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Commercial Attaché, Embassy of Mexico the Embassy of Ireland In
Commercial Attaché, Embassy of Mexico The Embassy of Ireland in Mexico is recruiting a Commercial Attaché who will report to the Deputy Head of Mission responsible for trade and economic promotion. This is a new role and the successful candidate will be offered a one year contract, renewable for a maximum of two additional years. The key objective for the role of the Commercial attaché will be to promote Ireland’s economic interests in Mexico and to facilitate and support Irish companies wishing to enter or expand in the Mexican market, principally in the areas of agribusiness (particularly dairy), ICT (particularly software services for the telecoms industry and digital media), financial services and education. Role Profile Specifically, the new Commercial Attaché will: Cooperate with strategic partners in Mexico to identify and capture economic opportunities for Irish companies, including drafting market opportunity assessments; Expand the Embassy contact network in the agribusiness, ICT, financial services and education sectors and in other sectors as identified by the Embassy as priorities; Consolidate and expand the embassy’s information on Irish companies operating in the Mexican market or seeking to enter the market, as well as maintaining a comprehensive contacts database and networking with key Irish business people; Liaise with and support the development of the recently established Irish-Mexican Chamber of Commerce and work with the Chamber, ProMéxico, COMCE and other Mexican business organisations, as well as Irish state -
Responsible Business Conduct and Economic Diplomacy Tools
Responsible business conduct and economic diplomacy tools June 2017 mneguidelines.oecd.org This concept note was prepared for the session on promoting responsible business conduct (RBC) through economic diplomacy tools at the Roundtable for Policy Makers that took place on 28 June 2017 within the framework of the OECD Global Forum on Responsible Business Conduct. It sets a basis for reflection and discussion on how RBC standards can be embedded in economic diplomacy. Economic diplomacy refers to government services and support provided to business in foreign markets. This can take the form of financial support such as export credits, investment guarantees and direct lending, but can also include other public services such as trade missions, capacity building activities and access to information and networks through embassies. These tools are not only instrumental to promote foreign trade and investment, but they can also be powerful levers for governments to guide corporate behaviour and support best practice on responsible business conduct (RBC). Although far from mainstream, some governments have recognised this potential and are using economic diplomacy to create incentives for business to behave responsibly. There are several reasons for this. First, governments as economic actors should not contribute to adverse impacts of business operations. Second, although trade and investment promotion is a competitive field among countries, it is in governments' interests to create a level playing field and ensure that companies are subject to fair competition and do not profit from public services with irresponsible practices. Third, insufficient attention to corporate conduct by national companies in foreign markets can negatively affect the country's image abroad. -
The Hollowing of Summit Diplomacy in a Socially Distanced World
The Hague Journal of Diplomacy 15 (2020) 583-598 brill.com/hjd All That’s Lost: The Hollowing of Summit Diplomacy in a Socially Distanced World Tristen Naylor London School of Economics, London, United Kingdom [email protected] Received: 15 June 2020; revised: 30 August 2020; accepted: 21 September 2020 Summary This essay considers the implications of virtual summits replacing in-person multilat- eral gatherings of political leaders. Focusing on the loss of physicality, it argues that two critical dimensions of summitry are eliminated in this shift: sublime governance and inter-moments. Drawing on illustrative examples from the Group of 20, it demon- strates that while moving online maintains the formal, procedural interactions around which summits are built, doing so loses these critical elements of summitry which render it a valuable and unique practice in within the overall institution of diplomacy. This move also undercuts the effects of these elements, in the immediate context of a particular summit and more broadly within the international system itself. The elimi- nation of summitry’s performative and interpersonal dimensions fundamentally ren- ders online meetings unable to achieve what in-person summits can. This has acute consequences in the immediate wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, and also more gener- ally as diplomacy moves online. Keywords sublime governance – inter-moments – summits – performativity – practices – face-to-face interaction – diplomacy – psychology © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2020 | doi:10.1163/1871191X-bja10041Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 11:53:45PM via free access 584 Naylor 1 Introduction On 26 March 2020, the Group of 20 (G20) held an online ‘virtual’ summit to discuss the COVID-19 pandemic and the global economic crisis it ushered in. -
Negotiating Energy Diplomacy and Its Relationship with Foreign Policy and National Security
International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy ISSN: 2146-4553 available at http: www.econjournals.com International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy, 2020, 10(2), 1-6. Negotiating Energy Diplomacy and its Relationship with Foreign Policy and National Security Ana Bovan1, Tamara Vučenović1, Nenad Perić2* 1Metropolitan University, Faculty of Management, Belgrade, Serbia, 2Faculty for Diplomacy and Security, Belgrade, Serbia. *Email: [email protected] Received: 19 September 2019 Accepted: 01 December 2019 DOI: https://doi.org/10.32479/ijeep.8754 ABSTRACT Energy diplomacy is a complex field of international relations, closely linked to its principal, foreign policy and overall national security. We observe the relationship of issues that belong to the three concepts and how they are intertwined in the geopolitical reality. Despite the ontological hierarchy of the three concepts, where national security is on the highest level of generality, and energy diplomacy on the lowest, it is a recurring theme for them to continuously meet and intersect in realpolitik in a dynamic relationship. The article specifically looks at the integration of energy diplomacy into foreign policy. We discuss two pathways that energy diplomacy has taken on its integration course into foreign policy, namely the path marked by national security topics and the path that is dominantly an economic one. The article also observes the nexus of national security, foreign policy, economic security and economic diplomacy, which is termed the energy security paradox. It exemplifies the inconsistencies in the general state of affairs in which resource riches of a country result in a stable exporter status and consequentially, stable exporting energy diplomacy. -
Economic Diplomacy in Africa: the Impact of Regional Integration Versus Bilateral Diplomacy On
MWP 2016/18 Max Weber Programme Economic Diplomacy in Africa: The Impact of Regional Integration versus Bilateral Diplomacy on Bilateral Trade Author Sylvanus Author Kwaku and Afesorgbor Author Author European University Institute Max Weber Programme Economic Diplomacy in Africa: The Impact of Regional Integration versus Bilateral Diplomacy on Bilateral Trade Sylvanus Kwaku Afesorgbor EUI Working Paper MWP 2016/18 This text may be downloaded for personal research purposes only. Any additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copy or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper or other series, the year, and the publisher. ISSN 1830-7728 © Sylvanus Kwaku Afesorgbor, 2016 Printed in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Abstract The paper examines the impact of two main instruments of economic diplomacy regional integration and commercial diplomacy on export flows among African states. We test whether there is any evidence of a trade-off or complementary interaction between these two instruments in trade facilitation. We compare the effects of these two instruments of economic diplomacy on bilateral trade by employing a gravity model for 45 African states over the period 1980-2005. The results show that bilateral diplomatic exchange is a relatively more significant determinant of bilateral exports among African states compared to regional integration. We also find a nuanced interaction between these two instruments of economic diplomacy: the trade-stimulating effect of diplomatic exchange is less pronounced among African countries that shared membership of the same regional bloc. -
Climate Diplomacy
2014 Edition NEW PATHS FOR CLIMATE DIPLOMACY leGal notice NEW PATHS FOR The climate diplomacy initiative is a collaborative effort of the Federal Foreign Office in partnership with adelphi, a leading Berlin-based think tank for applied research, policy analysis, and consultancy on global change issues. CLIMATE DIPLOMACY This publication by adelphi research gemeinnützige GmbH is supported by a grant from the German Federal Foreign Office. www.adelphi.de www.auswaertiges-amt.de Authors Paola Adriázola Alexander Carius Laura Griestop Lena Ruthner Dennis Tänzler Joe Thwaites Stephan Wolters Design stoffers/steinicke www.stoffers-steinicke.de © adelphi, 2014 Foreword Climate Diplomacy – a Foreign Policy Challenge for the 21st Century limate change is one of the most important chal- organisations. In reaching out to partners around the world, we seek to raise awareness lenges that humanity collectively faces in the 21st and explore new ideas on how to best mitigate the effects of climate change in interna- C century. As the recently published Fifth Assess- tional relations. At the initiative’s core is the conviction that we require a new, preventive ment Report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate foreign policy approach: an approach that anticipates climate-induced conflicts of the Change shows, with greater certainty than ever, global future, builds trust now between the stakeholders of those future conflicts, strengthens warming is taking place and is caused by greenhouse the institutions and governance structures needed to address them or develops new forums gas emissions deriving from human activity. The effects for dialogue where they will be needed in future, but where none exist at present. -
Instrumentarium Przyszłego Dyplomaty
Małgorzata Łakota-Micker Instrumentarium przyszłego dyplomaty Legens. Publishing Workshop Instrumentarium przyszłego dyplomaty Małgorzata Łakota-Micker Instrumentarium przyszłego dyplomaty Legens. Publishing Workshop Małgorzata Łakota-Micker Instrumentarium przyszłego dyplomaty Recenzja naukowa Prof. dr hab. Marian Wilk, Wyższa Szkoła Studiów Międzynarodowych w Łodzi Dr Krzysztof Strzałka, Uniwersytet Jagielloński Redakcja: Izabela Baran Projekt typograficzny i skład: Józefa Kurpisz, Pilcrow Studio Projekt okładki: Bartłomiej Bączkowski, Pilcrow Studio Użyte kroje pisma: Tisa Pro oraz Tisa Sans autorstwa Mitji Miklavčiča Źródło rycin: O ile nie zostało zaznaczone inaczej – archiwum własne, dokumenty pochodzą z kwerend w MSZ, Protokołu dyplomatycznego MSZ, Ambasady RP w Belgradzie, Podgoricy, Rzymie. Copyright © Małgorzata Łakota-Micker, London 2016 Wydawca Legens. Publishing Workshop Ltd. 78 High Street Colliers Wood London SW19 2BY, UK Printed in Poland ISBN 978-0-9576904-6-2 SPIS TREŚCI Wprowadzenie 9 Część I. O dyplomacji słów kilka… 13 1. Pojęcie dyplomacji 15 2. Zarys historii dyplomacji 19 2.1. Starożytność 19 2.2. Średniowiecze 27 2.3. Nowożytność 30 2.4. Dyplomacja po kongresie wiedeńskim 39 3. Działalność państwa w środowisku międzynarodowym 44 3.1. Organy wewnętrzne państwa 46 3.1.1. Głowa państwa 47 3.1.2. Parlament 50 3.1.3. Rada Ministrów i Prezes Rady Ministrów 51 3.1.4. Ministerstwo Spraw Zagranicznych i inne resorty 53 3.1.5. Jednostki samorządu terytorialnego 66 3.2. Organy zewnętrzne państwa 66 3.2.1. Ambasada (przedstawicielstwo dyplomatyczne, placówka dyplomatyczna, misja dyplomatyczna) 69 3.2.2. Urzędy konsularne (konsulaty) 74 3.2.3. Stałe misje przy organizacjach międzynarodowych (przedstawicielstwa) 80 3.2.4. Instytuty Polskie 82 3.2.5. -
Britain, British Petroleum, Shell and the Remaking of the International Oil Industry, 1957-1979
Empires of Energy: Britain, British Petroleum, Shell and the Remaking of the International Oil Industry, 1957-1979 Author: Jonathan Robert Kuiken Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104079 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2013 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of History EMPIRES OF ENERGY: BRITAIN, BRITISH PETROLEUM, SHELL AND THE REMAKING OF THE INTERNATIONAL OIL INDUSTRY, 1957-1979 [A dissertation by] JONATHAN R. KUIKEN submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August, 2013 © copyright by JONATHAN ROBERT KUIKEN 2013 Empires of Energy: Britain, British Petroleum, Shell and the remaking of the international oil industry, 1957-1979 Jonathan R. Kuiken Dissertation Advisor - James E. Cronin Dissertation Abstract This dissertation examines British oil policy from the aftermath of the Suez Crisis in 1956-1957 until the Iranian Revolution and the electoral victory of Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative Party in 1979. It was a period marked by major transitions within Britain’s oil policy as well as broader changes within the international oil market. It argues that the story of Britain, and Britain’s two domestically-based oil companies, BP and Shell, offers a valuable case study in the development of competing ideas about the reorganization of the international oil industry in the wake of the rise of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting countries and the companies’ losing control over the production of oil. -
Judicial Cooperation in Civil Matters’ (Eustitia): the Politics of Civil Justice Under the EU's Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ)
DRAFT (March 2015) PLEASE CONTACT AUTHOR BEFORE CITING ‘Judicial Cooperation in Civil Matters’ (EUstitia): The Politics of Civil Justice under the EU's Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) Professor Helen E. Hartnell Paper presented at EUSA Fourteenth Biennial Conference Panel 3 C: The EU and Criminal Justice Boston – 5-7 March 2015 This paper maps the EU’s civil justice policy field, and offers some ideas about the broader significance of these developments. Since 1999, when the Amsterdam Treaty communitarized “judicial cooperation in civil matters” and the European Council laid out a five-year plan at its Tampere Summit, the EU's efforts to create a “genuine area of justice” (Tampere Milestones, ¶¶ I.3.5 & I.3.7) have been rapid and dramatic. The AFSJ field was “transformed ... into a huge ‘building site’ ” (Weyembergh 2000). More than a dozen substantial – and in some cases highly ambitious and controversial – legislative and other civil justice measures have been adopted, and more are in the pipeline.1 These measures permeate the legal infrastructure upon which the EU’s legal order is built. Some of them surpass even the broadest reading of the formal Treaty language on “judicial cooperation”. The scope and pace of these developments have been so dramatic that even experts in the affected fields were initially caught by surprise.2 Together, Amsterdam (1997) and Tampere (1999) breached the crumbling wall of national legal sovereignty, and unleashed a deluge of legal and other institutional measures in the civil justice field. The movement towards harmonization in this field is not, however,“a triumphal parade: it looks more like a [conquest], house by house, of the fortified town of national self-determination” (Biavati 2001: 90). -
Journal of Diplomacy
Seton Hall Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations 400 South Orange Avenue, McQuaid Hall, South Orange, NJ 07079 Tel: 973-275-2515 Fax: 973-275-2519 Email: [email protected] http://www.journalofdiplomacy.org Seton Hall Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations is the official semi- Editor-in-Chief annual publication of the Seton Hall School Dennis Meaney of Diplomacy and International Relations at Seton Hall University. The Journal provides Deputy Editor-in-Chief a unique forum for international leaders in Michael Curtin government, the private sector, academia, and nongovernmental organizations to Executive Editor analyze and comment on international Ruthly Cadestin affairs. Editorial Media Manager Indexing: The Journal is indexed by Sajedeh Goudarzi Columbia International Affairs Online, Public Affairs Information Service, Social Media Associates International Political Science Abstracts, Patricia Zanini Graca, Juan C Garcia, America: History and Life and Historical Abstracts: International Relations and Security Network, and Ulrich’s Periodical Senior Editors Directory. Zehra Khan, Kevin Hill, Chiazam T Onyenso Manuscripts: Address all submissions to the Editor-in-Chief. We accept both hard Associate Editors copies and electronic versions. Submissions Maliheh Bitaraf, Meagan Torello, Erick may not exceed 6,000 words in length and Agbleke, Oluwagbemiga D Oyeneye, Edder must follow the Chicago manual of style. A Zarate, Emanuel Hernandez, Katherine M Submission deadlines are posted on our Landes, Troy L Dorch, Kendra Brock, Alex website. Miller, Devynn N Nolan, Lynn Wassenaar, Morgan McMichen, Eleanor Baldenweck Back Issues: Available upon request. Faculty Adviser Dr. Ann Marie Murphy The opinions expressed in the Journal are those of the contributors and should not be construed as representing those of Seton Hall University, the Seton Hall School of Diplomacy and International Relations, or the editors of the Journal. -
American First Ladies As Goodwill Ambassadors
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Publications and Research Hunter College 2010 American First Ladies as Goodwill Ambassadors Wendy W. Tan CUNY Hunter College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/hc_pubs/12 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] American First Ladies as Goodwill Ambassadors: Summaries after studying materials available in Presidential Libraries By Wendy Tan Head of Cataloging, Hunter College Libraries, the City University of NY 695 Park Avenue, New York, NY 10065 Abstract Quite a few First Ladies took very active moves regarding international interests, and they often weighed in their opinions on their husbands’ decisions on related issues. My research was mainly conducted in five Presidential Libraries associated with five well-traveled First Ladies. After studying hundreds of journeys they made, my descriptions were focused on five, one for each lady, of them only. All of these trips shared a common trait, which was under the calling of humanitarian cause. Key Words American First Ladies; Goodwill Ambassadors; American Women 2 Introduction According to Gallup’s poll (2001) for the category of “most admired women”, 1948-1961 was Eleanor Roosevelt; 1962-1966 Jacqueline Kennedy; 1971-1973 Pat Nixon; 1977-1980 Rosalynn Carter; 1993-2000 Hillary Clinton. One of the qualifications shared by all these winners is that they were the First Ladies during much of those periods. Another characteristic present among these First Ladies is that they actively participated in activities taking place in foreign lands. -
Economic Diplomacy As an Instrument of Progress and Promotion of the Republic of Croatia
Economic diplomacy as an instrument of progress and promotion of the Republic of Croatia Babić, Marko Doctoral thesis / Disertacija 2019 Degree Grantor / Ustanova koja je dodijelila akademski / stručni stupanj: University of Zadar / Sveučilište u Zadru Permanent link / Trajna poveznica: https://urn.nsk.hr/urn:nbn:hr:162:497993 Rights / Prava: In copyright Download date / Datum preuzimanja: 2021-10-07 Repository / Repozitorij: University of Zadar Institutional Repository of evaluation works SVEUČILIŠTE U ZADRU i LIBERTAS MEĐUNARODNO SVEUČILIŠTE ZAJEDNIČKI POSLIJEDIPLOMSKI SVEUČILIŠNI STUDIJ MEĐUNARODNI ODNOSI Marko Babić ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY AS AN INSTRUMENT OF PROGRESS AND PROMOTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA Doktorski rad Zadar; Zagreb, 2019. SVEUČILIŠTE U ZADRU i LIBERTAS MEĐUNARODNO SVEUČILIŠTE ZAJEDNIČKI POSLIJEDIPLOMSKI SVEUČILIŠNI STUDIJ MEĐUNARODNI ODNOSI Marko Babić ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY AS AN INSTRUMENT OF PROGRESS AND PROMOTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA Doktorski rad Mentor Viši znanstveni suradnik, Miomir Žužul, dr.sc. Zadar; Zagreb, 2019. UNIVERSITY OF ZADAR BASIC DOCUMENTATION CARD I. Author and study Name and surname: Marko Babić Name of the study programme: Joint postgraduate doctoral study International Relations Mentor: Senior scientific associate Miomir Žužul, PhD Date of the defence: 10 July 2019 Scientific area and field in which the PhD is obtained: social sciences, interdisciplinary social sciences II. Doctoral dissertation Title: Economic diplomacy as an instrument of progress and promotion of the Republic of Croatia UDC mark: 339.9:327>(497.5) Number of pages: 274 Number of pictures/graphical representations/tables: 8/ 15/ 25 Number of notes: 355 Number of used bibliographic units and sources: 148 Number of appendices: 4 Language of the doctoral dissertation: English III.