DOCSLIB.ORG

OPEC and the International System: a Political History of Decisions and Behavior Reza Sanati Florida International University, [email protected]

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
OPEC and the International System: a Political History of Decisions and Behavior Reza Sanati Florida International University, Rsanati002@Fiu.Edu Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 3-24-2014 OPEC and the International System: A Political History of Decisions and Behavior Reza Sanati Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FI14040875 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Sanati, Reza, "OPEC and the International System: A Political History of Decisions and Behavior" (2014). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1149. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1149 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida OPEC AND THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM: A POLITICAL HISTORY OF DECISIONS AND BEHAVIOR A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS by Reza Sanati 2014 To: Dean Kenneth G. Furton College of Arts and Sciences This dissertation, written by Reza Sanati, and entitled OPEC and the International System: A Political History of Decisions and Behavior, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. _______________________________________ Thomas Breslin _______________________________________ Mira Wilkins _______________________________________ Ronald Cox _______________________________________ Mohiaddin Mesbahi, Major Professor Date of Defense: March 24, 2014 The dissertation of Reza Sanati is approved. _______________________________________ Dean Kenneth G. Furton College of Arts and Sciences _______________________________________ Dean Lakshmi N. Reddi University Graduate School Florida International University, 2014 ii Copyright 2014 by Reza Sanati All rights reserved. iii ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION OPEC AND THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM A POLITICAL HISTORY OF DECISIONS AND BEHAVIOR by Reza Sanati Florida International University, 2014 Miami, Florida Professor Mohiaddin Mesbahi, Major Professor The conventional understanding behind how the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) has formulated its decisions and subsequently behaved in the international system has consistently centered on the role of market forces. Either proactively or reactively, it has been assumed that OPEC’s actions were merely engaging and responding to the supply and demand dynamics in the global economy. Though space was always given to the political considerations of certain OPEC Member States, and how that impacts the behavior of the Organization, inquiry into OPEC decision-making and behavior has generally centered on economic considerations, with politics playing an intermittent supporting role. This work challenges the assumptions behind the conventional narrative of OPEC’s behavior in the international system. By utilizing a historically-based process tracing method, relying heavily on archival data from OPEC’s headquarters and declassified American national security documents from the late 1940s to the present, a more sophisticated model of decision-making and behavior is developed. Accordingly, OPEC’s decisions and behavior are more accurately a product of four inter-related iv determinants: the role of market forces, the influence of outside actors (usually great powers) upon the Organization, interstate relations and politics among Member States, and the pressure of the internal state dynamics within OPEC Member States. It is at the intersection of these four variables where OPEC’s behavior is more readily understood. Thus, with a sophisticated understanding of the interplay of these determinants, OPEC’s decision-making process and behavior can be more accurately understood and possibly forecasted to a limited degree. v TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE INTRODUCTION • UNDERSTANDING THE DETERMINANTS BEHIND OPEC’S INSTITUTIONAL BEHAVIOR ........................................................................................ 1 The Historical Context of Analysis................................................................................. 4 The Conventional Understanding of OPEC .................................................................... 6 Cartel vs. Economically-based Intergovernmental organization .................................... 6 Why the Cartel and Economically-based Intergovernmental organization labels fall short................................................................................................................................. 9 A New Framework of Analysis .................................................................................... 13 Outside Actor Intervention ....................................................................................... 14 Interstate Member Relations within the Organization .............................................. 16 Intrastate Member Dynamics .................................................................................... 16 CHAPTER I • THE EMBRYONIC PHASE: THE RISE AND FALL OF THE CONCESSIONARY SYSTEM & THE BIRTH OF OPEC ............................................. 19 The geo-economic and geopolitical context ................................................................. 21 Creating the Home-IOC-Host triangle .......................................................................... 21 The Companies scramble .......................................................................................... 23 Expanding the Concession System in the Middle East ............................................. 28 The Seeds of Nationalization and the beginnings of the domino cascade .................... 33 The Mexican Catalyst ............................................................................................... 33 The spread of the 50/50 arrangement ........................................................................ 40 Changes in the Imperial roles in the Middle East and 50/50 challenged in Iran ...... 43 The Birth of OPEC........................................................................................................ 52 Market forces ............................................................................................................ 54 The immediate pre-OPEC global oil dynamics ........................................................ 54 Intrastate dynamics ................................................................................................... 59 The Internal Picture of the main proto-OPEC member states .................................. 59 The Host Countries Act ............................................................................................ 68 From Collusion to Creating OPEC ........................................................................... 68 Outside Actors .......................................................................................................... 73 The US policy of Conscious Indifference: the fall of the Home-IOC-Host Nexus .. 73 CHAPTER II • THE INFANCY PHASE: THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF OPEC AND THE STRUGGLE FOR COLLECTIVE ACTION, 1961-1969 .................. 82 Market Forces: .............................................................................................................. 84 The IOCs fight to save their market dominance ........................................................... 84 Outside Actors .............................................................................................................. 89 Triangulating between the IOCs and OPEC ................................................................. 89 US Aid ...................................................................................................................... 91 The beginning of Indirect American influence within OPEC .................................. 91 Intrastate Dynamics ...................................................................................................... 99 The Domestic Political Landscape ............................................................................ 99 The Beginnings of the National Oil Companies ..................................................... 106 vi Interstate Dynamics .................................................................................................... 110 Organizational Enlargement and Negotiation ............................................................. 110 Building the Organs of OPEC while Individual Negotiations begin ...................... 114 Collective Negotiations with the IOCs ................................................................... 127 CHAPTER III • THE ASCENDANCY PHASE: THE SHIFT OF POWER TO THE PRODUCERS, ORGANIZATIONAL ACTION, AND THE POLITICIZATION OF PETROLEUM, 1969-1979 ............................................................................................. 140 Market Forces ............................................................................................................. 143 The changing macro conditions .................................................................................. 143 Outside Forces ............................................................................................................ 151 US evolution
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Negotiating Energy Diplomacy and Its Relationship with Foreign Policy and National Security
    International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy ISSN: 2146-4553 available at http: www.econjournals.com International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy, 2020, 10(2), 1-6. Negotiating Energy Diplomacy and its Relationship with Foreign Policy and National Security Ana Bovan1, Tamara Vučenović1, Nenad Perić2* 1Metropolitan University, Faculty of Management, Belgrade, Serbia, 2Faculty for Diplomacy and Security, Belgrade, Serbia. *Email: [email protected] Received: 19 September 2019 Accepted: 01 December 2019 DOI: https://doi.org/10.32479/ijeep.8754 ABSTRACT Energy diplomacy is a complex field of international relations, closely linked to its principal, foreign policy and overall national security. We observe the relationship of issues that belong to the three concepts and how they are intertwined in the geopolitical reality. Despite the ontological hierarchy of the three concepts, where national security is on the highest level of generality, and energy diplomacy on the lowest, it is a recurring theme for them to continuously meet and intersect in realpolitik in a dynamic relationship. The article specifically looks at the integration of energy diplomacy into foreign policy. We discuss two pathways that energy diplomacy has taken on its integration course into foreign policy, namely the path marked by national security topics and the path that is dominantly an economic one. The article also observes the nexus of national security, foreign policy, economic security and economic diplomacy, which is termed the energy security paradox. It exemplifies the inconsistencies in the general state of affairs in which resource riches of a country result in a stable exporter status and consequentially, stable exporting energy diplomacy.
    [Show full text]
  • Climate Diplomacy
    2014 Edition NEW PATHS FOR CLIMATE DIPLOMACY leGal notice NEW PATHS FOR The climate diplomacy initiative is a collaborative effort of the Federal Foreign Office in partnership with adelphi, a leading Berlin-based think tank for applied research, policy analysis, and consultancy on global change issues. CLIMATE DIPLOMACY This publication by adelphi research gemeinnützige GmbH is supported by a grant from the German Federal Foreign Office. www.adelphi.de www.auswaertiges-amt.de Authors Paola Adriázola Alexander Carius Laura Griestop Lena Ruthner Dennis Tänzler Joe Thwaites Stephan Wolters Design stoffers/steinicke www.stoffers-steinicke.de © adelphi, 2014 Foreword Climate Diplomacy – a Foreign Policy Challenge for the 21st Century limate change is one of the most important chal- organisations. In reaching out to partners around the world, we seek to raise awareness lenges that humanity collectively faces in the 21st and explore new ideas on how to best mitigate the effects of climate change in interna- C century. As the recently published Fifth Assess- tional relations. At the initiative’s core is the conviction that we require a new, preventive ment Report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate foreign policy approach: an approach that anticipates climate-induced conflicts of the Change shows, with greater certainty than ever, global future, builds trust now between the stakeholders of those future conflicts, strengthens warming is taking place and is caused by greenhouse the institutions and governance structures needed to address them or develops new forums gas emissions deriving from human activity. The effects for dialogue where they will be needed in future, but where none exist at present.
    [Show full text]
  • THE 14Th RAMADÄN COUP in IRAQ*
    ASIAN AND AFRICAN STUDIES, 2008, 2, 155-178 THE 14th RAMADÄN COUP IN IRAQ* Karol R. SORBY Institute of Oriental Studies, Slovak Academy of Sciences Klemensova 19, 813 64 Bratislava, Slovakia kaorkaso @ savba. sk The 14th Ramadän 1382 (8th February 1963) coup that finally put an end to the regime of cAbdalkarTm Qäsim came from the Arab nationalist quarter; no other element in the political spectrum was prepared to undertake the task. The Communists and the left still tacitly supported cAbdalkarīm Qäsim, and in any event they had too little support in the army officer corps. The Kurds had weakened the fighting capacity of the army, but they were in no position to overthrow the regime by themselves. However, there was no real unity of purpose among Arab nationalists beyond their common desire to be rid of the “Sole Leader” (az-ZacTm al-Awhad) and to reorient foreign policy toward some kind of union with other Arab countries. This action was no palace coup. The Bacthists and their nationalist allies only succeeded in gaining control of the government after a day of fierce fighting with the defenders of the regime, which cost hundreds of lives. At last the rebel forces broke through into the Ministry of Defence compound, capturing cAbdalkarīm Qäsim and his colleagues on 9 February. They were immediately brought before a tribunal of Bacthist and pan-Arab officers, sentenced to death and summarily shot. Keywords: the regime of cAbdalkarīm Qäsim; the coup of 8 February 1963; the Bacth Party; pan-Arab Iraqi Officers To overthrow a military dictatorship by civil resistance is a very difficult task.
    [Show full text]
  • Britain, British Petroleum, Shell and the Remaking of the International Oil Industry, 1957-1979
    Empires of Energy: Britain, British Petroleum, Shell and the Remaking of the International Oil Industry, 1957-1979 Author: Jonathan Robert Kuiken Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104079 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2013 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of History EMPIRES OF ENERGY: BRITAIN, BRITISH PETROLEUM, SHELL AND THE REMAKING OF THE INTERNATIONAL OIL INDUSTRY, 1957-1979 [A dissertation by] JONATHAN R. KUIKEN submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August, 2013 © copyright by JONATHAN ROBERT KUIKEN 2013 Empires of Energy: Britain, British Petroleum, Shell and the remaking of the international oil industry, 1957-1979 Jonathan R. Kuiken Dissertation Advisor - James E. Cronin Dissertation Abstract This dissertation examines British oil policy from the aftermath of the Suez Crisis in 1956-1957 until the Iranian Revolution and the electoral victory of Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative Party in 1979. It was a period marked by major transitions within Britain’s oil policy as well as broader changes within the international oil market. It argues that the story of Britain, and Britain’s two domestically-based oil companies, BP and Shell, offers a valuable case study in the development of competing ideas about the reorganization of the international oil industry in the wake of the rise of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting countries and the companies’ losing control over the production of oil.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Diplomacy
    Seton Hall Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations 400 South Orange Avenue, McQuaid Hall, South Orange, NJ 07079 Tel: 973-275-2515 Fax: 973-275-2519 Email: [email protected] http://www.journalofdiplomacy.org Seton Hall Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations is the official semi- Editor-in-Chief annual publication of the Seton Hall School Dennis Meaney of Diplomacy and International Relations at Seton Hall University. The Journal provides Deputy Editor-in-Chief a unique forum for international leaders in Michael Curtin government, the private sector, academia, and nongovernmental organizations to Executive Editor analyze and comment on international Ruthly Cadestin affairs. Editorial Media Manager Indexing: The Journal is indexed by Sajedeh Goudarzi Columbia International Affairs Online, Public Affairs Information Service, Social Media Associates International Political Science Abstracts, Patricia Zanini Graca, Juan C Garcia, America: History and Life and Historical Abstracts: International Relations and Security Network, and Ulrich’s Periodical Senior Editors Directory. Zehra Khan, Kevin Hill, Chiazam T Onyenso Manuscripts: Address all submissions to the Editor-in-Chief. We accept both hard Associate Editors copies and electronic versions. Submissions Maliheh Bitaraf, Meagan Torello, Erick may not exceed 6,000 words in length and Agbleke, Oluwagbemiga D Oyeneye, Edder must follow the Chicago manual of style. A Zarate, Emanuel Hernandez, Katherine M Submission deadlines are posted on our Landes, Troy L Dorch, Kendra Brock, Alex website. Miller, Devynn N Nolan, Lynn Wassenaar, Morgan McMichen, Eleanor Baldenweck Back Issues: Available upon request. Faculty Adviser Dr. Ann Marie Murphy The opinions expressed in the Journal are those of the contributors and should not be construed as representing those of Seton Hall University, the Seton Hall School of Diplomacy and International Relations, or the editors of the Journal.
    [Show full text]
  • Saddam Hussein
    Saddam Hussein ﺻﺪام ﺣﺴﻴﻦ :Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majid al-Tikriti (/hʊˈseɪn/;[5] Arabic Marshal Ṣaddām Ḥusayn ʿAbd al-Maǧīd al-Tikrītī;[a] 28 April ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪ اﻟﺘﻜﺮﻳﺘﻲ 1937[b] – 30 December 2006) was President of Iraq from 16 July 1979 until 9 Saddam Hussein ﺻﺪام ﺣﺴﻴﻦ April 2003.[10] A leading member of the revolutionary Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, and later, the Baghdad-based Ba'ath Party and its regional organization the Iraqi Ba'ath Party—which espoused Ba'athism, a mix of Arab nationalism and socialism—Saddam played a key role in the 1968 coup (later referred to as the 17 July Revolution) that brought the party to power inIraq . As vice president under the ailing General Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr, and at a time when many groups were considered capable of overthrowing the government, Saddam created security forces through which he tightly controlled conflicts between the government and the armed forces. In the early 1970s, Saddam nationalized oil and foreign banks leaving the system eventually insolvent mostly due to the Iran–Iraq War, the Gulf War, and UN sanctions.[11] Through the 1970s, Saddam cemented his authority over the apparatus of government as oil money helped Iraq's economy to grow at a rapid pace. Positions of power in the country were mostly filled with Sunni Arabs, a minority that made up only a fifth of the population.[12] Official portrait of Saddam Hussein in Saddam formally rose to power in 1979, although he had already been the de 1979 facto head of Iraq for several years.
    [Show full text]
  • Energy Diplomacy Beyond Pipelines: Navigating Risks and Opportunities
    REPORT December 2020 ENERGY DIPLOMACY BEYOND PIPELINES: NAVIGATING RISKS AND OPPORTUNITIES PIETER DE POUS, LISA FISCHER & FELIX HEILMANN About E3G Copyright E3G is an independent climate change think This work is licensed under the Creative tank accelerating the transition to a climate Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- safe world. E3G builds cross-sectoral coalitions ShareAlike 2.0 License. to achieve carefully defined outcomes, chosen for their capacity to leverage change. You are free to: E3G works closely with like-minded partners > Copy, distribute, display, and perform in government, politics, business, civil the work. society, science, the media, public interest foundations and elsewhere. > Make derivative works. www.e3g.org Under the following conditions: Berlin > You must attribute the work in the Neue Promenade 6 manner specified by the author Berlin, 10178 or licensor. Germany +49 (0)30 2887 3405 > You may not use this work for commercial purposes. Brussels Rue du Commerce 124 > If you alter, transform, or build upon Brussels, 1000 this work, you may distribute the Belgium resulting work only under a license +32 (0)2 5800 737 identical to this one. > For any reuse or distribution, London you must make clear to others the license 47 Great Guildford Street terms of this work. London SE1 0ES United Kingdom > Any of these conditions can be waived +44 (0)20 7593 2020 if you get permission from the copyright holder. Washington 2101 L St NW Your fair use and other rights are Suite 400 in no way affected by the above. Washington DC, 20037 United States +1 202 466 0573 © E3G 2020 Cover image Photo by qimono on Pixabay 2 ENERGY DIPLOMACY CHOICE S : NAV IGATING R I S K S A N D OPPORTUNITIES REPORT DECEMBER 2020 ENERGY DIPLOMACY BEYOND PIPELINES: NAVIGATING RISKS AND OPPORTUNITIES PIETER DE POUS, FELIX HEILMANN & LISA FISCHER 3 ENERGY DIPLOMACY CHOICE S : NAV IGATING R I S K S A N D OPPORTUNITIES Acknowledgements This project has received funding from the European Commission through a LIFE grant.
    [Show full text]
  • Energy Diplomacy
    Republic of Bulgaria Ministry of Foreign Aairs N DOCENDO DIPLOMATIC DISCIMUS INSTITUTE Е Energy Diplomacy W S FOREIGN AFFAIRS RESEARCH PAPERS March 2019 11 REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA Ministry of Foreign Affairs Diplomatic Institute Energy Diplomacy FOREIGN AFFAIRS RESEARCH PAPERS 11 March, 2019 This Journal is issued with the support of: Consultant: Slavtcho Neykov Editor: Stela Stancheva Prepress and Print: Alliance Print Ltd., Graphic Design and Cover: Alliance Print Ltd. Sofia, 2019 Published by: © Bulgarian Diplomatic Institute, 2019 http://bdi.mfa.government.bg Facebook: Bulgarian Diplomatic Institute Sofia ISBN 978-619-7200-13-3 CONTENTS Energy Diplomacy journal – Introduction……………………………………….6 Foreword by Slavtcho Neykov Energy security as a global policy concern – Historical development and evolution of the concept………………………………………………………..12 Velislava Dineva The Black Sea region – Energy security and connectivity……………………..27 Hristo Mihaylov Political and policy aspects of preferential energy prices at EU and national levels and Bulgaria’s approach…………………………………………………41 Kaloyan Staykov The EU Presidency and the Process of shaping up the Fourth Energy Package…………………………………………………………………………56 Hristiyana Popova DG Competition – The new European energy regulator? ..................................67 Assoc. Prof. Atanas Georgiev, PhD Hydropower and energy diplomacy on the edge – The dispute between Ukraine and Moldova over the Dniester River.................................................................75 Ion Efros Caspian Aspects of the Bulgarian
    [Show full text]
  • China's Energy Diplomacy and Its Impications for Global Energy Security
    Regional Governance Architecture FES Briefing Paper February 2006 Page 1 GLOBAL ENERGY SECURITY China’s Energy Diplomacy and its Implications for Global Energy Security XU QINHUA China’s Energy Diplomacy FES Briefing Paper 13 | August 2007 Page 2 1 Introduction areas of potential conflict. By comparing the framework for a global, cooperative energy poli- One of the five essential elements for the surviv- cy outlined in the “Petersburg Declaration” with al of people, energy functions as a core strategic China’s energy diplomacy, we can explore the material for national economies and social de- kinds of circumstances and conditions under velopment. The security of energy supply is not which China would be willing to contribute to only associated with the rapid growth of the solving global energy problems. economy in China but also with the overall secu- rity and strategic development of the nation. The 2 Overview of the Development of sustainable development of the Chinese econo- China’s Energy Industry: my is closely related to the sustainable develop- Achievements and Problems ment of the world economy. Thus China’s ener- gy security is a very important part of global Based on its development over the past fifty plus energy security; China’s energy diplomacy there- years, China’s energy industry has achieved an fore has great implications for global energy se- outcome that catches the attention of the entire curity. world. The capacity of energy supply has been strengthened step by step. In 2005, the total Owing to China’s rapid economic growth, along output of primary energy in China reached 2.06 with its increasing need for energy optimization, billion tons of standard coal, which was 87 times China’s crude oil consumption has multiplied.
    [Show full text]
  • End of the Concessionary Regime: Oil and American Power in Iraq, 1958‐1972
    THE END OF THE CONCESSIONARY REGIME: OIL AND AMERICAN POWER IN IRAQ, 1958‐1972 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND THE COMMITTEE ON GRADUATE STUDIES OF STANFORD UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Brandon Wolfe‐Hunnicutt March 2011 © 2011 by Brandon Roy Wolfe-Hunnicutt. All Rights Reserved. Re-distributed by Stanford University under license with the author. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- Noncommercial 3.0 United States License. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/us/ This dissertation is online at: http://purl.stanford.edu/tm772zz7352 ii I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Joel Beinin, Primary Adviser I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Barton Bernstein I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Gordon Chang I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Robert Vitalis Approved for the Stanford University Committee on Graduate Studies. Patricia J. Gumport, Vice Provost Graduate Education This signature page was generated electronically upon submission of this dissertation in electronic format.
    [Show full text]
  • European Upstream Energy Cooperation: Political Risk, Milieu-Shaping and Politico- Commercial Relations in the Caspian Sea Region
    EUROPEAN UPSTREAM ENERGY COOPERATION: POLITICAL RISK, MILIEU-SHAPING AND POLITICO- COMMERCIAL RELATIONS IN THE CASPIAN SEA REGION Edward James Armstrong Stoddard The thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Portsmouth. Submission: December 2013 ABSTRACT The development of an energy role for the European Union has been a divisive area of EU policy. The competing interests and differing perspectives of member states, EU institutions and commercial energy players have hampered the development of downstream European internal energy markets, obstructed the construction of mid-stream transportation routes that would diversify European energy supplies and hindered the EU’s ability to ‘speak with one voice’ towards major suppliers. However, despite widespread scholarly coverage of EU energy issues, the tri-lateral upstream interaction between European institutions, member states and energy companies in the countries where oil and gas are produced has received less academic attention. This thesis seeks to address this lacuna in the literature through an examination of upstream intra-EU cooperation in the Caspian region. This study finds that the EU’s upstream oil and gas policy in the Caspian is, relatively speaking, more coherent than many other areas of European energy policy. In the Caspian, European convergence forms, in particular, around the EU’s collective political risk mitigation and market facilitation role. Employing an interdisciplinary International Political Economy approach, the thesis examines how the EU’s model of European energy supply entails dependence on the commercial sector which compels political actors to support companies in strategic regions through milieu- shaping energy governance and commercial (energy) diplomacy.
    [Show full text]
  • Ideological Energy Diplomacy of India in Central Asia” Published by the China and Eurasian Forum Quarterly in Vol
    THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES “QUALITATIVE ENERGY DIPLOMACY” IN CENTRAL ASIA: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE POLICIES OF 1 THE UNITED STATES, RUSSIA, AND CHINA Simon Xu Hui Shen2 Associate Professor, Faculty of Arts and Sciences Hong Kong Institute of Education CNAPS Visiting Fellow, Hong Kong, Spring 2010 April 2011 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington D.C. 20036-2188 Tel: (202)797-6000 Fax: (202)797-2485 http://www.brookings.edu 1 This article is an additional and extended version of the article “Ideological Energy Diplomacy of India in Central Asia” published by the China and Eurasian Forum Quarterly in Vol. 8-1, 2010, pp. 95-110, when the author was invited to submit the version by colleagues in the journal’s publisher from Johns Hopkins University after making one of his presentations during his visiting fellowship at the Brookings Institution. A few frameworking sections of this paper therefore also appear in that journal article. 2 The author acknowledges research assistants Ms. Tracy Wong and Mr. Vincent Hung for their assistance in gathering information for this article, and the various experts interviewed who will be acknowledged individually throughout the paper. The comments and assistance given by Richard Bush, Kevin Scott, and other colleagues in the Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution are greatly appreciated. At the turn of the 21st century, Central Asia – especially Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan which are rich in oil and gas – has emerged as a new center of energy reserves. To compete for access to these resources in a pragmatic manner, the major powers also found it increasingly necessary to rationalize their ambitions qualitatively, if not necessarily ideologically.
    [Show full text]