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Faith-Based Organizations in New Orleans and Community Development

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Faith-Based Organizations in New Orleans and Community Development Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Master's Theses Graduate School 2005 Transforming the hood: faith-based organizations in New Orleans and community development Jaime Beth Petenko Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Petenko, Jaime Beth, "Transforming the hood: faith-based organizations in New Orleans and community development" (2005). LSU Master's Theses. 2739. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses/2739 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Master's Theses by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TRANSFORMING THE HOOD: FAITH-BASED ORGANIZATIONS IN NEW ORLEANS AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in The Department of Geography and Anthropology by Jaime Petenko B.A., University of Notre Dame, 2003 December 2005 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would first like to thank my advisor, Dr. Helen Regis, for her support, encouragement, and enthusiasm throughout this process. I would also like to thank my other committee members, Dr. Miles Richardson and Dr. Paul Farnsworth for their patience and guidance. I would like to thank the staff, especially Kevin Brown, Michael Robinson, Stephanie McLeish, and Kendrick Levy, at Trinity Christian Community, Urban Impact Ministries, and Desire Street Ministries for their time, honesty, and openness. I must also extend thanks to the numerous others I spoke with in New Orleans. Without these people and their invaluable input, this thesis would not be. I would also like to thank my family and friends. Thank you for your unconditional support and love in everything that I have attempted. You gave me the extra confidence and encouragement to finish when I needed it the most. Thank you also for putting up with all my complaints. This research was funded in part by Robert C. West Field Research Grant from the Department of Anthropology and Geography at Louisiana State University. This grant allowed me to travel back and forth to New Orleans numerous times. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………….....................................................................ii ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………….v CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………......….1 Methods…………………………………………………….…….10 Overview of Thesis………………………………………………14 2 DEFINING THE STREET…………………………………………...….16 Structural Oppression………………………………………….....16 Poverty and the Urban Underclass…………………………….…24 “New Orleans Street Culture”……………………………………32 3 THE CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT MOVEMENT…………………………………………………………....50 American Evangelicalism………………………………………..51 The Christian Community Development Association……….......54 The Bible……….……………………………………..….62 Relocation………………………………….…………..…64 Reconciliation……………………………….…………....67 Redistribution…………………………………………….69 Indigenous Leadership…………………………………...71 4 THE CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT MOVEMENT IN NEW ORLEANS………………………………….….73 Trinity Christian Community.........................................................73 Urban Impact Ministries…………………………………………82 Desire Street Ministries……………………………………….…91 5 A SPIRITUAL-BASED APPROACH TO COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT…………………………………………………...….101 Relocation and the Concept of Community………………….…101 Community Development and Spirituality………………….….111 Limitations to a Spiritual-based Approach…………………..…123 6 CREATING HOPE AND COLLECTIVE VISION……………………132 Documenting Hope…………………………………………..…132 Hope and Vision in New Orleans………………………........…137 iii 7 UNDERSTANDING RACE AND RACIAL RECONCILIATION.…..147 Anthropology, Race, and Racism……………………………....147 Racial Identity………….............................................................157 Racial Reconciliation………………………………………..…167 8 CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………172 REFERENCES……...…………………………………………………………….……181 VITA……………..………….………………………………………….………………197 iv ABSTRACT New Orleans is one of the most culturally unique cities in America. However, amidst its rich history and lively traditions, there exists extreme poverty and violence. The objective conditions of New Orleans such as poverty, unemployment, violence, poor healthcare, segregation, inadequate housing, drugs, and racism have created a cycle of despair that many in New Orleans cannot escape. These conditions are not isolated in New Orleans but reproduced and reinforced through the basic structure of American society, governmental and institutional policies, and ideologies. While all poor residents in New Orleans internalize and shape the oppression and marginalization they experience on a daily basis, some New Orleans residents have redefined the limitations, oppression, and exclusion they experience through violence, drugs, and a destructive lifestyle. The values, beliefs, ideals, and behaviors of these residents are often in direct opposition to mainstream culture. While only a small percentage of individuals in New Orleans embrace this type of lifestyle, their actions have powerful and influential effects on all residents in New Orleans. Throughout New Orleans, there are numerous community organizations that work to alleviate the conditions of poverty and provide outreach to at-risk youth. This research critically examines and evaluates the philosophies and community development efforts of three faith-based organizations in New Orleans. These faith-based organizations in New Orleans are Trinity Christian Community, Urban Impact Ministries, and Desire Street Ministries. All three organizations are part of the Christian Community v Development Movement, a national Christian movement dedicated to bringing the love of Christ to poor communities across the nation. The structure and mission of these organizations is shaped by their conservative Christian theologies and critical interpretation of the Bible. This research examines the ways ministers and staff at these organizations use Christian spirituality in their outreach and community development programs for youth in some of New Orleans’ poorest communities. The research also examines how the complex concepts of race and community impact the community development approaches of these organizations. vi CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION As an adult, I forgot how candid children can be. I forgot how they want to tell stories and share the details of their lives with people they trust and respect. After spending the summer working with inner-city children, I was constantly reminded of how much the children wanted to tell. Some of the children shared the saddest details of their lives because they had yet to realize their life circumstances were not normal. They had yet to develop the embarrassment and shame that plagues many teenagers and young adults living in similar circumstances. Others shared stories because they craved my attention. No matter their reasons for sharing, the children’s stories were all sadly very similar. To the children, it seemed an accepted part of life to have a father, brother, or uncle in prison. It was normal for them to have a relative who had been stabbed, shot, or even killed. It was part of life to have a baby at fifteen, a mother addicted to drugs, or a father selling drugs. The children would talk with one another and compare the ways their mothers’ beat them, arguing whether a belt or television antennae hurt worse. They would talk about where they live, one child sharing how he lived with his mom and seven brothers and sisters in a hotel room, three in one bed, four in the other, and him on the floor. And like all children, they shared their hopes and dreams for the future. While some of the children dreamt of being an architect or a chef, others shared their visions of joining a gang, living in prison, or getting shot on the streets. While the children I worked with this summer were from New Jersey, their stories are no different than children living in impoverished inner city ghettos all over the 1 country. Statistics alone, without the real-life narratives, are shocking. One would expect children living in America, one of the richest nations in the world, to at the very minimum have their basic needs met. However, despite the international economic prowess of America, there are astonishingly high levels of poverty within this country. While the average rate of poverty across America is 12.7%, some areas of the country experience rates double and triple this average. Of the 37 million Americans living in poverty, 15.3 million Americans live in extreme poverty, defined by incomes halfway below the poverty line (US Census Bureau 2005b: 10). While numbers are shocking and speak to the extent of poverty in America, they do not compare to the real life moments when one sees a child picking through the garbage for uneaten fruit or stealing food out of the kitchen for his brothers and sisters at home. Poverty, in a very simple sense, is a matter of economics. Although there are numerous other issues, conditions, and factors related to poverty, at its most basic level, poverty is the lack of money to meet all of one’s needs. In using the term lower class to describe those living in poverty, the term is only a reference
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