB incorporates age (because coefficient, z-statistic, and standard error YOB = Period – Age), so equation 1 merely for Period in equation 2. If these two equa- divides the effect (or association) of age be- tions are simply different ways to write the tween Age and YOB. The part of that effect same model, then it cannot be true that that is not absorbed into the effect of YOB is equation 2 does show an effect of age, positive, not much bigger than its standard while equation 1 does not show an effect of error (z = 1.303), and not statistically signifi- age. The same effect or association is re- cant. The remaining effects of Age are hid- vealed in equation 2 and is disguised in den, but not absent, from equation 1. equation 1. To see the full, negative, and significant The chain rule for partial derivatives pro- presence of the Age variable in equation 1, vides an elegant and general method for re- consider equation 2. vealing disguised effects of this type in any differentiable equation. Applying the chain Logit(Y=1) = –107.043 + .054 Period rule for partial derivatives to equation 1 pro- (–2.556*) (2.569*) duces the following result: Where βAge is the – .026 Age; coefficient for Age in equation 1 and βYOB is (–2.799*) the coefficient for YOB, then COMMENT AND REPLY 151

∂[Logit(Y=1)]/∂Age = even with the traditional Jewish prayer book—that misinforms G&H’s thinking { [Logit(Y=1)] YOB}( YOB Age) ∂ /∂ ∂ /∂ about changes in Jewish beliefs in the after- + βAge , life. If we ignore all the problems specific to their analyses of Jews, G&H’s analyses of = ÐβYOB + βAge , both Catholics and Jews still suffer from confounding of age, period, and cohort ef- = (.054)(–1) + .028 , fects. And, finally, even if age–period–co- = –.026. hort confounding and all other problems are ignored, there remains the problem of gen- This partial derivative shows that equation 1 der effects. Although G&H’s models do not can be used to calculate the effect of Age, permit analysis of gender differences in and that effect is identical to the effect ob- trends, the GSS data do not support their tained from inspection of equation 2. claims for either Catholic men, for whom Thus, G&H have confounded age, period, samples are large, or for Jewish men. These and cohort. Their measures of cohort differ- problems—and perhaps others as well— ences are therefore confounded with the very would seem to overwhelm G&H’s claims to effects they claim to have purged from their have described trends in afterlife beliefs of analyses. Ironically, the confounding of age, Jews, or to have explained trends in the af- period, and cohort in their analyses means terlife beliefs of Catholics and Jews. that their statistical results provide as much support for a theory of age and period effects Ross M. Stolzenberg is Professor of Sociology as for the theory of age and cohort effects at the University of Chicago, and is the current that they espouse. editor of the journal, Sociological Methodology. His forthcoming article in the American Journal of Sociology explores the effects of husbands’ CONCLUSIONS and wives’ hours of employment on their own The shortcomings of G&H’s paper range and each others’ health. His chapters in the forthcoming Handbook of Data Analysis (Sage, from the specific to the general, and from forthcoming) consider regression analysis and factual to theoretical to technical. Some of related statistical procedures. He is co-author, these problems invalidate important parts of with Mary Blair-Loy and Linda J. Waite, of a G&H’s argument, while others cast doubt on study on religious participation over the life virtually all of their conclusions. Starting cycle (e.g., “Religious Participation in Early with the specific, the shortcomings of Adulthood,” ASR, 1995, vol. 60, pp. 84Ð103). G&H’s paper are most severe in its treatment of Jews: G&H tell us that there are no sig- nificant differences among Orthodox, Con- REFERENCES servative, and Reform Jews in afterlife be- liefs, but their significance test lacks power Asheri, Michael. 1978. Living Jewish: The Lore and Law of the Practicing Jew. New York: and is misleading because it is made on a Everest. data set with only 12 Orthodox Jewish re- Blalock, Hubert. 1967. “Status Inconsistency, spondents. If the Orthodox sample size prob- , Status Integration and Struc- lem is ignored and possible differences tural Effects.” American Sociological Review among Jewish denominations are over- 35:790–801. looked, then we must face the failure of the De Vaus, David and Ian McAllister. 1987. “Gen- GSS to support G&H’s claim, that “Belief der Differences in Religion: A Test of the [in the afterlife] increased monotonically Structural Location theory.” American Socio- among Jews since the early 1970s” (p. 816). logical Review 52:472–81. If we accept as true G&H’s incorrect claim Elbogen, Ismar. [1913, 1972] 1993. Jewish Lit- urgy: A Comprehensive History. Translated by of monotonic trends for Jews, and if we R. P. Scheindlin. Reprint, Philadelphia, PA overlook the virtually powerless test of dif- and New York: Jewish Publication Society ferences among Jewish denominations, then Gillman, Neil. 1997. The Death of Death: Resur- we face the inaccurate statement of tradi- rection and Immortality in Jewish Thought. tional Jewish religious doctrine—at odds Woodstock, VT: Jewish Lights Publishing. 152 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Greeley, Andrew and Michael Hout. 1999. Mueller, Charles and Weldon Johnson. 1975. “Americans’ Increasing Belief in Life after “ and Religious Partici- Death: Religious Competition and Accultura- pation.” American Sociological Review 40: tion.” American Sociological Review 64:813– 785–800. 35. Scherman, Nosson, ed. 1984. Siddur Ahavas Sha- Harlow, Jules, ed. 1985. Siddur Sim Shalom: A lom / The Complete Artscroll Siddur. Pocket Prayerbook for Shabbat, Festivals and Week- Size—Nusach Ashkenaz. Translated by N. days. New York: Rabbinical Assembly, United Scherman. New York: Mesorah Publications. Synagogue of America. Silverman, Morris, ed. [1946, 1973] 1984. Siddur Knoke, David and Michael Hout. 1976. “Reply Tephilat Yisrael L’Shabbat V’Shalosh to Glenn.” American Sociological Review Regalim: Sabbath and Festival Prayer Book. 41:905–908. Translated by M. Silverman. Reprint, New Mason, Karen, William Mason, H. H. Wins- York: The Rabbinical Assembly of America borough, and W. Kenneth Poole. 1973. “Some and The United Synagogue of America. Methodological Issues in Cohort Analysis of Werblowsky, R. J. Zwi and Geoffrey Wigoder. Archival Data.” American Sociological Review 1997. The Oxford Dictionary of the Jewish Re- 38:242–58. ligion. New York: Oxford University Press.

Reply to Stolzenberg our passage that he quotes refers to Jewish respondents in the GSS, not to doctrine. This Getting to the Truths criticism is moot. (3) He asserts that the in- That Matter crease in belief in life after death is “not sig- nificant” for Jews, but the data as he presents Andrew Greeley them show a statistically significant in- University of Chicago and crease. New calculations show even more University of Arizona evidence of change. (4) He says we ignore gender differences. That is simply wrong; Michael Hout our multivariate models included all the sta- University of California, Berkeley tistically significant effects of gender. He calculates separate tests for men’s and ur article (Greeley and Hout 1999, women’s cohort differences and finds that Ohenceforward G&H) had two main the cohort differences are not significant points: (1) Between 1973 and 1998, belief among men. The separate tests unnecessar- in life after death increased for Catholic and ily reduce the sample size for each test. Co- Jewish adults, and (2) these trends reflect hort patterns are nearly identical for men and dynamics internal to the Catholic and Jew- women so we were correct in considering ish religions, not diffusion of beliefs from them together. (5) Stolzenberg manipulates Protestants to them. Nothing in Stolzen- the well-known equation: berg’s comment warrants revising these con- clusions. Cohort = Year – Age, Stolzenberg (2001, henceforward Stolzen- berg) tenders five objections: (1) He notes to show that the data could be mathemati- that the GSS provides only sparse data on cally explained as a function of year and age Jewish denominations (only 12 respondents (we used cohort and age). But his alterna- are Orthodox Jews). A larger sample and a tive formulation implies that people lose significant result would only have further faith as they age. This makes little substan- supported our argument. (2) He says we mis- tive sense in the ; our represented traditional Jewish doctrine, but formulation is more sensible. None of his objections stand up to scrutiny, and our con- clusions need no revision. Direct correspondence to Andrew Greeley, NORC, 1155 East 60th Street, Chicago, IL 60637 ([email protected]). We thank Claude S. Fischer, RESPONSE Leo A. Goodman, and Martín Sánchez Jankowski for helpful comments. The views in this reply are Now we respond to each of Stolzenberg’s our own. criticisms: COMMENT AND REPLY 153

Differences “Not Significant” stated in a transitional paragraph—was to with 12 Cases move the reader along, with a modicum of context, from the data on Catholics’ beliefs Evidence of differences among Orthodox, to the data on Jews’ beliefs. A full review of Conservative, and Reform Jews would sup- the complexities of these debates would have port our conclusion that increasing belief in been beyond the scope of our article (and ar- life after death among Jews reflects an inter- guably beyond the scope of the American So- nal dynamic, not diffusion from Protestants. ciological Review). Stolzenberg avers that The data are sparse (we agree), and we can- we “offer no support for this assertion” (p. not reject the null hypothesis. But our argu- 146). The GSS data are our support. The ob- ment does not depend on that test. We pre- servation that a majority of Jewish GSS re- sented two other pieces of evidence reject- spondents interviewed prior to 1990 did not ing diffusion and supporting our conclusion believe in life after death establishes that this that change reflects dynamics internal to the belief is not “customary or conventional”— Jewish community: (1) Jews married to Prot- the meaning of orthodoxy we intended.2 estants are no more likely to believe in life Similarly, the increase from 19 percent be- after death than are Jews with Jewish lievers to 38 percent over time and from 15 spouses, and (2) belief increases signifi- to 68 percent across cohorts justifies our ref- cantly as synagogue attendance increases. erence to innovation among American Jews These two tests are sufficient to make our in the twentieth century. case, so a question of the statistical power of the third test is a trivial issue. Findings Not Significant

False Statements about Stolzenberg breaks the 1973–1998 time se- Jewish Religious Doctrine ries into two periods: 1973–1990 and 1991– 1998. He presents an incomplete partition of The quoted passage is not a false statement the overall association between time and be- about Jewish religious doctrine. It does not lief among Jews; his tests account for 4 of refer to religious doctrine; it refers to the the 5 degrees of freedom in the original table GSS respondents. Elsewhere in our article (p. (Stolzenberg, pp. 147–48). To complete the 814), we draw attention to the antiquity of partition, he should test the hypothesis of no Jewish teaching on life everlasting. In going change between the 1973–1990 period and over the data we did have in mind the way the 1991–1998 period (Goodman 1981). that many teachers and writers in the Reform Chi-square statistics reject this null hypoth- and Reconstructionist traditions share the esis (L2 = 24.30; χ2 = 24.56; d.f. = 1; p < GSS respondents’ skepticism (Ellenson .001). This test is strong evidence that Jews’ 1998:72, 76–78),1 but we had no intention of beliefs increased significantly from the first raising a theological question. Our aim— to the second period (as Stolzenberg has chosen to divide the data). Had he finished the partition and presented this test, he could 1 Ellenson (1998:77) notes, for example, that Gates of Power, a Reform prayer book, replaces not have claimed that increasing belief is “m’chayei hametim” (“giving life to the dead”) “not significant.” in the second blessing in the Amidah with Table 1 presents a full accounting of the “m’chayeh hakol” (“giving life to everything”). association between time and belief among The Reconstructionist prayer book Kol Jews in the GSS. The full GSS time series Haneshamah inserts “m’chayeh kol chai” (“nur- turing the life of every thing”). Stolzenberg ad- 2 The Random House Dictionary of the En- dresses the beliefs of the Orthodox and Conser- glish Language (1987) offers seven definitions vative Jewish traditions, but except for a mention of “orthodox.” Definitions 1 and 2 refer to de- in his footnote 2, he does not address the beliefs nominations. Definition 3 is “customary or con- of Reform Jews. Yet Reform beliefs are relevant ventional.” As sociologists we feel we are on to our analysis: Of the 152 Jews for whom we solid footing when judging whether opinions are know both denomination and belief in life after “customary or conventional,” but we would not death, 51 percent are Reform, 41 percent are attempt to discern what is “sound or correct” (the Conservative, and 8 percent are Orthodox. fourth definition of “orthodox”) for respondents. 154 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Table 1. Partitioning the Likelihood Ratio Statistic for the Association between Survey Year and Belief in Life after Death: GSS, Jewish Adults in the United States, 1973 to 1998

Percentage Comparisons L2 d.f. p-Value of Baseline Total: All 17 years 33.62 16 .006 — Partition 1: Six Periods Between 29.99 5 <.001 89 Within 3.63 11 .979 11 Partition 2: Two Periods Between 24.30 1 <.001 81 Within 5.69 4 .224 19 Partition 3: Three Periods Between 28.22 2 <.001 94 Within 1.77 3 .622 6 Partition 4: Change between 1987 and 1988 Split 1973–1990 into 1973–1987 and 1988–1990 .92 1 .338 — Split 1986–1990 into 1986–1987 and 1988–1990 .0049 1 .944 — Partition 5: Uniform Association Linear increase in log-odds 28.27 1 <.001 94 Residual 1.72 4 .788 6 Note: N = 440; cases of “no opinion” are excluded. a The 17 survey years include 1973, 1975, 1976, 1978, 1980, 1983, 1984, 1986, 1987, 1988, 1989, 1990, 1991, 1993, 1994, 1996, and 1998. b The six periods are 1973–1975, 1976–1980, 1982–1985, 1986–1990, 1991–1994, and 1996–1998. c The two periods are 1973–1990 and 1991–1998. d The three periods are 1973–1975, 1976–1990, and 1991–1998. contains 17 data points.3 Change over time than in 1973–1990 (p < .001) as previously in this “total” table is statistically significant noted. The within-period L2 (5.69) is the sum (L2 = 33.62; d.f. = 16; p = .006), as shown in of the 3 degree-of-freedom and 1 degree-of- the top row.4 Our original analysis was based freedom tests that Stolzenberg (pp. 147–48) on six periods (1973–1975, 1976–1980, reports. Because the within-period compo- 1982–1985, 1986–1990, 1991–1994, 1996– nent is larger than 3.64 (the critical value of 1998). The six-period cross-classification chi-square with one degree of freedom), also shows evidence of statistically signifi- there might be additional evidence of sig- cant change (p < .001). The ratio of the six- nificant change if the right 1 degree-of-free- period L2 to the total L2 shows that our six- dom contrast is examined. Indeed, our first period aggregation preserves 89 percent of period—1973–1975—differs significantly the total association. from the rest of Stolzenberg’s first period— Partition 2 shows the result regarding the 1976–1990 (L2 =3.92; d.f. = 1; p = .048). change between 1973–1990 and 1991–1998; This rather small refinement is important be- belief is significantly higher in 1991–1998 cause Stolzenberg suggests that the signifi- cant increases in positive responses to the GSS question on life after death were in- 3 There was no GSS in 1979, 1981, 1992, 1995, or 1997, and the life after death question was not duced by a change in the questionnaire (p. 5 asked in 1974, 1977, 1982, and 1985. 148). Evidence that beliefs increased sig- 4 The Pearson chi-square test also rejects the null hypothesis. We use the likelihood ratio test 5 Questions about current Jewish denomination (L2) because it is additive across most of the par- and denomination of origin were added to the titions in Table 1. GSS in 1988. COMMENT AND REPLY 155

60

45

30

Life after Death 15 Percentage Believing in

0 1970 1980 1990 2000 Year Figure 1. Observed Percentage Believing in Life after Death, by GSS Survey Year, 1973 to 1998 nificantly 12 years before the questionnaire fit of uniform association and the 37-point changed weakens his claim. increase between the first period and the last The definitive test of whether the observed are strong evidence in favor of our conclu- change in belief is an artifact of the 1988 sion that Jews’ belief in life after death in- questionnaire change, though, is to break the creased monotonically over the period cov- time series right at 1988. This test can be ered by the GSS. done by splitting the full 1973–1990 seg- ment into two parts or by splitting 1986– Ignoring Gender 1990 into two parts. The result is the same both ways: No significant difference be- We did not ignore gender; Stolzenberg is tween 1973–1987 and 1988–1990 (p = .338) mistaken on this point. Models 2 to 6 of our nor between 1986–1987 and 1988–1990 (p multivariate analysis of Catholics’ beliefs in- = .944). Thus, the observed changes in Jews’ clude it (see G&H, Table 5, pp. 824–25) as statements about life after death cannot be does our first multivariate model for Jews attributed to a change in the questionnaire. (Model 2 in G&H, Table 7, p. 829). We The first four tests in Table 1 ignore the dropped gender from Models 3 to 7 for Jews time sequence of the surveys. Our original because the data provided no evidence that conclusions, though, refer to a monotonic in- gender differences among Jews were signifi- crease in belief. A general test of monotonic cant.8 change can be tedious because monotonicity Stolzenberg splits the GSS into separate can take many functional forms. A very male and female samples before testing for simple model—uniform association—is cohort differences. The only justification for available to test for linear change in the log- this practice would be a test that shows sig- odds of belief. A good fit for uniform asso- nificant differences between men’s and ciation is not necessary, but it is sufficient to women’s cohort effects. Stolzenberg presents establish a case for a monotonic trend.6 Par- no such test. There are two ways to do the tition 5 in Table 1 shows the result. The uni- test, and both indicate that the differences are form association model fits extraordinarily not significant. Adding the gender × cohort well as the small residual L2 (1.72) and a interaction terms that define the difference plot of observed and expected percentages between his model and ours results in likeli- show (see Figure 1).7 The trend parameter is hood ratios of 10.26 for Catholics (d.f. = 7, p positive and significant (p < .001). The good = .17) and 10.48 for Jews (d.f. = 6, p = .11).9

6 A linear trend in log-odds is one form of 8 The gender coefficient in Model 2 is only monotonic trend but there are many others. one-fourth as large as its standard error. 7 The line in Figure 1 is curved because the 9 All Jewish women in the most recent cohort uniform association model is linear in log-odds say they believe in life after death—forcing per- but not in probablities. fect prediction and reducing the d.f. by 1. 156 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Jewish Catholic

1970–1980

1960–1969

1950–1959

1940–1949

1930–1939 ear of Birth Y 1920–1929

1910–1919

1900–1909

–6 –3 036–2 –1 0 1 2 Cohort Coefficient Cohort Coefficient

Men Women Total

Figure 2. Cohort Coefficients for Men, Women, and All Adults, by Religion Note: The Horizontal bars around the men’s and women’s coeficients indicate the 95-percent confidence intervals for these coefficient.

Wald tests yield nearly identical results for for the total sample and the 95-percent con- Catholics (W = 10.27, d.f. = 7, p = .17) and a fidence intervals for the corresponding more definitive conclusion for Jews (W = women’s coefficients; that means that the 6.24, d.f. = 6, p = .40).10 Lacking evidence of gender differences are not significant. Most significant gender differences in cohort ef- important, all but three of the gender-spe- fects, Stolzenberg reduced the power of his cific coefficients are closer to the corre- tests of cohort differences against the null sponding total coefficient than to zero (fur- hypothesis and got specious null results. ther indicating that men and women should Figure 2 helps interpret how Stolzenberg’s be combined). Cohort differences in the findings and ours could come from the same combined model are significant at the p < data. He splits men and women while we .001 level (the Wald tests are 26.45 for combine them; Figure 2 plots all of the co- Catholics and 35.75 for Jews with d.f. = 7 efficients by cohort and religion. All of the for each). coefficients (men, women, and total) follow the pattern of increasing belief across co- Confounding Age, Period, horts that we noted in discussing our origi- and Cohort nal Table 2. As Stolzenberg notes, the 95- percent confidence intervals for several of Stolzenberg presents several ways of look- the men’s coefficients overlap zero leading ing at the well-known equation him to conclude that they are not significant. Cohort = Year Ð Age, However, those same confidence intervals also overlap the corresponding coefficients but none of them constitutes evidence that our age–cohort model is wrong in any way. 10 In producing Table 2 in G&H, we errone- Our model is both internally consistent and ously included persons born prior to 1900 and consistent with the sociology of religion lit- coded them as if they were born 1930–1939; the erature; the alternative models—though for- calculations in this paragraph correct this error. mally equivalent to ours—entail implausible COMMENT AND REPLY 157

a. Blank Perspective counteracting effects and have no basis in 75 the literature. The age–period–cohort problem is not as complicated as the proofs and derivatives in 50 Stolzenberg make it seem. The “identifica- tion problem” is simply the choice of how to connect the symbols in Figure 3a. A re- searcher can connect the symbols that repre- 25 sent people born in the same year (the age– cohort model) or connect the symbols that represent people interviewed in the same 11

Percentage Believing in Afterlife Percentage Believing in year (the age–period model). Figure 3b 0 51525354555657585 shows the age–cohort perspective; Figure 3c Age shows the age–period perspective. From ei- ther perspective, the younger people are clearly more likely to believe in life after b. Age–Cohort Perspective death than the older people are. At issue is 75 how that pattern developed. Perhaps people Year of Birth: tend to be more believing as they grow older 1973 and more recent cohorts started out with a 1963 higher propensity to believe; that is the age– 50 cohort perspective. The alternative is that the 1953 younger people are temporary believers who tend to lose faith as they age, but the times 1943 are so religious that they override this ten- 25 1933 1913 dency; that is the age–period perspective. The two perspectives account for the GSS 1903 data equally well. Choosing between them is

Percentage Believing in Afterlife Percentage Believing in 0 a matter of citing other evidence and decid- 51525354555657585 ing which of the arguments is more inter- Age nally consistent. The sociology of religion literature supports the age–cohort perspec- tive; cross-sectional and panel studies (e.g., c. Age–Period Perspective Stolzenberg, Blair-Loy, and Waite 1995) in- 75 GSS Survey Year: dicate that other facets of religiosity increase 1998 with age. The age–cohort perspective also is 1993 simpler; it can be summarized in two 50 complementary statements. The age–period 1988 alternative relies on an implausible combi- 1983 nation of negative age effects and countervailing period effects strong enough 25 1978 to override them. In this it gets no support 1973 from the literature; no religious scholar we know of has argued that people lose faith as

Percentage Believing in Afterlife Percentage Believing in they age, and many have argued in favor of 0 51525354555657585 negative period effects. Our age–cohort per- Age spective plainly works better as a sociologi- cal model, even though the age–period per- Figure 3. Percentage Believing in Life after Death Expected under Model 7 of 11 The symbols in Figure 3a display the per- Greeley and Hout: Three Views centages believing in life after death expected Source: Greeley and Hout (1999:829–31). under our Model 1 in Table 7 of G&H (p. 829), Note: Symbols indicate data points that are in the but the points we raise here are general ones that same cohort. apply to any age–period–cohort analysis. 158 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW spective results in the same expected prob- We made no “critical errors.” There is no abilities. reason to change the findings or conclusions of our original paper in light of this comment. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Andrew Greeley is Visiting Professor of Sociol- We have countered all five criticisms raised ogy at the University of Chicago and at the Uni- by Stolzenberg. His criticism that we use a versity of Arizona. His most recent sociology low-power test of denominational differ- book is The Catholic Imagination (University of ences is moot because we have other, stron- California Press, 1999). He is currently working ger evidence for our argument. Our use of on a book about religion in Europe at the begin- the lowercase “orthodox” in a transitional ning of the third Millennium. paragraph was not an erroneous statement Michael Hout is Professor of Sociology at the about Orthodox Judaism, just a reference to University of California, Berkeley, where he the observed variance in the beliefs of all teaches courses on research methods and social Jews in the GSS. The change over time in inequality. In addition to his work with Andrew beliefs among Jews is statistically signifi- Greeley, he and Claude Fischer are directing a project that will address American social and cant over the whole time series and between cultural trends in the twentieth century. the periods that Stolzenberg contrasts; fur- ther analysis supports our conclusion that Jews’ beliefs in a life after death increased REFERENCES monotonically between 1973 and 1998. We Ellenson, David. 1998. “Modern Liturgies.” Pp. did not ignore gender; we included its sta- 72–78 passim in My People’s Prayer Book: tistically significant effects in our multivari- Traditional Prayers, Modern Commentaries, ate analyses. We did not test for cohort ef- edited by L. A. Hoffman. Woodstock, VT: fects for men and women separately because Jewish Lights Publishing. tests indicate that the cohort effect is the Goodman, Leo A. 1981. “Criteria for Determin- same for men and women (the main cohort ing Whether Certain Categories of a Cross- effect is statistically significant). Stolzen- Classification Table Should Be Combined.” berg’s manipulation of the age–period–co- American Journal of Sociology 87:612–50. hort identities leaves him with an implau- Stolzenberg, Ross M. 2001. “True Facts, True sible model that implies that unspecified re- Stories, and True Differences” (Comment on Greeley and Hout, ASR December 1999). cent events have counteracted peoples’ ten- American Sociological Review 66:146–52. dency to lose faith as they age. Our age–co- Stolzenberg, Ross M., Mary Blair-Loy, and hort model provides a substantive explana- Linda J. Waite. 1995. “Religious Participation tion that is free of overriding effects and ac- over the Early Life Course: Age and Family cords well with the sociological literature on Life Cycle Effects on Church Membership.” aging and religion. American Sociological Review 60:84–103.