Defending the 'Whole Man': The Religious Ideas and Incentives of U.S. Senator Barry M. Goldwater, 1952-1964

by

James P. Barry

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Appendices - Copyright Releases (if applicable) TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vi

CHAPTER 1 1 INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER 2 15 THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF "GOLDWATERISM"

CHAPTER 3 41 U.S. SENATOR BARRY M. GOLDWATER ON THE TECHNOCRATIC STATE AND THE WELFARE OF THE INDIVIDUAL

CHAPTER 4 68 U.S. SENATOR BARRY M. GOLDWATER ON THE SOVIET MODEL AND THE "TRUTH OF GOD'S CREATION"

CHAPTER 5 93 U.S. SENATOR BARRY M. GOLDWATER AND THE MORAL-VOLUNTARY PRINCIPLE

CHAPTER 6 118 CONCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY 123

IV ABSTRACT

In the last years of his legislative career, United States Senator Barry M.

Goldwater criticized the integration of conservative Christian activists into the

Republican electoral coalition. The five-term U.S. senator from Arizona (1953-1965,

1969-1987) and 1964 Republican presidential nominee charged that the incursions of organized religious bodies into the political process represented a threat to individual liberties and rights. His dispute with the "Christian Right" shaped how scholars thereafter interpreted his ideas in the period from his first election to the U.S. Senate through the defeat of his 1964 presidential bid.

Though Goldwater is credited with igniting the modern U.S. conservative movement, analyses of his critiques remain limited. In particular, the great extent to which religious ideals permeated his thought is denied. This study argues that Goldwater not only found meaning and incentive in religious faith, but that his attitudes in and toward politics were infused with ideas and emotions related to America's particular, and peculiar, Protestant heritage. It is hoped that this analysis will shed light on a critical aspect of the senator's thought and stimulate the reader to an increased awareness of the complexity of the Protestant perspective in U.S. conservative politics.

v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Jason LaBau, Hubert Villeneuve, Rebekah Tabah, Susan Irwin, and Linda Whitaker at the Arizona Historical Foundation for her very generous guidance and keen interest in the development of this project.

I am also grateful to the Faculty of Graduate Studies at Dalhousie University, to my readers, Dr. Krista Kesselring and Dr. David Evans, and to my wonderful advisor Dr. Sarah-Jane Corke, whose selfless efforts have made me a better writer and a more thoughtful student of American history.

My greatest debt, however, is to my parents, Jim and Judi Barry, and to my sister Kelly George, for their love and support.

VI 1

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

On the morning of Sunday, September 27, 1964, the Rev. William Syndor, rector of the Christ Church of Alexandria, Virginia, provoked a "walk out" by some of his parishioners when he used his sermon to attack the presidential candidacy of U.S. Senator

Barry M. Goldwater. "When one listens to or reads Senator Goldwater," said Syndor,

"one finds that respect for God's law is ignored with conscienceless abandon." As

Episcopal clergymen like Syndor urged "all religious people to work for the defeat of

Senator Goldwater," journals of mainline Protestant opinion expressed their opposition to a presidential candidate who they believed had "set himself against the judgments of the

Christian church."1 In fact, the "religious issue" of 1964 was as intense within mainline

Protestant churches as the "Catholic question" of I9602 had been within fundamentalist bodies.3 A life-long Episcopalian, Goldwater was attacked by left-leaning clerics and

Mainline Protestant journals that stated their editorial opposition to Goldwater include The Churchman and The Witness (Episcopalian), Christian Century and Christianity and Crisis Interdenominational), and the United Church Herald (United Church of Christ). Seymour P. Lachman, "Barry Goldwater and the 1964 Religious Issue," Church and State 10 (1968): 398-401. In the fall of 1960, U.S. Senator John F. Kennedy became the first Roman Catholic elected to the presidency of the United States. As James Ward Smith and E. Leland Jamison have noted, within mainline Protestant churches most clergymen urged their communicants to act "maturely" and to "keep religion out" of the campaign so as to avoid a recurrence of the bigotry that confronted New York Governor Alfred E. Smith, who was the first Roman Catholic ever nominated for the presidency in 1928. But throughout the fall of 1960, Smith and Jamison noted a rise in "irresponsible slander and canard" against Kennedy in the nebulous area of right-wing religion they called the "Protestant underground." James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison, "Introduction" in The Shaping of American Religion, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 8-9. In this study "mainline bodies" are considered to be the top nine churches that taken together accounted for well over 50 per cent delegate attendance at General Board Meetings of the National Council of Churches of Christ in America (NCC) from 1960 to 2

church people for criticizing a post-war consensus closely aligned with the policies enunciated by liberal, activist ecumenical bodies like the National Council of Churches of

Christ in America (NCC). It was because of the "special and extenuating circumstances" brought by the Goldwater candidacy, insisted the editor of the United Church Herald, that so many clergymen had felt compelled to speak out in defence of the "overwhelming consensus of Christian social doctrines" in the post-war period.

Goldwater countered that such clerics were "speaking out of turn" and went on to blast ecclesiastical "meddling" in political affairs.5 If the original intent of the

Establishment Clause of the U.S. Constitution remained in dispute, he thought, the "wall of separation" between church and state had at least cast a shadow of guilt upon church participation in political affairs. It was a charge that he revived in the 1980s as he cautioned Americans against the threats inherent in the "uncompromising idealism of

[right-leaning] religious groups." As fundamentalist bodies ascended in the ranks of political protagonists in the last years of his legislative career, the senator iterated his opposition to the efforts of "political preachers... to force government leaders into following their positions." As he neared his retirement, he became increasingly vocal in his opposition to the "Christian Right" and in his defence of abortion rights, threatening

1966. These bodies included the Methodist Church, the Episcopal Church, the Lutheran Church in America, the Disciples of Christ, the American Baptist Convention, the United Church of Christ, the Evangelical United Brethren Church, the Presbyterian Church in the U.S., and the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. Henry J. Pratt, The Liberalization of American Protestantism: A Case Study in Complex Organizations (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1972), 52-53. 4 Lachman, "Barry Goldwater and the 1964 Religious Issue," 401. 5 Barry Goldwater, "Politics... and the Church?" A Film from the Personal and Political Papers of Senator Barry M. Goldwater, Arizona Historical Foundation, Tempe, Arizona (hereafter referred to as AHF). 3

to fight church activists "every step of the way" if they tried to "dictate their moral convictions to all Americans in the name of conservatism."6 He indeed went on to resist the integration of conservative Christian activists into the Republican electoral fold beyond his retirement in 1987.

The result of these disputes has been a historiographical record that denies the great depth and breadth of religious influences in the senator's thought. It has been acknowledged that in the period from his first election to the U.S. Senate in 1952 through his defeat in the 1964 presidential contest, he consecrated himself to the defence of what he exalted as the "ultimate and undeniable greatness of the whole man.'1''1 Though his

o presidential bid was defeated in the sixth-largest landslide in U.S. electoral history, his strident critique of the post-war policy consensus is credited with igniting the modern conservative movement. Celebrated in a 1958 edition of the Saturday Evening Post as

Barry Goldwater as quoted in Robert Alan Goldberg, Barry Goldwater (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 315. U.S. Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona accepts the Republican Nomination for President in San Francisco, California, July 13 to July 16, 1964, in Lend Me Your Ears: Great Speeches in History, Updated and Expanded, ed. William Satire (New York and London: W.W. Norton & Company, 2004), 978. Emphasis is in original text. The 1964 presidential election was the sixth most lopsided race in electoral votes and the fifth most in popular vote. Goldwater and his running mate, U.S. Representative William E. Miller of New York, secured 38.5 per cent of the popular vote and 52 electoral votes versus 61.1 percent of the popular vote and 486 electoral votes for Democratic incumbent President Lyndon B. Johnson and running mate, the U.S. Senator from Minnesota Hubert H. Humphrey. The Republican ticket secured slim popular vote majorities in only six states: Goldwater's home state of Arizona, plus Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia and South Carolina. See Rick Perlstein, Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus (New York: Hill and Wang, 2001); Lee Edwards, Goldwater: The Man Who Made a Revolution (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Publishing, Inc., 1995); Robert Allen Goldberg, Barry Goldwater (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995); Lisa McGirr, Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001); Mary C. Brennan, Turning Right in the Sixties: The 4

the "Glittering Mr. Goldwater," Arizona's "aggressive, articulate [and] colorful... free - swinging verbal battler" was standard-bearer of an effort that would wrest control of the

GOP from so-called "moderates" of the eastern seaboard.10 Insisting that "extremism in the defence of liberty is no vice" and that "moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue," he urged Republicans to "preserve and extend freedom" by repealing the welfare state and by defeating "the Soviet menace."11 In his 127-page hardback manifesto The

Conscience of a Conservative, published in 1960, he charged that the communist and the

"gentler collectivist" alike held an "absolutely wrong view of man, his nature, and his destiny," and called on Americans to enlist in a struggle to defend the individual against the encroachments of the collective.12

It has not been acknowledged, however, that the "ideal purposes" for which he fought extended from a Protestant heritage and that he found meaning and incentive in religious faith. He averred faith in God as the "author of freedom," regarded the natural beauty of Arizona as a reflection of the "sovereignty of God," and sought to rescind every indication of a world in which "earthly power can be substituted for divine will."13 He charged that the "collectivists.. .non-communists as well as communists" sought to "play

God with the human race," and defended a view of life as a "pilgrim's progress" of the

Conservative Capture of the GOP (Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995); Kurt Schuparra, Triumph of the Right: The Rise of the California Conservative Movement, 1945-1966 (London: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1998). 10 Paul F. Healey, "The Glittering Mr. Goldwater," The Saturday Evening Post (1958), Goldwater: Personal, Senate Campaigns, News clippings, Articles 1957-58. Box 1. AHF. 11 Satire, Lend Me Your Ears, 979. Barry Goldwater, The Conscience of a Conservative (Shepherdsville: Victor Publishing Company Inc., 1960), 81, 5. 13 Ibid., 980. 5

individual spirit. In fact, the Protestant-orientation of the senator's Weltanschauung is most striking in his view of life as a process of "forever falling [and] forever being raised again" in which everything is spiritual movement and everything a becoming.15 It was through toil and ascetic self-discipline, through inner turnings and "changes of heart," he believed, that the "whole man" fortified his spiritual fiber against bis proclivities for sin.

He insisted that man was a "spiritual creature with spiritual desires," and that the nourishment of the spiritual or "superior side of man's nature" take precedence over his quantitative or material wants. Moved by a commitment to the infinite and by a conviction that a living God is at work in human affairs, he sought to re-establish "the dignity of man" through an appeal to the inward moral sense of the individual.

This analysis does not attempt to ascribe to the senator a particular theology or sectarian identification. It is critical, however, that the distinctive feature of his faith was movement. As H. Richard Niebuhr has noted, between the polarities of order and movement and of structure and process, it is the Protestant that tends toward the dynamic side. His partner in Christendom, the Roman Catholic, wrote Niebuhr, is oriented with equal consistency toward the opposite pole as recipient of a truth once and for all revealed within an established order of constant and known laws.17 The senator saw faith

14 Ibid., 63. 15 H. Richard Niebuhr, "The Protestant Movement and Democracy in the United States," in The Shaping of American Religion, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 23. Goldwater, Conscience, 2-3. Emphasis is in original text. It should be noted that there is no scholarly consensus as to how a Protestant orientation is to be distinguished. Niebuhr's use of "movement" and "process" as the most basic and distinctive trait of a Protestant faith is accepted in this study as the most meaningful and least restrictive way to characterize the senator's religious ideas. For additional insight 6

not as a millennial structure defying perennial tempests, but as a "tabernacle set up on the march night after night [and] struck down again morning after morning." He refused the structural and the material, exalting a view of life as movements of the spirit, and of the creation and fall and re-creation of the individual as a "child of Almighty God."19 Though beset by original sin, he urged the afflicted pilgrim to attune himself to God through his toil, self-restraint and the force of his will. His rhetoric was hortatory in its appeal, suffused with emotion, and fervently addressed to the moral decision of the individual will.

The arguments that unfold in this analysis not only lend new insight into the senator's life, but shed light on the extent to which religious ideas and emotions have permeated the temper of the American people. In his 1962 study Anti-Intellectualism in

American Life, Richard Hofstadter argued that "The American mind was shaped in the mold of early modern Protestantism," and the scholars and theologians of the 1961 anthologies The Shaping of American Religion and Religious Perspectives in American

Culture have analysed the "righteous, idealistic, active, individualistic spirit" of

Protestantism as a "flame [that] has burnt into the national consciousness."20 As Niebuhr has stated, the often instinctive affirmations and negations of the American mind reveal into this view of the Protestant tradition in the United States, see Martin E. Marty, The Protestant Voice in American Pluralism (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2004). 18 Niebuhr, "The Protestant Movement," 23. 19 Stephen C. Shadegg, "And to the Republic," a speech delivered to the Central District - Federation of Women's Clubs of Arizona, April 28, 1957. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection, Box 54. Stephen Shadegg Speeches and Misc. Information. AHF. Richard Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism in American Life (London: Jonathan Cape, 1964), 55. and William Lee Miller, "American Religion and American Political Attitudes," in American Religion and American Political Attitudes, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 81. 7

unique "somethings" derived from the nation's religious heritage. But scholars' efforts to be specific in describing the enduring legacy of these great congeries of Christian belief have been defied by their complexity and by their breath of range. The nation's

Protestant heritage, they argued, in all of its unfixed, moving heterogeneity, is felt in classrooms and courts of law, in art and in motion pictures, and, as this study will indicate, it is perceptible in political oratory and in the caucuses of politicians. It is rarely explicit or simple; it is often subtle and indirect, resisting efforts to be ordered into neat or ridged schemes.

Such an inquiry, however, must begin by clarifying the sense in which the word

"religion" is intended, for it is a word that has been used, and continues to be used, in a wide variety of ways. In their preface to The Shaping of American Religion, the first of a series of anthologies published in 1961 under the title Religion in American Life, editors

James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison selected three definitions of the term which apply to this study. In its most limited sense, they wrote, "religion" refers to the service and adoration of a god as expressed in forms of worship and in obedience to divine commands. It can also indicate an "apprehension, awareness, or conviction of supernatural powers or influences, controlling one's own, humanity's, or nature's destiny." In a third sense, wrote Smith and Jamison, "religion" can be thought of non- metaphysically, as a "pursuit, an object of pursuit, a principle," or the like, followed with

"religious zeal, conscientiousness or fidelity." This meaning accepts as "religion" any

For an extensive discussion of the relation between the Protestant heritage of the United States and its democracy, see H. Richard Niebuhr, The Kingdom of God in America (New York: Harper Press, 1959) and "The Protestant Movement and Democracy in the United States," in The Shaping of American Religion, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961). 8

overriding commitment central to the life of an individual that arouses self-sacrificing

99 feelings such as "great faith, devotion, or fervor." It is the intent of this study to indicate the manifold ways in which Goldwater's faith in and fervor for certain "ideal purposes" were inspired by the "religion" implied in the first and second sense of the word set out by Smith and Jamison.

The senator's apprehension and awareness of the divine were shaped in his boyhood by his mother, Josephine. His father, Baron Goldwater, an affluent Phoenix retailer, was "stolid, stodgy, and sober," and pled ignorance to his wife's queries about the Jewish faith in which he had been raised.24 He saw to it that his son was baptised in the Episcopal Church but left the child's religious rearing to his wife, a mid-western

Presbyterian of a "spirit more sturdy than her appearance," who was determined to impart to her son all that his father would not. "I never really knew my father," Goldwater • • 9ft recalled later in life, "[but] with Mun it was different." She strove to instill in her son a

"tough-minded independence and self-sufficiency" on trips into the state's arid backcountry where she taught him to camp and to hunt, and acquainted him with the

99 James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison, "Introduction," in The Shaping of American Religion, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 3. 9^ This characterization was made by former Arizona Governor Jack Williams in a December 16, 1991 interview with the senator's biographer Robert Alan Goldberg, as quoted in Robert Alan Goldberg, Barry Goldwater (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 28. 24 Ibid., 26. 9S Stephen C. Shadegg, Barry Goldwater: Freedom is his Flight Plan (New York: Fleet Publishing Corporation, 1962), 69., and Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, 26. Shadegg, Freedom is his Flight Plan, 76. 9

animistic ways of the state's Hopi and Navajo peoples.27 She reinforced his apprehension of the unity of nature and the divine, advising him that he could "find God walking through the desert, or walking through the forest, or climbing the mountains just as easily

•jo as [he could] find God in a church." He went on to ruminate about the presence of God in nature throughout his life, taking retreats into the desert to reflect on the peace of

"broad expanses where there is nothing but the Lord and the wind."

He was thus able to profess to be "a very religious man," but one who did not attend church every Sunday.30 Indeed, he developed no interest in theology and when elected as a lay delegate to an Episcopal synod, he had to ask his adviser Stephen C.

Shadegg, "What does this mean and what do I do?" But he remained a congregant and benefactor of the Trinity Episcopal Church in Phoenix where as a boy he had served as an acolyte under the Rt. Rev. William Scarlett, later Bishop of Missouri, and the Very Rev.

Hebert L. Johnson.32 As a senator, he availed of the counsel of his pastor, the Rt. Rev.

Indeed, it was on such a sojourn into Hopi territory that as a child Goldwater acquired the first of what would be a collection of more than four-hundred Kachina dolls, the religious figures of the Hopi representing the spirits of nature. Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, 26. 28 Ibid., 27. 29 Ibid., 32. Jim Shahin as quoted in Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, 27. Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, 27. Goldwater donated regularly to the Episcopal Diocese of Arizona, established the Baron and Josephine W. Goldwater Fund to build Episcopal Churches throughout the state, and was thanked by Harte in 1971 for his gift to pay off the Bishop's mortgage. See Letter from the Rt. Rev. Joseph M. Harte, D.D., S.T.D., The Bishop of Arizona, February 7, 1967, to the Honorable Barry Goldwater, in Goldwater, Personal, Alpha Files - Harte, Joseph M. 1964-1980, Harte-Hollings, Box 7, AHF; Letter from the Rt. Rev. Joseph M. Harte, D.D., S.T.D., The Bishop of Arizona, Pentecost 1972, to Peggy and Barry [Goldwater], in Goldwater, Personal, Alpha Files - Harte, Joseph M. 1964-1980, Harte- Hollings, Box 7, AHF; and "The Living Church, Ninth Sunday after Trinity, July 26, 10

Joseph M. Harte, who he praised in private correspondence as a "staunch, loyal

Republican [and] a conservative."33 Harte instilled in Goldwater a belief that morality was "to be measured in the acts of man-to-man charity and person-to-person justice performed on an individual basis," motivated by the "desire of the free individual to serve his God and to love his fellow men."34 Both were advocates of The Foundation for

Christian Theology (FCT), a group of conservative Episcopal clergy and laymen founded in opposition to the statist, decidedly non-individualistic precepts of the NCC.35

The most formative influence on Goldwater's ideas about God and the Church in the years 1952 through 1964, however, was Stephen C. Shadegg, who often served as his speechwriter, as manager of his 1952 and 1958 senate campaigns, and as manager of his

1960 presidential campaign.36 Shadegg became Chairman of the Arizona State

Republican Party in 1960 and acted as Western Regional Director of Goldwater's 1964 presidential bid. By 1962, he had traveled more than 100,000 miles in the service of the

1964," Goldwater, Personal, Alpha Files - Harte, Joseph M. 1964-1980, Harte-Hollings, Box 7, AHF. Letter of February 8, 1972 from Goldwater to The Honorable Robert Dole, Goldwater, Personal, Alpha Files - Harte, Joseph M. 1964-1980, Harte-Hollings, Box 7, AHF. "The Living Church, Ninth Sunday after Trinity, July 26, 1964," Goldwater, Personal, Alpha Files - Harte, Joseph M. 1964-1980, Harte-Hollings, Box 7, AHF. Emphasis added. 35 Barry Goldwater, "Politics... and the Church?" A Film from the Personal and Political Papers of Senator Barry M. Goldwater, AHF. It must be noted that although Shadegg often served as the senator's speechwriter, it is clear from private correspondence that the relationship between the two men was highly collaborative. Letters sent between Goldwater and Shadegg indicate that the senator was engaged in the development and expression of the views articulated in speeches authored by Shadegg. See for example Letter from Barry Goldwater to Stephen C. Shadegg of January 20, 1960, Goldwater, Personal, Shadegg, Stephen, 1958-1960, Box 9, AHF; Letter from Barry Goldwater to Stephen C. Shadegg of September 5, 1961, Goldwater, Personal, Shadegg, Stephen, 1961, Box 9, AHF; Letter from Stephen C. Shadegg to Editors, Saturday Evening Post, February 20, 1963, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection, Charter Oak Insurance, Misc, Trip to Africa, Realism in Political Tracks, etc., Box 92, AHF. 11

Episcopal Church since 1952, serving as a vestry man, warden, and chairman of layman's work in Arizona, as well as a chairman of laymen's work in the church's 8th Province, made up of the eight western states. Shadegg had held laymen's training programs in a dozen different dioceses and was one of four laymen in the United States elected to serve on the National Council of Churches of the Protestant Episcopal Church. He was quick to note, "This is not the National Council of Churches of Christ," for like the senator, he was "strongly critical of the political pronouncements of [that] body." Described by some of his fellow churchmen as "too conservative to be a Christian," Shadegg wrote lengthy invectives against the "heretical apostasy" of the "Social Gospel" and of liberal

TO clergy affiliated with the NCC. As public remarks and private correspondence indicate, both men were antipathetic toward the "politization of the church" by left-leaning ecumenical bodies like the council.

A national director of the Brotherhood of St. Andrew and a licensed lay reader,40

Shadegg's efforts were essential to the ferment and fusing of Goldwater's conservative

IT Stephen C. Shadegg Collection, "Where I Stand," a speech from the unprocessed personal and political papers of Steven C. Shadegg at the AHF. See for example How Red is the Federal Council of Churches? and The Liberal Heresy by Stephen C. Shadegg, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection, Box 94, Charter Oak Insurance, Misc, Trip to Africa, Realism in Political Tracks, AHF. See also Letter from Stephen C. Shadegg to Editors, Saturday Evening Post of February 20, 1963, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection, Box 92, Charter Oak Insurance, Misc, Trip to Africa, Realism in Political Tracks, AHF. Copy of an unfinished manuscript written by Shadegg, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc - See List, Copies of Goldwater speeches '50s or U.S. Papers, Box 193, Magazines and Political Reports. AHF. 4 The Brotherhood of St. Andrew is a missionary and evangelism ministry of the Episcopal Church and Anglican Communion. It is the oldest evangelistic ministry of the Episcopal Church dedicated to bringing men and boys to the faith. 12

instincts with his ideas about God and the Church. In a July 30, 1964 letter to Shadegg, the senator acknowledged that his "understanding of Conservatism [had been] greatly enhanced by [their] relationship."42 A review of Shadegg's writings as an Episcopal missioner reveal not only a thorough grasp of theology and Anglican ecclesiology, but the same concentration on "selves in their solitariness" that is so typical of the Protestant view of life articulated by the senator.43 His influence is apparent in the senator's view of man as a spiritual creature and much "more than animal," and that he makes his way through life beset by a "continuous and consistent struggle between good and evil, between [his] noble aspirations, and base desires."44 Goldwater's frequent scorning of the material and the technocratic in the post-war period were also likely shaped and reinforced by Shadegg's influence. As an active Episcopal layman, Shadegg gave theological expression to the gropings of Goldwater's religious consciousness, putting to paper the visceral affirmations and negations of his Protestant-oriented mind.

After an analysis of the issue's inchoate historiography, the second of the four chapters presented in this study looks at the influence of religion on Goldwater's

"structured view of the human being" as a "whole man," by analysing his critique of the welfare state and technocracy as affronts to the "spiritual side" of human nature. He not

Stephen C. Shadegg, "This I believe, Republican for U.S. Senator," a speech from the Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc. See list of Goldwater Speeches, 1950s. AHF. 42 Letter from Goldwater to Stephen C. Shadegg, Dictated en route to California on July 30, 1964, Transcribed in Washington on August 3, 1964, Goldwater, Personal, Correspondence, Shadegg, Stephen, 1963-1964, Box. 10. AHF. 43 The personal and political papers of Stephen C. Shadegg are available at the Arizona Historical Foundation and the University of Texas at Austin. Documents from the AHF collection have been used considerably throughout this study. 44 Speech delivered by Stephen C. Shadegg, Whittier College, January 9, 1962, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection, Shadegg Speeches 1957-1965, Box 40. AHF. 13

only exalted piety, toil, self-discipline, and other virtues nurtured by the evangelical heritage of an untamed and unfenced frontier, but cautioned against material preoccupations as a sort of idolatry. The next chapter follows the aforementioned critique of the materialist or physicalist ideal to its purest manifestation in the Soviet model. It is argued that, between 1952 and 1964, Goldwater viewed the Cold War as a "religious conflict," in which the United States, in the Biblical mould of a "promised land," was bound to fight the model of dialectical materialism as a "false promise."45 In the last chapter, his antagonist is not a materialist or a physicalist actor but a church group, the aforementioned NCC. It is intended that the last analysis will reconcile how the senator, so moved by religious ideas and a faith in God, could be strident in his critique of the incursions of Christian activists and ecumenical bodies like the NCC into the political process. It will recall and re-enforce certain key ideas latent throughout this study, clarifying a critical aspect of Goldwater's thought and motivations that remains highly ambiguous and not yet clearly defined.

Indeed, scholarly interpretation of the issue has failed to grasp the very nature of the senator's religious mindset. It will be demonstrated that in spite of his scathing attacks on the incursions of church people in political affairs, he felt that "religion is more closely related to [the American] form of government than any form of government in the history of man."46 It will also be established that there existed a fundamental unity in

Goldwater's faith in God and his unvarying concentration on the individual. He called for

45 Goldwater, Conscience, 2. And Barry Goldwater, "What Price Social Welfare?" Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks 1959-60. Box 2. AHF. Barry Goldwater, "Politics... and the Church?" A Film from the Personal and Political Papers of Senator Barry M. Goldwater, AHF. 14

a positive freedom for spiritual growth centred on the moral decision of the individual will rather than a negative freedom from external restraint in questions of morality. In order to hold a genuinely exalted view of the "dignity" and "worth" of the individual, it must be remembered, a high view must also be held of his importance in making himself,

"withstanding the gales and rains" as a pilgrim, and determining his history. His profound

- and extraordinarily consistent - faith in and concern for the spiritual constitution of the individual never degenerated, as Protestant social concern so often does, into a moral

"crusade" or a revivalistic rousing of energies against anything but that which would restrict the "God-given individual dignity and rights" of man as a "child of Almighty

God." It is hoped that this study will not only illuminate a critical aspect of the senator's thought, but shed new light on the complexity of the Protestant perspective in American politics.

47 Barry Goldwater, "Suggested Declaration of Republican Principles Submitted to the Republican Platform Committee," Chicago, 111. July 19,1960, Steven C. Shadegg Collection (Also 1952 and 1956 campaign materials). Box 145, Misc. See List of Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. AHF., and Stephen C. Shadegg, "And to the Republic," A speech delivered to the Central District - Federation of Women's Clubs of Arizona, April, 28, 1957, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection, Box 54. Stephen Shadegg Speeches and Misc. Information. AHF. 15

CHAPTER 2: THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF "GOLDWATERISM"

In his historiographical essay The Problem of American Conservatism (1994),

Alan Brinkley indicated a critical misreading of the post-war right which this chapter intends to rectify. Brinkley wrote that the "dramatic resurgence of [religious] fundamentalism as a social and political force took almost all liberals (and almost all historians) by surprise when it emerged in the 1970s." Indeed, the "suddenly powerful assaults" on such signs of "progress" as the secularization of popular culture, the teaching of evolution, and respect for the doctrine of the separation of church and state, he recalled, "surprised and even baffled" most scholars. The emergence of the so-called

Christian Right was all the more puzzling, wrote Brinkley, because its demands were so often couched in rhetoric reproving an intrusive state or an alien "cultural elite" for its incursions into the lives of individuals and communities.1 In fact, the forces at play in the

Christian Right of the 1970's had been ubiquitous throughout the post-war period, and the movement had not "emerged," as Brinkley put it, but grew and institutionalized itself." It was the flawed methodology of first "Progressive" and later "Consensus" scholars that obscured the profound religious-orientation of the post-war right and failed to note its powerful expression in the 1964 presidential candidacy of U.S. Senator Barry

M. Goldwater of Arizona.

Alan Brinkley, "The Problem of American Conservatism," The American Historical Review, 99:2 (April 1994): 411. Mary C. Brennan, Turning Right in the Sixties: The Conservative Capture of the GOP (Chapel Hill & London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 142. 16

Indeed, the post-war right has remained, as Brinkley put it, "something of an orphan in historical scholarship."3 Though he cited a number of factors to account for the

"problem of American conservatism," it was primarily the "cosmopolitan sensibility" of post-war intellectuals, he argued, that prevented any serious analysis of conservative lives and ideas.4 The right has always been particularly baffling, he explained, "to those historians who (and most do) stand outside it and try to make sense ofit."5Asthis chapter will indicate, the liberal-progressive assumptions embedded in the leading paradigms with which historians have approached the subject have obscured sound analysis of the right, particularly with respect to its religious orientation. In the post-war period, the "radical Right," the "New Right," or the "pseudo-conservative revolt" was identified by scholars as some sort of effort to preserve socio-economic status in the post- industrial era. The reluctance to seek out faith-based ideas and incentives in the post-war right reflected a broader loss of religious consciousness by an intellectual avant-garde that insisted that "God [was] dead" and that American society had entered into a "post-

Christian era."6 These scholars not only lauded the triumph of the liberal-progressive state, but remained ignorant of its chronic frailty and of its difficulty in retaining popular loyalties.

Brinkley, "The Problem of American Conservatism," 409. 4 Ibid., 417-418. Brinkley suggested that the reason what American conservatism had been neglected by scholars was not only due to the lack of sympathy they felt for the movement, but also because of the relatively late emergence of conservatism as a serious intellectual force in its own right. Also important, he noted, was the mistaken view taken by scholars that regionalism, like religion, was a declining force, overwhelmed by economic centralization and mass culture. The history of post-war conservatism, Brinkley noted, and in particular its close ties to the American West, suggests otherwise. 5 Ibid., 414. 6 James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison, "Introduction," in The Shaping of American Religion, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 5. 17

If the historiographical record of the post-war right remains inchoate, analysis of what has been called "Goldwaterism" is particularly limited.7 The same scholars who dismissed the post-war right as an irrational or semi-rational aberration from a firmly established liberal-pluralist consensus disparaged its standard-bearer as a "reckless primitive"8 whose limited appeal did not merit thoughtful analysis. In his October 8, 1964 essay for the New York Review of Books, historian Richard Hofstadter dismissed the

Republican presidential nominee of that year as representative of a "minority point of view which [was] not even preponderant in his own party." The development of "a mind so out of key with the basic tonalities of [American] political life," he argued, was no simple thing for which to account. He conceded that he was perplexed by such a mind and unable to explain its "audacious veerings" or its "lust for banalities and absurdities."

The senator's ideas were "so bizarre, so archaic, so self-confounding,[and] so remote from the basic American consensus," argued Hofstadter, that they resisted extensive analysis. It was because of such dismissive attitudes within intellectual circles that insight into the senator's beliefs has remained limited.

Throughout the post-war period, Goldwater was characterized as an example of what Theodore W. Adorno and Richard Hofstadter called the "pseudo-conservative."10

The pseudo-conservative was a "rightist authoritarian," wrote the historian Peter Viereck,

7 William G. Carleton, "The Century of Technocracy," The Antioch Review 25:4 (1965): 505. Lionel Lokos, Hysteria 1964: The Fear Campaign Against Barry Goldwater (New Rochelle, New York: Arlington House, 1967), 17. Richard Hofstadter, "A Long View: Goldwater in History," New York Review of Books, October 8, 1964. Theodore W. Adorno, The Authoritarian Personality (New York: Harper and Row, 1950), 675-676. 18

distinguishable from a "genuine Burke-Adams conservative"11 by his profound, if largely unconscious, hatred of post-industrial society. The sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset also related the senator to what he called the "radical right," asserting that he was "leader of the one major conservative tendency the Birchers see as appropriate to the American tradition."12 David Riesman, also a sociologist, agreed that although Goldwater's genial tone was unlike the sectarian and secretive ways of factions like the John Birch Society,

1 Q his ideas were nevertheless aligned with the "malaise of the more angrily discontented."

In order to account for the inattention to faith-based ideas and incentives in the senator's thought it is therefore critical to look at how scholars interpreted the post-war right with which he was identified. In this chapter, it will be demonstrated that the religious orientation of Goldwater's thought has been obscured by the "post-Christian" interpretative models held by scholars.

11 Viereck is referring to the politics of Whig parliamentarian and political theorist Edmund Burke and of John Adams, the second President of the United States. The "conservatism" of both men, Viereck argued, could be differentiated from most post-war understandings of conservatism in America by its devotion to civil liberties and to its aversion to swift and radical change. Peter Viereck, "The Philosophical 'News Conservatism'" in The Radical Right: The New American Right, Expanded and Updated, ed. Daniel Bell (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1963), 164-165. 12 The John Birch Society was a right-wing grassroots political education and action organization founded in 1958 by Robert W. Welch, Jr. in Indianapolis, Indiana. Lipset described the JBS as having "virulent and extremist ideology" of "radical-rightist" tendencies that was most notable in its fierce opposition to and paranoid attacks against suspected communists. The paranoiac tendencies of the JBS, wrote Lipset, were associated with an apocalyptic and aggressive outlook derived from a sense of alienation from the modern world. Seymour Martin Lipset, "Three Decades of the Radical Right: Coughlinites, McCarthyites, and Birchers," in The Radical Right: The New American Right, Expanded and Updated, ed. Daniel Bell (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1963) and Benjamin R. Epstein and Arnold Foster, The Radical Right: Report on the John Birch Society and its Allies (New York: Random House, 1967). 13 David Riesman, "The Intellectuals and the Discontented Classes: Some Further Reflections - 1962" in The Radical Right: The New American Right Expanded and Updated, ed. Daniel Bell (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc.), 129. 19

At the turn of the last century, three ideological currents merged to create the intellectual climate in which the post-war right and its key figures would be interpreted.

The oldest of these was a Calvinistic Protestant tradition modified by denominational influences.14 As Stow Parsons recounted in Religion and Modernity, 1865-1914, the religious life of the period was presided over by somnolent ecclesiastical establishments aroused only by outbursts of industrial violence and depression. The era's Protestant churches had been shaped by the populist ideal and by strong currents of naturalistic theories that complemented faith in the steady ascent of man from conditions of primitive simplicity and irrationality to progressive, organized mass society.16 Even though they actively defended the "Progressive" point of view, Protestant ecclesiastical establishments implicitly acknowledged their peripheral position with respect to it.17 As

Protestant intellectuals strove to adapt their theology to the concerns of a more cultivated, post-Darwinian age, the "religious" impulse in American life was increasingly presumed by scholars to be aligned with their own liberal-progressive presuppositions. It was, recalled Parsons, convenient for scholars to assume that all had committed to the post- industrial ethos of "modernity" and that even the religious bore its distinctive stamp.18

The scholars of the post-industrial Progressive era, whose interpretational paradigms prevailed throughout the first half of the twentieth-century, were preoccupied with the role that class cleavages, not religion, played in the development of political

14 Stow Parsons, "Religion and Modernity, 1865-1914," in The Shaping of American Religion, ed. James Ward Smith and L. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), 370. 15 Ibid., 369. 16 Ibid., 374. 17 Ibid., 373. 18 Ibid., 396. 20

alignment. The seminal historians of the Progressive era, Charles A. Beard, James Allen

Smith, and Vernon Louis Parrington, all placed the "conservative" tradition at the centre

of their social critiques. It is critical to note, however, that their idea of "conservatism"

was restricted almost exclusively to economic elites and to the efforts of those elites to

preserve their wealth and privilege.19 In his essay on the Populist-Progressive style in the

United States, Clyde W. Barrow identified Smith's The Spirit of American Government

(1907) as the result of a "political phase" in the development of constitutional criticism

which had begun during the Populist revolt of the late-nineteenth century. An

"economic phase" of such criticism was initiated, he argued, with Beard's An Economic

Interpretation of the Constitution (1913), in which it was first argued that the

constitutional structure of the United States as a federal republic had been motivated

primarily by the financial interests of its founders. The "Progressive" model for

interpreting the conservative as constituent of a self-interested socio-economic elite

represented a fusion of the two.21

Indeed, in The Rise of American Civilization (1927), Charles A. Beard and Mary

R. Beard argued that the ratification of the founding document of the United States had

Clyde W. Barrow, "Charles A. Beard's Social Democracy: A Critique of the Populist- Progressive Style in American Political Thought," Polity, 21:2 (Winter 1988): 253-257. The populist movement of the late nineteenth-century grew largely out of agrarian unrest in response to falling agricultural prices in the South and the trans-Mississippi West. Populists promoted collective economic action by farmers and achieved widespread popularity in the South and Great Plains. By the late 1880s, the Populist movement, best represented in the Farmers' Alliance, had developed a political agenda that called for regulation and reform in national politics, most notably in opposition to the gold standard to counter deflation in agricultural prices. The term "populist" has since become a generic term in the United States for politics which appeal to the common interest in opposition to established interests. See Barrow, "Charles A. Beard's Social Democracy," 254, and John Donald Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1961). 21 Ibid. 21

been accompanied by "bitter class divisions." Their work not only reflected a scholarly understanding of the U.S. Constitution as a "class instrument directed [by aristocracy] against democracy" but of the history of political change in the country as a long struggle of popular, democratic elements against entrenched, anti-democratic, economic interests.22 In his preface to Smith's The Growth and Decadence of Constitutional

Government (1930), Parrington identified the "discovery of the essentially undemocratic nature of the federal constitution" as the foremost contribution of the Progressive movement to American political thought. The Progressive belief that it had been the intent of landed elites since the earliest days of the republic to exploit a "lawless and unregulated individualism" infused scholarly views of the "conservative."24 The

9S

Progressive era's "search for order," which had been inspired by the social crises that attended rapid industrialization, not only fed an unprecedented expansion in the capacity of the federal government that set the parameters for the development of the modern

American state, but permeated intellectual life and shaped the paradigms through which social change and its undercurrents were to be interpreted.26

99 Charles A. Beard and Mary R. Beard, The Rise of American Civilization (New York: MacMillan, 1927). It is important to note that Parrington is using the word "undemocratic" in a sense infused with economic implications about the necessity of greater class equality or even of a classless societal structure for the full attainment of civil liberties and popular participation in policy-making essential to a free society. Vernon Louis Parrington and James Allen Smith, The Growth and Decadence of Constitutional Government (New York: Holt, Rineheart, and Winston, 1930), x - xiv. Parrington and Smith, Growth and Decadence, x. 25 The term "search for order" was originally coined by historian Robert Wiebe. Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967). 26 Eileen Lorenzi McDonaugh, "Representative Democracy and State Building in the Progressive Era," American Political Science Review, 86:4 (December 1992): 938. 22

The onset of the Great Depression in 1929 strengthened scholarly acceptance of the Progressive interpretive model, which thoroughly denied the continued relevance of religion as a force for social change. In fact, Clyde W. Barrow has cited a great deal of evidence taken from book reviews, scholarly polls, and content analyses of U.S. history and political science texts as reason to conclude that the Progressive framework was accepted by scholars at least until the end of the Second World War. But the 1930s had induced an eclipse of laissez-faire liberalism and gave rise to a new kind of "statist liberalism" associated with the New Deal and the pursuit of a technologically sophisticated, industrial-capitalist state heavily modified by fiscal manipulation and welfare measures.28 As Goldwater entered the U.S. Senate in 1953, it was widely argued by sociologists, political analysts, economists and politicians that a "shift in consciousness" had taken place in industrialized societies since the pre-war period. The theoretical exhaustion of divisive pre-war dogmas was thought to indicate an "end of ideology" and the broad acceptance of a decidedly non-ideological theory of technocratic development in which government's "right to intervene" was accepted.

But scholars were mistaken in their assumptions, as the "end of ideology" theory proved to be deeply flawed. American society had not wholly committed itself to the ethos of technocratic development. It was a common tendency among post-war scholars to confuse industrialization and its products with a new mentality.30 If rapid mechanization had touched virtually all Americans in various ways, there developed an

27 Barrow, "Charles A. Beard's Social Democracy," 253-257. Benjamin S. Kleinberg, American Society in the Postindustrial Age: Technocracy, Power, and the End of Ideology (Columbus, Ohio: Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company, 1973), 12. 29 Ibid., 6. •3(1 Parsons, "Religion and Modernity," 397. 23

inclination to suppose that ideas had also "rationalized" and that the authority of reason would be sufficient to undermine rigid ideologies and religious faith alike. The widening gulf between "modernists" and "traditionalists" in Protestant churches in the Progressive period therefore went largely unnoticed in academic circles. If the rise of sectarian religion had been noted by Progressive scholars, it was identified with underprivileged social status, despair, and a sense of alienation.31 It was not until the release of Elmer T.

Clark's study The Small Sects in America in the post-war period that analysts began to note that the revivalist impulse was not confined to the poor or to the low of caste.

Indeed, the appeal of sectarian religion, Clark wrote, was often felt by a less-educated middle-class that did not share the convictions and assumptions in terms of which the modernist interpreted the world.

The key corollary to the decline of Progressive "class politics" was the rise of sociology in its place as the most widely-held intellectual perspective in social analysis and in policy formulation by the state and other major social institutions.34 Indeed, for the post-war "end-of-ideologists" or "consensus" scholars who dominated American historiography in the early 1950s, the changing nature of social criticism and the emergence of a new "sociological awareness" reflected a "general trend... away from ideology towards sociology."35 The rise of the sociological perspective was attributed to the belief that large-scale, industrialized societies were simply too complex to be

31 Ibid., 397-398. in Elmer T. Clark, The Small Sects in America: An Authentic Study of Almost 300 Little- Known Religious Groups, Rev. Ed. (New York and Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1949), 34. 33 Ibid. 34 Brinkley, "The Problem of American Conservatism," 9. 35 Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (London: Heinemann, 1983), 453. 24

subjected to ideological analysis. As the renowned consensus scholar Daniel Bell wrote in his collection of essays The End of Ideology, the ideologue was thought to be a

"terrible simplifier" unequipped by his few fundamental beliefs to cope with the complexity of modern life.37 As the post-war right's "popular hero," Goldwater was identified as given to the simplifications that typified the post-war ideologue. The theoretical shift to a sociological perspective for assessing the right and its prophets reflected a broader change in the political ideology of intellectuals in the United States from the diffuse left-wing populism of the Progressive era to the re-defined liberal- pluralist consensus of the "Vital Center."

The old explanations of American political behaviour - in terms of class cleavages or the role of the electoral structure - were further undermined as intellectuals came to identify one of the most serious deficiencies of the Progressive model. Though consensus scholars continued to marginalize the right, they did acknowledge that it was not restricted to insular elites defending wealth and privilege, but that there existed a popular, grass-roots right, most immediately visible to them in the distressing rise of

"McCarthyism."40 The methodological paradigms of consensus scholars were best reflected in Daniel Bell's 1955 anthology of essays The New American Right, which contained selected works by the post-war period's best authorities on the subject. Richard

Kleinberg, American Society, 10. Bell, The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960), 312. Telegram UPI-47 from Stephen C. Shadegg to Sen. Barry Goldwater regarding the remarks of author and lecturer Agnes E. Meyer, June 13, 1961. Goldwater, Alpha Files, Personal, Correspondence, Shadegg, Stephen, 1961. Box 9., and Richard Hofstadter, "A Long View: Goldwater in History," New York Review of Books, October 8, 1964. 39 Arthur Meier Schlesinger, The Vital Center: The Politics of Freedom (London: Deutsch, 1970). Brinkley, "The Problem of American Conservatism," 411. 25

Hofstadter, David Riesman, Nathan Glazer, Peter Viereck, Talcott Parsons, and Seymour

Martin Lipset analysed the forces behind the anti-communist persecutions of U.S. Senator

Joseph McCarthy, a close associate of Goldwater41 who they blasted as a "wrecker," or one who strove to "tear up society but [had] no plan of his own." Indeed, a defence of the liberal-pluralist consensus pervades these scholars' analyses of a "radical right" which, although representing "no more than a modest fraction of the electorate" had set the tone of political life in the post-war period and ignited a punitive reaction throughout

i 43 the country.

The term "radical right" was coined by Lipset so as to distinguish his subject from the "moderate" conservative. Like Viereck, Lipset argued that the two could be differentiated "by their attitude toward the New Deal era."44 Lipset noted that while

Goldwater's critics within the GOP were willing to accept the rise of the technocratic, liberal-pluralist model in the 1930s,45 the senator and other "radical rightists" railed McCarthy had campaigned for Goldwater in his 1952 senate race against incumbent Democrat Earnest McFarland, and Goldwater felt indebted to him. The two senators corresponded frequently and Goldwater later recalled that he was "rather close to Joe and the people who were associated with him in Washington." Robert Alan Goldberg, Barry Goldwater (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 105-108. Daniel Bell, "Preface," The Radical Right: The New American Right, Expanded and Updated, ed. Daniel Bell (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1963), xii. 43 Richard Hofstadter, "The Pseudo-Conservative Revolt - 1955," in The Radical Right: The New American Right, Expanded and Updated, ed. Daniel Bell (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1963), 63. 44 Seymour Martin Lipset, "The Sources of the Radical Right - 1955," in The Radical Right: The New American Right, Expanded and Updated, ed. Daniel Bell (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1963), 276. Goldwater was contested in 1964 Republican presidential primaries by Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York, Governor George W. Romney of Michigan, former Senator Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. of Massachusetts, Governor William Scranton of Pennsylvania, Senator Margaret Chase Smith of Maine, Senator Hiram Fong of Hawaii and former Governor Harold Strassen of Minnesota. Although all of these candidates were identified with the "moderate" wing of the Republican Party, Rockefeller and against the recent past and rejected the status quo in their opposition to the welfare state, organized labour, and the income tax, and protested "softness" in dealing with the Soviet

Union and with the penetration of the U.S. government by communist agents. Hofstadter also distinguished the "compromising spirit of true conservatism," from the "pseudo- conservative" by the attitudes of the subject toward the New Deal era. Though he tended to be "more than ordinarily incoherent about politics," the pseudo-conservative attacked almost everything that had happened in American politics for the past twenty years.47 Riesman, Glazer, Viereck and Parsons set out similar distinctions between the

"fair-minded... sober and reasonable" disciple of Burke, Coleridge, Tocqueville and the

Federalists, and the "New Right" that looked to Goldwater as its leader.

The "new conceptual analysis" of the post-war right set by consensus theoreticians reflected the sociological perspective and neo-Freudian paradigms that dominated scholarship in the 1950s.49 These scholars approached their subject as if it were a kind of pathology, or what Hofstadter called a "paranoid style" related to the

"status anxiety" of an individual adrift in an era in which the technocratic welfare state represented as an aspect of a trend toward the socio-economic integration of mass

Scranton, as Goldwater's principle adversaries were particularly disliked by those who supported the senator's presidential bid. 46 Hofstadter, "The Pseudo-Conservative Revolt- 1955", 64-65. 47 Ibid., 66. 48 Peter Viereck, "The Revolt Against the Elite - 1955," in The Radical Right: The New American Right, Expanded and Updated, ed. Daniel Bell (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1963), 143., and David Riesman, "The Intellectuals and the Discontented Classes: Some Further Reflections," in The Radical Right: The New American Right, Expanded and Updated, ed. Daniel Bell (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1963), 112. Daniel Bell, "Preface," in The Radical Right: The New American Right, Expanded and Updated, ed. Daniel Bell (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1963), xi-xii. 50 Hofstadter, "The Pseudo-Conservative Revolt - 1955," 69. 27

society.51 Bell, Hofstadter, Lipset, Riesman, Glazer, Viereck and Parsons held that after more than a century of critical class cleavages and conflict within and between its political and economic subsystems, the "industrial-democratic" society that emerged in the post-war period had rendered a fringe of the predominantly white "less-educated middle-class" disillusioned and "ill at ease in Zion."52 The "restlessness, suspicion and fear" vented in the "pseudo-conservative revolt," wrote Hofstadter, were related to the

"rootlessness and heterogeneity of American life" and of its "peculiar scramble for status and its peculiar search for secure identity." He argued that status-strivings tend to take on a special poignancy and unusual intensity in a society in which a person's relative prestige and his "Americanism," or rudimentary sense of belonging, are intimately interwoven.53

In his essay The Pseudo-Conservative Revolt (1955), Hofstadter expressed a broadly-accepted interpretation of the post-war right as a peripheral element made up of both the "shabby genteel" or the white, "old-family" middle class and upwardly mobile,

"very frequently Catholic" minority groups.54As the former clung with "exceptional desperation" to "whatever remnants of their prestige as they [could] muster from their ancestors," he wrote, increasingly affluent minorities strove to become "more American."

The pseudo-conservative craved continued reassurance about his national identity,

Hofstadter argued, and was given to indulging in the "hyper-conformism and hyper- patriotism" that typified one afflicted with "status anxieties." For Hofstadter, the pseudo-

Kleinberg, American Society, 8. Nathan Glazner and Seymour Martin Lipset, "The Polls on Communism and Conformity," in The New American Right, ed. Daniel Bell. (New York: Criterion Books, 1995), 162. 53 Hofstadter, "The Pseudo-Conservative Revolt - 1955," 69. 54 Ibid., 71-72. 28

conservative was stricken with a disorder in relation to authority, characterized by an inability to find modes for human relationship other than those of more or less complete domination or submission. Goldwater's rejection of the technocratic state as a "challenge to his manliness and independence," he charged, testified to the suffering he experienced in his capacity as a citizen.55 In The Sources of the Radical Right, Lipset also attributed the senator's appeal to "status frustrations" arising from the resentment of those who desired to preserve their social status.56

Although scholarly interest in the "conservative" had shifted from a left-leaning, populist concern for "class politics" to a sociological, supposedly non-ideological focus on "status politics," it continued to neglect the role of religious ideas and incentives in right-wing dissent in the 1950's. An important exception was Interpretations of American

Politics, Bell's 1955 essay for The New American Right. Like his colleagues, Bell attributed the rise of an "extreme right" to the new social strains and anxieties of the post­ war period, but he also briefly discussed the role of "moralism" as a middle-class culture.

The Protestant tradition in the United States, wrote Bell, was a religious perspective in which piety had given way to moralism, and becoming socially respectable represented a kind of moral advancement. Bell argued that it was a middle-class Protestant ethos behind the right's impulse to suppress with ferocity unmatched in any other civilized

en country. The singular fact about the social forces behind McCarthy and allies, he asserted, was that an ideological issue was raised with a compulsive moral fervour

55 Ibid., 36. 56 Lipset, "The Sources of the Radical Right - 1955," 260. 57 Daniel Bell, "Interpretations of American Politics," in The Radical Right: The New American Right, Expanded and Updated, ed. Daniel Bell (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1963), 50. 29

necessary to disrupt the processes of consensus politics only because of the equation of

Communism with sin.58 In a sense, the nation's religious heritage was quite rightly recognized by Bell to play a significant role in the "ideologizing" of its politics.5

The most critical contribution of Bell's work, however, which shed light on

Goldwater's religious orientation, was his rejection of the United States as a "puritan culture." He rightly noted that although the Puritan ethic had significantly affected the early republic's intellectual life, the cultural mores and temper of the mass had been shaped to a far greater extent by the peculiar evangelical spirit of the Methodist and the

Baptist movements, which had experienced exponential growth while New England

Puritanism remained static. In its "high emotionalism, its fervour, enthusiasm and excitement, its revivalism [and its] excesses of sinning and high-voltage confessing," Bell wrote, the American religious mind-set remained infused with the spirit of a rustic, frontier faith in which "reform" did not mean "the New Deal [or] a belief in welfare legislation," but the redemption of those who had fallen prey to sin.61 Furthermore, he argued, the tendency to perceive a sharp, binary distinction between "good" and "evil" may have been reflected in the propensity of the right's key figures to convert politics into "moral" issues. The most striking example of that phenomenon in Bell's view was the emergence of "new polar terms" like "hard" and "soft" to characterize one's opposition to communism when certainly there existed many gradations of opinion with regard to the rights of communists.

58 Ibid., 52. 59 Ibid., 55. 60 Ibid., 18-19. 61 Ibid., 18-19. 30

It was not until the publication of The Pseudo-Conservative Revolt Revisited, a

1963 post-script to his essay for The New American Right that Hofstadter, however tepidly, acknowledged a religious element in right-wing discontent. "There is one force in

American life," he reflected, "hardly more than hinted at in my original formulation, that

[now looms] very large indeed, and that is [religious] fundamentalism." As such

Hofstadter supplemented his earlier discussion of "status politics" with a new concept he termed "cultural politics" by which he meant the "questions of faith and morals, tone and style, freedom and coercion which [had] become fighting issues." Citing the "mobilized religious and moral convictions" of the Reverend Billy Hargis and of Dr. Fred Schwarz and his Christian Anti-Communist Crusade, he supposed that the prosperity of the post­ war period had liberated the public for the expression of "its more luxurious hostilities."64

His brief post-script is of special interest in that it fused the neo-Freudian interpretative framework that continued to prevail in scholarship with a new awareness of the role of religious ideas and incentives in "pseudo-conservative" thought. He wrote:

To understand the Manichaean style of thought, the apocalyptic tendencies, the love of mythification (sic), the intolerance of compromise that are observable in the right-wing mind, we need to understand the history of [religious] fundamentalism as well as the contributions of depth psychology; acquaintance with Rorschach techniques or the construction of the F-scale with a re-reading of the Book of Revelations.

Richard Hofstadter, "The Pseudo-Conservative Revolt Revisited," in The Radical Right: The New American Right, Expanded and Updated, ed. Daniel Bell (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1963), 86. 63 Ibid., 82. 64 Ibid., 83. 31

He concluded that the appeal of "exhorters" like Goldwater was likely to endure since the multiplicity of religious and moral strains in America had historically tended toward an unrelenting argument over the legitimacy of certain roles and values.

Hofstadter went on to produce a series of inter-related essays in 1964 titled Anti-

Intellectualism in American Life in which he assigned himself the task of identifying the stabilizing elements of a phenomenon endemic to the anti-technocratic aspect of "new right" thought. He devoted a fifth of his study to the role played by the "evangelical spirit" in the post-war right's hostility to the expert and to the critical mind, a particularly salient force in the rhetoric of "Goldwaterism." By analysing the impact of ideas upon other ideas, with particular emphasis on the nation's religious heritage and the right's

"revolt against [the] modernity" of the liberal-pluralist consensus, Hofstadter came closer than any of his peers to identifying the depth and breadth of the Protestant-orientation of the senator's thought. He identified a view that ideas should be made to work, a disdain for doctrine and for refinement in ideas, and a subordination of "men of ideas" to "men of emotional power or manipulative skill" as "cultural inheritances of American

Protestantism." The "disinherited classes," he charged, especially when unlettered, had historically been more moved by emotional religion. He rightly noted that Protestant traditions exalting anti-institutional, literal-minded and unrefiective Christianity had been allied with any number of populist, anti-intellectual movements not unlike the post-war right.

Hofstadter wrote that "simple people were brought back to faith with simple ideas" put forth by forceful preachers capable of understating the complexities of life and

65 Richard Hofstadter, "A Long View: Goldwater in History," New York Review of Books, October 8, 1964 and Hofstadter, "The Pseudo-Conservative Revolt Revisited," 84. 32

pressing upon them the simplest of alternatives. The Protestant spirit that had most deeply permeated the national temper, wrote Hofstadter, was one according to which every individual could reach for his Bible and refuse the intrusions of theology or scholarship. Indeed, it was the peculiar, evangelical, anti-institutional spirit of American religion, which stressed the validity of inner religious experience against learned and formalized religion that was at the heart of the anti-intellectualism that infused

Goldwater's Weltanshauung. Though Hofstadter had always identified the "pseudo- conservative" as maladjusted to a post-industrial society increasingly reliant on the technocratic guidance of expert knowledge and sophisticated technology, his 1964 study was critical in that it perceived the existence of religious undercurrents in the anti- intellectualism of the post-war right. As the American Protestant thought of the learned cleric as deficient in piety, "flabby-cheeked, brittle-boned, weak-kneed, thin-skinned, pliable, plastic, spineless [and] effeminate," reflected Hofstadter, so he disparaged the

"egg-head" intellectual as a "self-conscious prig... over-emotional and feminine [and] confused in thought."68

Hofstadter's final contribution to scholarship on the post-war right was his essay

The Paranoid Style in American Politics, published in the November 1964 edition of

Harper's Magazine. Though it merely re-enforced many of the sociological paradigms established a decade earlier by consensus scholars, its release was clearly set to coincide with the 1964 presidential election. Like consensus works of the mid-1950s, The

Paranoid Style was what Michael Kazin called a "transparent attempt to exclude a

Richard Hofstadter, Anti-intellectualism in American Life (London: Jonathan Cape, 1964), 55. 67 Ibid., 57. 68 Ibid., 9-10. 33

poisonous agent from the bloodstream of the body politic." Hofstadter argued that he had intended for the term "paranoid style" to be pejorative, since it had a "greater affinity for bad causes than good." Indeed, the manner of "heated exaggeration, suspiciousness, and conspiratorial fantasy," he argued, had been a recurrent theme in the history of the republic. In chronological order, he examined the violent language, prejudiced behaviour, and wilful marginality of groups ranging from embattled Federalist pamphleteers to the

John Birch Society, which had advocated Goldwater as the most "Americanist" figure in

U.S. politics in the early-1960s. To insure that the point of his essay was taken with sufficient clarity on the eve of the 1964 election, Hofstadter mused that "angry minds at work mainly among extreme right-wingers," had in recent years "demonstrated in the

Goldwater movement how much political leverage can be got out of the animosities and passions of a small minority."70

It was, however, not just consensus theoreticians who declined to take the post­ war right seriously. In the late-1960s and 1970s there emerged a "New Left" that attacked the "end-of-ideologists" for marginalizing the political left, but they had little to say about the "Burke-Adams conservative" or the post-war right. This was in part because of the way in which most New Left scholars romanticized "the people" and refused to concede that mass movements could be of anything but a "progressive" nature. New Left scholars also neglected the post-war right because they were preoccupied with the Cold

War and the liberal-pluralist consensus they held sustained it. The ideology of capitalist hegemony in post-industrial society was not conventional conservatism, argued scholars

69 Michael Kazin, "The Grass-Roots Right: New Histories of U.S. Conservatism in the Twentieth-Century," The American Historical Review, 97:1 (February 1992): 137. 70 Richard Hofstadter, "The Paranoid Style in American Politics," Harper's Magazine, November 1964, 136. 34

like William Appleman Williams in Americans in a Changing World (1978), but a

71

"corporate liberalism" which determined foreign and domestic policy alike. The New

Left revived certain socio-economic presuppositions held by Progressive scholars and declined to engage in historical analysis through the lens of religion. In The Century of

Technocracy (1966), William G. Carleton rendered a brief note on the post-war right that is striking in its denial of the influence of anything but acquisitiveness as a motivation in conservative thought. He maintained:

What passes for American "conservatism" today is... Goldwaterism, which is a latter-day Horatio Algerism. The mainstays of Goldwaterism are the country club sets, John O'Hara types along the cocktail circuits: materialists to the hilt, conspicuous and invidious consumers, brash go-getters who would, if they could, 79 reduce even the rain and sunshine to profit-making gadgeteering.

Carleton's assessment is particularly striking given that the senator was strongly critical of crass materialism as the essence of the technocratic ethos and as a detriment to "the superior side of man's nature."

It was not until 1983 that Leo P. Ribuffo challenged the basic tenets of a

"consensus" orthodoxy that had prevailed for three decades in his masterful book The Old

Christian Right: The Protestant Far Right from the Great Depression to the Cold War.

After conservative success in the 1980 presidential election, Ribuffo argued that many of those considered to be outside of the mainstream of political thought were often more complex and less-baffling than assumed, and that many of their ideas developed from culturally accepted norms. The interpretational paradigms established by scholars of the

71 Brinkley, "The Problem of American Conservatism," 412. 72 Carleton, "The Century of technocracy," 505 Barry Goldwater, The Conscience of a Conservative (Victor Publishing Company Inc., 1960), 2. Emphasis is in original text. 35

1950s, he argued, had proven to be flawed and unduly harsh, allowing "polemical convenience" to undermine "historical accuracy." The concept of "status politics," popularized by "the erstwhile radicals Hofstadter and Lipset," he wrote, was simply a

"pluralist offspring of Marxist 'false consciousness'" that obscured basic issues.74

Ribuffo rightly challenged the existence of a binary distinction between the emotive

"faith and morals" interests of the post-war right and the formative interests of

"moderates." Rejecting the neo-Freudian paradigms of consensus historians, or what he called the "old left," he noted that the politics of status and religion were in fact related.

Indeed, in his defence of the "whole man," Goldwater had practiced both sorts of appeal.75

Furthermore, Ribuffo asserted that the work of Daniel Bell, Seymour Martin

Lipset, and Richard Hofstadter had been unduly indulgent in "a kind of psychological vital centrism," and that psychoanalytical approaches to the history of political change had ever since gone "hand-in-hand with [their own] debunking." Scholars in the 1950's and early 1960's, he held, had been too interested in diagnosing the unconscious motivations of those who they judged to be "psychologically outside the frame of normal democratic politics." Rather than "widening the scope" of Hofstadter's "paranoid style" label, argued Ribuffo, "we should declare a moratorium on its use."76 The use of conservative lives and ideas in didactic essays about "anxieties" and "paranoia" had unfortunately become de rigueur in analyses of the post-war right, he wrote, and rather than attributing "extreme views" to a psychological maladjustment scholars should keep

74 Leo P. Ribuffo, The Old Christian Right: The Protestant Far Right from the Great Depression to the Cold War (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983), 270-1. 15 Ibid., 179-80. Ibid., xii-xiii. 36

in mind that "the American consensus [had] always been broken by more-or-less distinct subcultures... in which our common political or religious 'language' acquired strange accents."77

Ignited by what Kurt Schuparra has called "the triumph of the right," a new wave of scholarship in the 1990s and early twenty-first century has further undermined the paradigms established by the scholars of The New American Right. The electoral victories of the conservative movement after Goldwater's defeat and the concomitant decline of the liberal wing of the GOP, argued Schuparra, necessitated "paradigms of new explanatory power."78 In his 1998 study of the rise of the right in California between

1945 and 1966, Schuparra insisted that consensus scholarship that had diagnosed conservatism as a "social pathology" had failed to distinguish between the "fire-eaters of the far right" and those whose fears of an expansionist state sprang from "largely legitimate apprehensions." In seeking to avoid the pitfalls of the a priori analytical frameworks that had disfigured scholarship on the post-war right, however, Schuparra avoided thoughtful analysis. His neglect of Goldwater's faith-based ideas and incentives was particularly notable. He noted that the senator's campaign in the state had a "tacit moral tone," but as Lee Edwards has pointed out, the active support of right-leaning

Christian activists in southern California was in fact indispensible to his slight victory in

11 Ibid., 179-80. 7R Kurt Schuparra, Triumph of the Right: The Rise of the California Conservative Movement, 1954-1966 (Armonk and London: M.E. Sharpe, 1998), xv. Ibid., xiv. 37

the state's primary, without which he would not have attained the Republican presidential nomination.

In her 2001 social history Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American

Right, Lisa McGirr levelled a similar charge. She held that earlier scholarship of the post­ war right should have emphasized the coherent and very rational politics of right-wing activists rather than dismissively attributing conservative restiveness to "psychological distress."81 In her case study of conservative activism in Orange County, California in the

1960s, she directly challenged the work of Bell, Hofstadter, and Lipset, arguing that

"their excessively psychological interpretation distorted our understanding of American conservatism." These scholars, she claimed, merely "amplified the tendencies of the popular press" and indulged in excessively condescending assessments of the post-war right's key figures. In the case of activists in affluent Orange County, "their mobilization.. .was not a rural 'remnant' of the displaced and maladapted but a gathering around principles that were found to be relevant in the most modern of communities."82

Indeed, McGirr's study was typical of revisionist scholarship both in that it stressed that the post-war right extended from legitimate currents of thought and behaviour, and in its aversion to deeper analysis of those currents.

McGirr's limited reflections on religious ideas and incentives also reveal the tendency of recent scholars to interpret the post-war right in rigid dichotomies. Lee

Edwards asserted that "Goldwaterism" was a composite or "tripartite" movement of

SO Schuparra, Triumph of the Right, 137 and Lee Edwards, Goldwater: The Man Who Made a Revolution (Washington: Regnery Publishing, Inc., 1995), 468. Lisa McGirr, Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), 7. 82 Ibid., 8. 38

"traditional conservatives, libertarians, and anti-communists." In her study Turning Right in the Sixties: The Conservative Capture of the GOP (1995), Mary C. Brennan reflected that the integration of "social conservatives and religious evangelicals" into the

Republican electoral coalition in the late-1970s had "frightened libertarians and old-line conservatives like Goldwater."83 These views were formulated in light of the senator's disputes with the "Christian Right" in the last years of his legislative career. But the distinction between the post-war right's sub-factions is erroneous. An extensive analysis of what Hofstadter called the "deep-sounding ideas" behind Goldwater's ascent in the post-war period reveals the spirit of evangelical religion and of a frontier faith as the indelible mortar of the right.84 The senator and the so-called Christian Right were both

or moved by faith and by a concern for the "spiritual or superior side of man's nature."

Goldwater, however, called for a. positive freedom for spiritual growth centred on the moral decision of the individual rather than a negative freedom from external restraint in moral questions.

The view articulated by revisionist scholars that "conservative activists [need to be seen] as purposeful, flexible, and idealistic protagonists," has lent greater precision to scholarship on the right, but has also precipitated a sharp decline in analysis of its ideas and incentives. Indeed, as Schuparra has noted, no one paradigm is currently widely held by scholars examining the lives and ideas of the post-war right.86 Its growth into a formidable force after the "glorious disaster" of the senator's presidential bid precipitated

Edwards, Goldwater, 419. Richard Hofstadter, "A Long View: Goldwater in History," New York Review of Books, October 8, 1964. Of Goldwater, Conscience, 2-3. 86 Schuparra, Triumph of the Right, xiv. 39

a degree of discomfiture by scholars who realized the flaws of prior analyses. The leading scholars of past methodologies had projected onto their analyses premises and presuppositions that they desired to be true and denied or underestimated influences they thought to be nefarious. In a "post-Christian era" in which partisan differences were to be

"small, narrow or administrative... of pace, posture and management" rather than of general direction, the influence of religion was disregarded. In spite of a "surge of piety" and an unprecedented rise in the fortunes of churches, scholars refused to note the extent to which religious ideas and emotions infused the temper of the post-war right.

At the heart of this deficit in scholarship has been a failure to acknowledge that the effect of religion upon the nation's politics goes beyond the direct and visible manifestations that the political scientist or the historian tends to treat. To be sure, religion has affected partisan alignment and religious organizations have lobbied for or against a range of interests from prohibition to birth control. Such direct effects of sectarian faith on political action have ranged in significance from a minor nuisance to a considerable social force. But a less-documented indirect and long-term effect of religious ideas and emotions is detectable in the post-war right and in the thought of its prophets. The force of ways of thinking and acting in matters of religion has heavily influenced the American mind, and continues to affect the way in which other fields, like political and social action, are approached. This analysis intends to reveal the great range of indirect effects that religious faith has exerted on attitudes and lines of thought

on J. William Middendorf II, A Glorious Disaster: Barry Goldwater's Presidential Campaign and the Origins of the Conservative Movement (New York: Basic Books, 2006). Theodore H. White, The Making of the President 1964 (New York: Antheneum Publishers, 1965), 310. 40

associated with Goldwater and to lend greater insight into the extent to which religion has informed assumptions associated with the right that are not argued, but taken for granted as self-evident.

Indeed, scholars have been unable to grasp the nature of Goldwater's religious mindset and the fundamental unity of his faith and his concentration on the individual. He held that man is a "spiritual creature with spiritual desires," and that the spiritual or

"superior side of man's nature," should "take precedence over his economic [or material]

QQ wants.'"" He was moved by a sense of devotion to the transcendent, and held faith in a living God as "the author of freedom."90 He rejected the technocratic state and the materialist worldview as affronts to "the dignity of man," and urged for a positive freedom for spiritual development. The arguments that unfold in this study intend to offer reasonable analysis of these views about God and man, interpretations of divine and human actions, ethical principles and patterns of behaviour, and not to comment on their truth or falsity or to defend or undermine the metaphysical validity of the senator's apprehension of reality. It is this study's aim to rectify a critical deficiency in scholarship by establishing the profound religious orientation of the senator's thought and to shed light on the breadth of religious influences perceptible in the emergence of the post-war

American right.

QQ Goldwater, Conscience, 2-3. 90 Ibid., 98. 41

CHAPTER 3: U.S. SENATOR BARRY M. GOLDWATER ON THE TECHNOCRATIC STATE AND THE WELFARE OF THE INDIVIDUAL

Although his presidential bid was defeated in the sixth-largest landslide in the

electoral history of the United States, recent scholars credit U.S. Senator Barry M.

Goldwater's critique of the liberal-pluralist consensus in post-war public policy with igniting the modern conservative movement. In his 127-page philosophical primer The

Conscience of a Conservative (1960), written in collaboration with the conservative intellectual and Roman Catholic convert L. Brent Bozell, Jr., he demanded the retraction of the welfare state as an affront to the "spiritual side of man's nature." In speeches crafted in concert with Republican activist and fellow Episcopalian Stephen C. Shadegg, he called for greater freedom for the individual, less from external restraints than from the artifices of spiritual alienation that he held justified such restraints. Perceiving that

See Rick Perlstein, Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus (New York: Hill and Wang, 2001); Lee Edwards, Goldwater: The Man Who Made a Revolution (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Publishing, Inc., 1995); Robert Allen Goldberg, Barry Goldwater (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995); Lisa McGirr, Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001); Mary C. Brennan, Turning Right in the Sixties: The Conservative Capture of the GOP (Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995); Kurt Schuparra, Triumph of the Right: The Rise of the California Conservative Movement, 1945-1966 (London: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1998). Scholars have disputed the authorship of The Conscience of a Conservative. However, private correspondence indicates that the book's production was very much a collaborative effort between the Goldwater and Bozell. Though the senator's adviser, Stephen C. Shadegg, had been identified in 1961 by the New York Times as its ghost writer, he responded to the paper in a letter of August 7, 1961 that he had played no part in its production. See Goldwater: Personal, Writings, "The Conscience of a Conservative," Victor Publishing Comp. (includes news clippings) 1 of 4, memos, correspondence 1956-5). Box 1, and Goldwater, Personal, Correspondence, Stephen C. Shadegg, 1961, Box 9, Arizona Historical Foundation, Tempe, Arizona (hereafter referred to as AHF). Barry Goldwater, The Conscience of a Conservative (Shepherdsville: Victor Publishing Company, 1960), 2. Emphasis is in original text. 42 spiritual and qualitative values were being menaced by materialist and quantitative ones, he sought to revive a social ethic based in toil and ascetic self-discipline to strengthen the atrophied spiritual fibre of the individual. Indeed, it has not been acknowledged that his critique of the technocratic ethos was faith-based and developed against a consensus that he held threatened the "individual rights, dignities, and liberties of man" by challenging

"freedom with socialism, spirituality with materialism, [and] God with man."4 In fact, the senator's concern for the spiritual constitution of the individual and his distrust of quantitative values serve as the ideological basis for all of his critiques.

This analysis works from a provisional consideration of ideology based upon the work of Benjamin S. Kleinberg in American Society in the Postindustrial Age (1977).5

Kleinberg defined "ideology" as a set of theories that integrate empirical ideas (facts and hypotheses) with evaluative ideas (values and ethics) to offer an image of a desirable social order or design for how the world ought to be. It is a set of theories that provide the motivation for and justification of all political action. Kleinberg's definition is key in that it necessarily includes a view of the nature of man and a consonant social ethic. This chapter examines Goldwater's ideas on these two elements within the context of public policy formulation and implementation in the post-war period. The ideological structure that emerges relates his resistance to the mechanization of society to congeries of affirmations and negations associated with certain variants of the Protestant-oriented

4 Barry M. Goldwater, "The Liberal and the Conservative - Today," a speech delivered at The Citadel, Charlestown, S.C. in 1958. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145 Misc. See List. Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. AHF. It should be noted that the term "ideology" has caused significant debate and discussion among scholars. For thorough discussion of varying concepts of "ideology" see Terry Eagleton, Ideology: An Introduction (London: Verso Publishing, 1991). 43 mind. His public policy critique was a visceral rather than an academic or reasoned reaction against the technocratic tenets of the post-industrial welfare state.

The senator's ideas represent not merely a critique of the deliberate arrangement of human interaction by central authority based on collective command over available resources, but of the welfare state and of the technocratic ethos in general. As Kleinberg detailed in American Society in the Postindustrial Age, the inheritance of the New Deal and war-time fiscal manipulation was an advanced industrialized state that blended elements of welfare liberalism with moderate socialism in a consensus model of technocratic development.7 As Goldwater entered the U.S. Senate in 1953, the emergence of a "technostucture" of interacting academic, corporate and state entities reflected a new sociological consciousness that elevated the intellectual and the expert as technicians of what John Kenneth Galbraith termed the "educational and scientific state."8 The technocratic administration of qualitative social reform, wrote Kleinberg, relied upon a

"socially rational" ethos that utilized fiscal measures of general welfare, and determined government intervention and economic resource allocation as required.9 Rather than relying on a spontaneous order created by a competitive market and limited government,

Barry M. Goldwater, With No Apologies: The Personal and Political Memoirs of United States Senator Barry M. Goldwater (New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc., 1979), 45. Benjamin S. Kleinberg, American Society in the Postindustrial Age: Technocracy, Power, and the End of Ideology (Columbus, Ohio: Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company, 1973), 5-23. o John Kenneth Galbraith as quoted in Kleinberg, American Society, 52. 9 Ibid., 22. 44 the technocratic state sought linear progress through rational, reason-based cognition and the conscious, systematic articulation of abstract blueprints.1

Though the diagnostic analyses of Richard Hofstadter and the scholars of The New

American Right set out the first sociological interpretations of anti-technocratic reaction, it is critical to recall that it was not until the publication of The Pseudo-Conservative

Revolt Revisited, a postscript to his earlier work, that Hofstadter identified in the "new right" a predilection for Christian revivalism. He went on to charge that the visceral disdain for refined doctrines and theories, the unconscious affirmation that "ideas should be made to work," and the subordination of intellect to emotion were all derivatives of

American Protestantism.12 It has not been demonstrated by scholars, however, that the protagonisms and antagonisms of the Protestant-oriented mind, rendered explicit by W.

Seward Salisbury and by the monographs of The Shaping of American Religion, are intrinsic to the anti-technocratic impulse.13 As H. Richard Niebuhr indicated in The

Protestant Movement and Democracy in the United States, distinctive of the Protestant

10 Peter Viereck, "The Philosophical 'New Conservatism' - 1962," in The Radical Right: The New American Right, Expanded and Updated, Daniel Bell, ed. (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1963), 167. 11 Richard Hofstadter, "The Pseudo-Conservative Revolt - 1962," in The Radical Right: The New American Right, Expanded and Updated, Daniel Bell, ed. (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1963), 74. Richard Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism in American Life (London: Jonathan Cape, 1964), 55. 1 Q See James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison, The Shaping of American Religion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961) and W. Seward Salisbury, Religion in American Culture: A Sociological Interpretation (Homewood, Illinois: The Dorsey Press, 1964). 45 mind, the moral negations of the senator's conservatism drew their emotional force from their affirmations.14

Niebuhr also wrote that in the Protestant-oriented mind, life is a "pilgrim's progress" that transcends temporal constructs. In The Foundations of Conservative

Thought, William R. Harbour related this religious orientation to the "theocentric humanism" defined by Jacques Maritain and the "cosmological principle" that a living

God is the divine ground of all existence.16 For the theocentric humanist, nourishment of the individual soul or essence is imperative since divine intent wills nature and the human condition. Maritain distinguished this "truly christian (sic)" view of man as at once a sinner and redeemed through "freedom and [divine] grace," from the "anthropocentric humanist" or naturalistic view of man as his own center. The theocentric humanist affirms the sacredness of the individual and is concerned with spiritual development and

1 o . the cultivation of virtue, which in the Protestant mind is nurtured in his "forever falling

[and] forever being raised again."19 The defence of a Protestant-oriented social ethic premised by a theocentric humanist view of human existence and the "cosmological principle" or belief in God served as the indelible mortar of the senator's anti-technocratic criticisms.20

H. Richard Niebuhr, "The Protestant Movement and Democracy in the United States," in The Shaping of American Religion, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), 20-21. 15 Niebuhr, "Protestant Movement," 23. William, R. Harbour, The Foundations of Conservative Thought: An Anglo-American Tradition in Perspective (Notre Dame and London: University of Notre Dame Press, 1982), 13-14. 11 Ibid., 13. 18 Ibid, 14-15. 19 Niebuhr, "Protestant Movement," 23-24. Clinton Rossiter, Conservatism in America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1955), 43. 46

Though a layman of the Trinity Episcopal Church in Phoenix, Goldwater

superseded the structures of denomination or doctrinal precision in his individualistic

Weltanschauung. As Seymour P. Lachman documented in his electoral post-mortem for

Church and State, clerical opposition to the senator's presidential bid, charging the

Republican candidate with a lack of enthusiasm for Christian social action and an obscene exaltation of selfish acquisitiveness, was decisively intense.21 Goldwater's correspondingly harsh critique of clerical political activism, particularly within the left- leaning National Council of Churches of Christ (NCC), further strained his relations with his coreligionists. Imbued with the Puritan ascetic values of his mid-western maternal lineage, the detached individualism of his lapsed Jewish father, and an artlessly contrarian temperament, Goldwater's lack of political consonance with the dominant ecclesiastical bodies of mainstream Protestantism reinforced the intensely individualistic nature of his faith. Lacking refined theological insight, his conception of God was nebulous and self- determined, and more often connoted certain hallowed ideas and concepts, such as the beneficence of human liberty, austere self-reliance, and the natural beauty of the

American Southwest.

In a five-page appendage to a 1958 edition of the Saturday Evening Post headlined The Glittering Mr. Goldwater, journalist Paul F. Healy lauded the angular- visaged Arizonan as "a jet pilot, photographer, explorer, Indian authority, sportsman and free-swinging politician" that, "in his flying clothes... could pass for a character in the

Steve Canyon comic strip."22 But in spite of his well-publicized penchant for living as

Seymour P. Lachman, "Barry Goldwater and the 1964 Religious Issue," Church and State 10:3 (1968): 390-410 22 Paul F. Healey, "The Glittering Mr. Goldwater," The Saturday Evening Post, 1958. Goldwater: Personal, Senate Campaigns, News clippings, Articles 1957-58. Box 1. AHF. 47 though "swept along by his own jet stream,"23 the senator at times attributed his taste for sport and aviation to spiritual indulgence. In an unpublished draft of proposed introductory remarks for The Conscience of a Conservative sent to L. Brent Bozell in July

1959, the senator reflected that he was at his most spiritual when he was "alone in the blue of Heaven... seeing my America unrolled below me."24 In a 1961 address, he mused that amidst the natural splendour of his native state, "whose sapling rings pre-date

Christ," an individual could reaffirm his faith in daily communion with nature and God.

Indeed, in 1968 he conceded before the conservative Foundation for Christian Theology

(FCT) that he had "spent many a Sunday out of church, but in churches that God himself built," such as "the bottoms of canyons, the few lakes we have, in the forests and on the deserts." In these "vitals of freedom," Goldwater claimed spiritual nourishment from

"the everlasting truths of faith in God's country."27

At Sedona's recently-constructed Chapel of the Holy Cross in April 1961, he mused that modern man, "being possessed of his imperfections," had wandered from these everlasting truths. Speaking at the chapel's Fourth Annual Easter Sunrise Service, he proposed the need for a comprehensive spiritual renewal to alleviate the afflictions of

"our sick world today." In Christian worship amidst the solace and splendour of northern

Arizona's "great red rocks, topped by the white of the Coconino," his ideas on faith and

23 Ibid. 24 Goldwater: Personal, Writings, "The Conscience of a Conservative," Victor Publishing Comp. (includes news clippings) 1 of 4, memos, correspondence 1956-5). Box 1. AHF. 25 "Dedication Remarks by Senator Barry Goldwater, Fourth Annual Eastern Sunrise Service, Sedona, Arizona, April 2, 1961." Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks. Box 3. AHF. 26 Barry Goldwater, "Politics & The Church?" A Film from the Personal and Political Papers of Senator Barry Goldwater. Arizona Historical Foundation. AHF. Goldwater: Personal, Writings, "The Conscience of a Conservative," Victor Publishing Comp. (includes news clippings) 1 of 4, memos, correspondence 1956-5). Box 1. AHF. 48 the nature of man found perfect consonance. For the senator, the "warmth of the sun," the

"sighing wind through the pines," and the "poetry of sight" in a blue jay's flight, induced a spirit of childlike wonder for the transcendent and the numinous.28 In a chapel that he had helped to erect, this sense of the divine found articulation in "those moral laws proclaimed by God" which lent "force and direction, and creative meaning to life itself."

He articulated these moral laws not in scripture, but in the verses of American poet

Douglas Malloch, who reflected upon a Protestant-oriented social ethic he perceived to be in retreat:

They walked the path the great have trod, The great in heart, the great in mind, Who looked thru Masonry to God And looked thru God to all Mankind, Learned more than sign of word, or grip Learned man's and God's relationship

In his "ageless weakness," the senator said at Sedona, the individual required a renewed reverence for God and a consonant social ethic in order to alleviate the afflictions of an ever more sinful world.29

Indeed, Goldwater believed that the technocratic tenets of post-war public policy reflected "a cynical disregard of the basic truth that Almighty God is the author of our

Barry Goldwater, "Dedication Remarks by Senator Barry Goldwater, Fourth Annual Easter Sunrise Service," Sedona, Arizona, April 2, 1961. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks. Box 3. AHF. Goldwater assisted architect and sculptor Marguerite Brunswig Staude in attaining a Special Use permit to construct the Chapel of the Holy Cross on Coconino National Forest land in 1957. Barry Goldwater, "Dedication Remarks by Senator Barry Goldwater, Fourth Annual Easter Sunrise Service," Sedona, Arizona, April 2, 1961. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks. Box 3. AHF. 49 freedom." His sustained defence of the cosmological principle of "the sovereignty of

God" and "God-given individual dignity and rights"31 accordingly vitiated the authority of the state by challenging its legitimacy in all but the narrowest of administrative concerns. He called for "the liberty and the responsibility and the dignity of man," rendered "free of the destructive, meddlesome interference of superficially benevolent, socialistic suggestions."32 Given to citing the hallowed preamble of the United States

Declaration of Independence, he consistently charged that the inalienable rights of

Americans were indeed the endowment of a beneficent creator. "Freedom is not the gift of any national administration or any political party," he proclaimed in his first campaign for the United States Senate in 1952, "Freedom comes to us from Almighty God." In a

1957 address to the Federation of Women's Clubs of Arizona, he stated that "Man, a spiritual being, the child of Almighty God, [is] entitled to freedom because the Creator of man has set His creation free." Repelled by a political Zeitgeist preoccupied with the attainment of new national goals, he asserted that the singular goal of American public policy needed to be the preservation of the individual liberties afforded by the founding

Barry Goldwater, KOY Broadcast, August 25, 7:30 p.m. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc., See List. Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. AHF. Barry Goldwater, "Suggested Declaration of Republican Principles Submitted to the Republican Platform Committee," Chicago, 111. July 19, 1960. Steven C. Shadegg Collection (Also 1952 and 1956 campaign materials). Box 145, Misc. See List of Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. AHF. 32 Barry Goldwater, "Speech to be delivered by Senator Goldwater at 8:30 p.m. April 7, 1961, at Hotel Westward Ho in Phoenix at the first annual Dinner with Barry and Paul." Goldwater Media 87th Congress, Speeches Statements, Remarks, Box 3. AHF. 33 Barry Goldwater, untitled speech, Steven C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1956 campaign materials). Box 145, Misc. See List of Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. AHF. 34 Barry Goldwater, "And to the Republic," a speech to the Central District - Federation of Women's Clubs of Arizona, April, 28, 1957. SCS Collection, Box 54. Stephen Shadegg Speeches and Misc. Information. AHF. 50 documents of the republic, since all other ambitions abrogated "our entire concept of freedom as coming from God."

He argued that the post-war obsession with national ambitions was symptomatic of a pervasive "disease which ail[ed] freedom" or, the manic "pursuit of material things to the exclusion of spiritual values."35 Describing himself as "a Republican who believes that man's freedom comes from Almighty God," the senator affirmed his belief in "an important human integrity and an immortal soul"36 with impressive consistency, suggesting a restive unease with the sober materialism of post-war technocracy. "We must recover what we have lost of the Christian view of each person as a unique valuable creature," he insisted, "[and] refuse to continue our present worship of technological and material gods." At a Republican party event in Phoenix in 1961, he challenged the motivations and methods of a public policy culled from "the doctrine of Marxian materialism," that regarded individuals as "globs of matter and motion, chemistry and physics, plus animal instincts and nothing more." He contended that to quantify progress in terms of standard of living, of gross national product, or in units of defence, was to assume a supercilious neglect of the spiritual and to "[close] our eyes and [turn] away from the eternal truth."37 Indeed, he launched The Conscience of a Conservative with a stern admonition to certain of his Republican colleagues for reducing the conservative brand to "a narrow, mechanistic economic theory." Goldwater noted that conservatism, in

Barry Goldwater, "Commencement Address - Brigham Young University," Provo, Utah, June 2, 1961. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks. Media / Speeches 87th Congress, Box 3. AHF. 36 Barry Goldwater, untitled speech, Steven C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1956 campaign materials). Copies of Goldwater Speeches, Box 145. AHF. 37 Barry Goldwater, sspeech delivered before Women's National Press Club, Hotel Statler, Washington, D.C., January 3, 1961. Goldwater: Media 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks, Advice to Liberals. Box 1. AHF. 51 spite of its economic implications, was a theocentric humanist impulse that looked upon

"the enhancement of man's spiritual nature as the primary concern of political philosophy."38

The tenor of The Conscience of a Conservative recalls Niebuhr's metaphor that in the Protestant-oriented mind, life is a "pilgrimage" of the soul or essence. In contrast to the established order of constant and known structures and laws that shepherd the Roman

Catholic, wrote Niebuhr, everything for the Protestant is movement and everything a becoming. The Protestant reflects upon his pilgrimage in the scriptural constructs of

"creation and fall and re-creation," and of encounters between God and man to be re- enacted. He retains an often unconscious affirmation of original sin, but as an afflicted pilgrim still strives to attune himself to God.40 It is through his "Masonry" or toil that he looks to God to nurture his spiritual side against his proclivities for sin and irreverence.

For the senator, the technocratic administration of qualitative social reform was both mistaken in its sober materialism and in its lack of Christian insight into the nature of sin.41

Indeed, regarding the human experience as a crucible of struggle with wicked impulses, Goldwater invariably attributed broader collective crises to some form of individual sin or moral lapse. "All of our problems in this world arise from the inadequacies of men," the senator declared at the 1961 Republican Western Conference at

Sun Valley, Idaho, "from the blindness of men, [and] from the refusal of men to

Goldwater, Conscience of a Conservative, 2. Emphasis is in original text. Niebuhr, "Protestant Movement," 23. Harbour, Foundations, 33-34. Ibid., 37. 52 acknowledge their responsibilities. He argued that the technological advances of "an age of semantics, speed and Sputniks" had done little to help the individual to "control his lusts and his greeds [or] to subdue his animal nature." The senator held that crises were created by the errors of individuals and not by conditions, and that the refusal to concede that the unchanging nature of man was the cause of crisis was inspired by delusion, as was any public policy based upon such a premise.43 This reasoning was paralleled by

Stephen C. Shadegg in a letter to the senator dated September 10, 1959, in which he criticized the public policy premises of the welfare state:

Almost without exception, our current approach seems to be based upon a belief that man is instinctively good, that his society would be well-ordered were it not for the intrusion of some economic or material situation. You and I know this to be false - there is a constant war waged within each man between his desire to satisfy his animal nature and the nagging, instinctive knowledge that he is more than an animal with an obligation to play a noble part in God's plan for all 44

creation.

Goldwater reasoned that since it was impossible to legislate moral behaviour, it served to

"reckon with the nature of man as it [was]," and to arrest initiatives that stultified his frustrated spiritual development. 45

He therefore called for a public policy that regarded the wage-earner not as a

"producing and consuming animal," but as a "creation... in whom lives the divine spark

Barry Goldwater, sspeech delivered to the Republican Western Conference, Sun Valley, Idaho, September 28, 1961. Goldwater Media, 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks. Box 3. AHF. 43 Barry Goldwater, "What Do We Believe?", a speech delivered on December, 1959. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks 1959-60. Box 2. AHF. Stephen C. Shadegg letter to Honorable Barry Goldwater, September 10, 1959. Goldwater. Alpha Files, Personal. Shadegg, Stephen 1958-60. Box 9. AHF. Barry Goldwater, "Commencement Address - Brigham Young University," Provo, Utah, June 2, 1961. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks. Media / Speeches 87th Congress, Box 3. AHF. 53 of Almighty God."46 He charged that legislative initiatives advocating a greater provision of welfare for an expanding range of contingencies failed to assume "a structured view of the human being and of human society." The senator proceeded to introduce his concept of the "whole man" as possessing both materialistic wants and nobler, spiritual tendencies indicative of his possession of an immortal soul.47 He argued that the material and spiritual sides of man were intertwined and that it was impossible for the state to assume responsibility for one without intruding on the nature of the other. The central error of

"welfarism," he deduced, was its delusional drive to satiate carnal materialism to the neglect and to the detriment of "the superior side of man's nature." He claimed that by subordinating all other considerations to the individual's material well-being, the welfare state retarded man's spiritual development by divesting him of his responsibilities and elevating his less-noble tendencies, transforming him from "a dignified, industrious, self- reliant spiritual being into a dependent animal creature."49 He therefore called upon his colleagues to retract "the stultifying influence of benevolent paternalism" and to ignite

"the lamp of freedom... [for] a society shaped by its instinctive outreach toward the

Grace of God."

He further argued that technocratic orthodoxies, stressing quantifiable, fiscal measures of collective well-being, had indeed facilitated a progressive breakdown in the moral standards of the people.50 Panning welfare state advocates as "cynical lustful

46 Barry Goldwater, "What Do We Believe?", a speech delivered on December, 1959. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks 1959-60. Box 2. AHF. Goldwater, Conscience of a Conservative, 2. Emphasis is in original text. 48 Ibid., 70. Ibid., 2. Emphasis is in original text. 50 Barry Goldwater, "What Do We Believe?", a speech delivered on December, 1959. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks 1959-60. Box 2. AHF. 54 apostles of fear,"51 he charged the consensus with exploiting the trauma of war and economic depression under the high-minded pretences of an "unrealistic, Utopian situation described as security."52 He held that twenty years of a "philosophy of fear" had fed an obnoxious canker of selfish materialism, and proceeded to accuse "the disciples of collectivism, the superior social planners, [and] the architects of the New Deal and the

Fair Deal"53 with the sustained inculcation of petty materialism and fearful, craven self- interest.54 In an inalterably insecure natural order in which "the lion eats the lamb [and] the big fish eat the little fish,"55 he reasoned that the only real security available to the individual resided within the ambit of the spiritual. It was in concern for "the welfare of the individual" that the reinvigorated right found its casus belli, the senator insisted with the qualification, not the "spoon-feeding, dehumanization kind" of welfare, but the spiritual health of a wage-earner rendered increasingly aimless in a culture lacking direction and transcendent meaning.56

In spite of "penetrating] the Space Age" and attaining the relevant insignia of material well-being, he argued, the individual had become lost in a "wilderness of

51 Barry Goldwater, KOY Broadcast, August 25, 7:30 p.m. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc., See List. Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. AHF. Barry Goldwater, "No Time for Timid Souls," a speech delivered before the Republican Women Convention, Prescott, Arizona, May 3, 1958. AHF. Barry Goldwater, "Opening Campaign Speech," Prescott, September 10, 1958. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials). Box 145 Misc. See List. Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. AHF. 54 Barry Goldwater, "No Time for Timid Souls," a speech delivered before the Republican Women Convention, Prescott, Arizona, May 3, 1958. AHF. 55 Barry Goldwater, "Opening Campaign Speech," Prescott, September 10, 1958. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials). Box 145 Misc. See List. Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. AHF. 56 Barry Goldwater, "What Do We Believe?", a speech delivered on December, 1959. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks 1959-60. Box 2. AHF. 55 irreverence."57 Railing against a mind-set of self-interested acquisitiveness, he condemned the avarice of both the wage-earner and of the corporate sector, which he criticized as "competitive, brutal, blind to every reflection beyond the productive curve."58 Modern material culture had rendered the individual "prosperous, apathetic, contented and self-indulgent," addicted to "unimportant, tinsel material nothingness," and satisfied to sit in "air-conditioned comfort and ride down the primrose path to socialism and slavery."59 He lamented the degeneration of man to an irreverent disbeliever, covetous of all but that which was valueless and transitory, the "cynical spphisticated

(sic) [product] of a purely materialistic society."60 Repelled by a culture in which it was considered "fashionable to disbelieve," the senator attacked the rise of normlessness and nihilism by adapting traditional Christian revivalist themes to a modern idiom, railing against moral backsliding as a transgression of the individual abetted by an irreverent state.61

Indeed, government's culpability in "the moral crisis" was particularly salient, he argued, in the rise of antisocial behaviour. "We see the violence in our streets," he declared in 1958, "[and] hear the cries of the victums (sic) of assault... lost in a welter of

Goldwater, untitled speech, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc. See List. Copies of Goldwater Speeches '50s. AHF. 58 Barry Goldwater, speech delivered at 8:30 p.m. April 7, 1961, at Hotel Westward Ho in Phoenix at the first annual Republican Dinner with Barry and Paul. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks. Box 3. AHF. 59 Barry Goldwater, "The Greatest Treason," a speech delivered November 29, 1957, Before the Arizona Certified Public Accountants. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145 Misc. See copies of Goldwater speeches. AHF. 60 Barry Goldwater, untitled speech. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc. See List. Copies of Goldwater Speeches '50s. AHF. 61 Daniel Bell, "The Dispossessed - 1962." In The Radical Right: The New American Right, Expanded and Updated, Daniel Bell ed. (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc. 1963), 4. 56 planned confusion."62 In the wake of vast economic and material advances, he asserted, the abuse of intoxicants had become endemic.63 The "sick joke, the slick slogan, the off- color drama and the pornographic book" had become established moral standards in a culture lacking ethical political leadership. Implying that such "primitiveness" was due to unethical statecraft, the Republican presidential candidate's campaign literature assailed a liberal administration that "wink[ed] at mob action, civil disobedience, violence, disorder, and riots in the streets."64 For Goldwater, the decidedly motiveless hostility of the morally-degenerated in the urban milieu constituted the "final, terrible proof of a sickness" which "not all the social theories of a thousand social experiments [had] even begun to touch." He cautioned that this moral lapse posed a menace to long-standing bonds and social mores that was without precedent.

The most imperilled of social institutions, he contended, were the traditional ties of family and kinship. In a 1960 address titled What Price Social Welfare?, he warned against the gradual and imperceptible erosion of the family through "ill-advised and misguided welfare schemes." The senator criticized the U.S. Social Security

Administration's Retirement Insurance Benefit (RBI) as an initiative that enticed the wage-earner to elude responsibility for the aged, railing against a man who would set his infirm parents "adrift... on a meagre social security pittance" so that he could purchase a

Barry Goldwater, untitled speech. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc., See List. Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. AHF. 63 Barry Goldwater, "Opening Campaign Speech," Prescott, September 10, 1958. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials). Box 145 Misc. See List. Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. AHF. 64 Series II: 1964 Presidential Campaign, 1961-65, Sub-series VII: News Clippings and Sub-series VIII: Newspaper Headlines and Front Pages. AHF. 57

"new and flashier auto." In the Senate on August 25, 1958, he blasted a culture that considered it independent and dignified for the aged, denied the assistance of their adult children, to accept from the public exchequer a "thinly disguised dole." He also identified in federal Aid to Dependent Children (ADC) measures under Social Security a perverse encouragement of indiscriminate sexual behaviour, illegitimacy and parental delinquency, and criticized the state-assisted single mother for extracting "easy and steady income" from "illegitimacy and wholesale bastardy (sic)." These instances of familial decline, he argued, were indicative of a broader breakdown in moral obligation and self-sacrifice.

Goldwater held that the burgeoning welfare state also posed a threat to traditional mediums for Christian social action. The senator argued that dependence upon

"impersonal ministrations of professional social agencfies]" to resolve issues "which first

[required] that we love our bothers as ourselves," had eroded Christian instincts of social obligation.67 Because the welfare state had advanced the assumption that remote public authorities were obligated to provide for any number of contingencies on a universal basis, he argued that the scope for charity and self-sacrifice had diminished. The noble impulse of the tax-payer prepared to yield his income for the collective benefit, he argued in The Conscience of a Conservative, was tainted by his compliance to the coerced

65 Barry Goldwater, "What Price Social Welfare?," Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks 1959-60. Box 2. AHF. 66 Series II: 1964 Presidential Campaign, 1961-65, Sub-series VII: News Clippings and Sub-series VIII: Newspaper Headlines and Front Pages. AHF. The Aid to Dependent Children (ADC) federal assistance program was created under the Social Security Act of 1935 as part of the New Deal. In 1960, the name of the program was amended to Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) [emphasis added] due to conservative concerns that the program discouraged marriage. The AFDC remained in effect until 1997. Series II: 1964 Presidential Campaign, 1961-65, Sub-series VII: News Clippings and Sub-series VIII: Newspaper Headlines and Front Pages. AHF. 58 taxation of his neighbour, who probably possessed a divergent sense of social obligation.

He accordingly called upon his legislative colleagues not to augment or refine but to arrest and retract the welfare state and to forge a public policy that "[turned] on the lights of integrity, not [turned] them off."

Maintaining that "fear [had] been the catch word of the new dealers," he urged his contemporaries to embrace faith in both Almighty God and man's destiny, to alleviate the afflictions of modern culture.69 In a radio broadcast of October 25, 1952, the senate candidate called on Arizonans to accept as a moral obligation their responsibilities as

"tools through which Almighty God will work out the destiny of mankind." It was the design of the Almighty, he argued, that man, as a pilgrim, use his finite time toiling as "a free individual with an important individual soul... in the furtherance of the Lord's kingdom." In this respect, the levelling effects of the welfare state were also anathema to the spiritual. It was, he claimed the obligation of each individual to work out his own destiny, unimpeded and untormented by the panaceas of "a thousand voices speaking in confusion."70 In senate campaign literature boasting a call to "Fear or Faith," Goldwater challenged the individual to reject the state of perpetual childhood guaranteed by the former and to embrace the more noble implications of the latter.71 Holding that "Man's

Goldwater, Conscience, 67. 69 Goldwater, Personal, Senate Campaigns, Box 1, 1952-1967, Literature, News clippings & Correspondence, pamphlets. AHF. 70 Barry Goldwater, October 25, 1952 Radio Broadcast. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials). Box 145 Misc. See List. Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. AHF., and Speech delivered by United States Senator Barry Goldwater in Tucson, Arizona - Thursday, October 24, 1957. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials). Box 145 Misc. See List. Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. AHF. 71 Goldwater, Personal, Senate Campaigns, Box 1, 1952-1967, Literature, News clippings & Correspondence, pamphlets. AHF., and "Speech made by Senator Barry Goldwater 59 problem [was] not to be found and cured in his economic situation... [but] in man himself," the senator called for the reestablishment of divinely-endowed human liberty

and austere self-reliance as the basis of a Protestant-oriented ethic he perceived to be under siege.72

Indeed, he held that these inextricably interwoven virtues could temper man's tormented condition by requiring him to submit to self-disciplinary ordinances. Asserting that the acceptance of discipline was the first responsibility of freedom, in a speech before the Arizona Certified Public Accountants in 1957, he proceeded to outline its importance

in rules of conduct, social mores, economic customs, and religious attitudes. The form of discipline most important to the spiritual development of man, he contended, was that of self-reliance. The senator argued that before the welfare state nature had imposed a variety of disciplines which modern man had come to avoid because the emergence of a comprehensive set of state interventions had "unconsciously shattered the normal discipline of nature." This had in turn diminished the punitive and instructive capacities of nature to cultivate the mind and to accustom the individual to the order of Christian social mores and moral standards.73 The re-imposition of the discipline of nature, he asserted, required the individual to reject the welfare state's "tarnished, cheap concept of material man" and to embrace certain "basic truths" associated with a godly life of austere self-reliance and toil.74 before the Republican Western Conference, Sun Valley, Idaho, September 28, 1961." Goldwater Media, 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks. Box 3. AHF. 72 Barry Goldwater, "The Greatest Treason," a speech delivered on November 29, 1957 Before the Arizona Certified Public Accountants. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1962 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145. AHF. 73 Ibid. 74 Barry Goldwater, untitled speech. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials). Box 145 Misc. See List. Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. 60

Goldwater's Protestant-oriented worldview was premised by the notion that

"Character strengthened] in the face of adversity and problems," and that the human spirit was nurtured by hard work and hardship.75 Speaking before the Federation of

Republican Women at Washington, D.C. in 1959, he again blasted the welfare state for relieving man of his burden and perpetuating in him a wretched sort of spiritual adolescence. It was in "the crucible of struggle [that] character is built," he maintained, insisting that it was through toil and struggle that the individual reached strength, wisdom and understanding, deepened his faith, and found transcendent meaning in life itself.

Stressing that life was never intended to be easy, the senator charged that the emergence of the welfare state had atrophied man's work ethic to the point that it threatened his

"muscles [and] brain [and] character" with "dry rot." Any legislative initiative that would blunt the wage-earner's vigour for hard-work and self-reliance was therefore rejected by the senator not merely as an intellectual error contrary to the best purpose of mankind, but as a sin in defiance of God as "our expressed recognition of the source of our freedom."77

Indeed, the senator's strident defence of austerity and abstention was part of a broader appreciation for the ascetic life. In distinctively Calvinistic tones, he associated

AHF., and Barry Goldwater, "The Greatest Treason," a speech delivered on November 29, 1957 Before the Arizona Certified Public Accountants. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1962 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145. AHF. 75 Barry Goldwater, a sspeech delivered on January 4, 1959, before the Federation of Republican Women, Washington, D.C. Goldwater, Media 86th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks - Differences Between the Democrats and Republicans. Media / Speeches, 86th, 1959-1960. Box 2. AHF. 7 Barry Goldwater, a speech delivered at 8:30 p.m. April 7, 1961, at Hotel Westward Ho in Phoenix at the first annual Dinner with Barry and Paul. Goldwater Media 87th Congress, Speeches Statements, Remarks, Box 3. AHF. Barry Goldwater, a sspeech made before the Republican Western Conference at Sun Valley, Idaho, on September 28, 1961. Goldwater Media, 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks. Box 3. AHF. 61 anything that distracted the mind from the spiritual with a sort of idolatry. Because material acquisitiveness exalted the creature rather than the creator, he pressed that the welfare state was antithetical to "God, love, nature, truth, freedom, human dignity, reason, order, and the higher things." He stated that the individual was not created to engage in "the game of happy hopscotch, leap-frogging from luxury to luxury," for it was in modest abstention that his spiritual nature was fortified. In a 1952 speech before the

Arizona Business and Professional League, the senator related a didactic tale about a lumberjack and his "turkey," or the "big, blue bandana handkerchief in which he carried all of his possessions, to render explicit the virtues of asceticism. The north-woods lumberjack was said to have encountered a "city man" who was amused at the meagre contents of the wage-earner's turkey or handkerchief:

There wasn't very much to show for thirty-five years of labor in the north woods and the city man, with his bank books and stock certificates and his memberships in the clubs, laughed at the turkey when he first saw it - a couple of pairs of wool socks which had been knitted for the lumberjack by his wife - a letter from a daughter who was away at school - a note of recommendation from his former employer - and the Lord's Prayer, written with a hot iron on leather, one of those wall plaques designed to hang in the front room. And I suggest that the city man, with all his possessions had little more in his turkey than the lumberjack. The love of his wife; the respect and affection of his daughter; evidence that he had been an honest laborer, and the Lord's Prayer.78

The afflictions of post-war culture, he insisted, were a reflection of a collective refusal to belay "the banners of pride and lust and power" and to "walk meekly following the Cross of Jesus Christ" in the tradition of a fabled past.79

Kemper Fullerton, "Calvinism and Capitalism: An Explanation of the Weber Thesis" in Protestantism and Capitalism: The Weber Thesis audits Critics, ed. Robert W. Green., and Barry Goldwater, "What Do We Believe?", a speech delivered on December, 1959. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks 1959-60. Box 2. AHF. 79 Untitled Speech, Personal, Senate Campaigns, Box 1, 1952. AHF. 62

In elegant phrases commingling truth with romanticism, the senator exalted the toil, austerity, and independence of the first Anglo-Saxon settlers of the American

Southwest, citing "the individual initiative [and] sheer grit and courage" of "heroic men who carved [a] great Republic out of the wilderness."80 At Prescott in 1958 he lauded the determination of frontiersman in Conostoga (sic) wagons, trappers, traders, and "those stalwart Mormon pioneers who came South from Utah, fortified with thrift, industry and faith" to forge a life in barren aridity.81 If a craven impulse for security had limited their exploits, he argued, no pilgrim would ever have traversed the Appalachians, the

Mississippi, or the Rockies.82 In 1964 the Republican presidential candidate's campaign exploited images of the Arizonan on horseback, amidst a desert landscape punctured by saguaro cacti, lauding his lineage as "Pioneers, Patriots, [and] Builders" who had thrived in untamed, "hostile Indian country."83 In contrast to the novelist Louis Broomfield's caricature of the "egghead" technocrat as "confused in thought" and "over-emotional and feminine in [his] reactions," the Arizona Republican was virile and decisive, "as dynamic, strong and solid as the modern West he love[d]." Asserting that Americans had lost their way and parted with a virtuous heritage, Goldwater called for a return to "the spiritual and

Barry Goldwater, "Commencement Address - Brigham Young University," Provo, Utah, June 2, 1961. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks. Media / Speeches 87th Congress, Box 3. AHF. Goldwater is referring to a Conestoga wagon, a heavy, broad-wheeled, covered freight carrier used extensively in the United States throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Barry Goldwater, "Opening Campaign Speech," Prescott, September 10, 1958. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials). Box 145 Misc. See List. Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. AHF. 82 Barry Goldwater, "What Do We Believe?", a speech delivered on December, 1959. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks 1959-60. Box 2. AHF. 83 Series II: 1964 Presidential Campaign, 1961-65, Sub-series VII: News Clippings and Sub-series VIII: Newspaper Headlines and Front Pages. AHF. Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism, 9-10., and Series II: 1964 Presidential Campaign, 1961-65, Sub-series VII: News Clippings and Sub-series VIII: Newspaper Headlines and Front Pages. AHF. 63 material fruits of a way of life that [had] stood the test of time."85 In a defiant challenge to welfare state advocates, he asserted that weakness and dependence were unsuited to the descendants of men and women who had defended the republic's "liberties with their treasures and blood."

In The Foundations of Conservative Thought, Harbour theorized that for the theocentric humanist, the small-scale social bonds of family and localism represented the correct ordering for the development of the individual spiritual life.87 In a 1958 speech before the Arizona Republican Women Convention, Goldwater venerated the "main streets of our small towns" as the "heartland and strength and growth of America," and recalled a fabled frontier social order of "small shopkeepers, of small manufacturers,

[and] of independent operators," that had served as a "beacon of light for all the world."

He cautioned against the degeneration of the independent craftsman to a number in a union organization, and the submission of the independent businessman to a "managerial

OQ class operating the properties of gigantic corporate structures." The independent wage- earner, Goldwater noted, was required both to "succeed in his work [and] to treat his neighbour with compassion," lest he be "caught like a shuttlecock in a badminton game between the power plays of ambitious men." Within the small-scale social bond it was

"the forgotten American... who prays, pays, and works," noted the senator, who "looks

Barry Goldwater, "Commencement Address - Brigham Young University," Provo, Utah, June 2,1961. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks. Media / Speeches 87th Congress, Box 3. AHF. Barry Goldwater, sspeech delivered before Women's National Press Club, Hotel Statler, Washington, D.C., January 3, 1961. Goldwater: Media 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks, Advice to Liberals. Box 1. AHF. Harbour, Foundations, 1. OQ Barry Goldwater, "No Time for Timid Souls," a speech delivered before the Republican Women Convention, Prescott, Arizona, May 3, 1958. AHF. 64 up from [his] toil to that spiritual society of loving men and women Almighty God

on intended his creation to become," that served as his standard of the moral citizen.

Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign also made use of idealized images of the

"closeness, loyalty, and happy family feeling" within the homes of the presidential and vice-presidential candidates. The Goldwaters were described as a family to be proud of in pictures of the senator with his children and wife. The Republican vice-presidential nominee, congressman William E. Miller of New York, was likewise advertised with his wife and children as a paragon of familial harmony. Campaign literature included private letters from the senator to his twelve year-old daughter, whom he urged to "believe in

God and [in her] family and [in her] country."90 In family life the senator perceived the spiritual strength of the nation as an independent, conjugal unit "quietly... praying and paying, working and saving," and imparting to children respect, obedience, and a love of

God. Indeed, he held that these bonds of love and affection that linked the parent to the child and the child to the parent dictated that care for children and the aged were the responsibility of the family. x

But if the welfare state were to be retracted, Goldwater acknowledged the increased importance of private Christian social action to assuage the plight of the ill and the indigent. Stressing ad nauseam the merits of self-sacrifice, the senator suggested that charitable works could be considered "payment, in part, for the joys of life derived from 89 Barry Goldwater, "Fear or Faith," Personal, Senate Campaigns, Box 1, 1952-1967, Literature, News Clippings & Correspondence, Pamphlets through Goldwater's Good Advice. AHF; and Barry Goldwater, "No Time for Timid Souls," a speech delivered before the Republican Women Convention, Prescott, Arizona, May 3, 1958. AHF. 90 Series II: 1964 Presidential Campaign, 1961-65, Sub-series VII: News Clippings and Sub-series VIII: Newspaper Headlines and Front Pages. AHF. 1 Barry Goldwater, a speech delivered before the White House Conference on Aging, January 9, 1961. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks, Family Life and Older Persons. Box 3. AHF. 65 the local association and from the protection afforded our freedoms by our Republic."

Since man's time was a divine allowance, he reasoned that it was the obligation of the individual to use his time "creating a better world, creating more abundant food for less fortunate people... and creating more freedom for the individual." Indeed, he held that every worthwhile charitable cause that had induced "better understanding between men and women" had done so because it had been the initiative of free individuals without

Q-l

"compulsion... [or] a great central boss" to direct their efforts. In The Conscience of

Conservative, he reflected upon the spiritual implications of a form of social action that was unsolicited and not coerced:

How different is it with private charity where both the giver and the receiver understand that charity is the product of the humanitarian impulses of the giver, not the due of the receiver. Let us, then, not blunt the noble impulses of mankind by reducing charity to a mechanical operation of the federal government. Let us, by all means, encourage those who are fortunate and able to care for the needs of those who are unfortunate and disabled. But let us do this in a way that is conducive to the spiritual as well as the material well-being of our citizens - and in a way that will preserve their freedom. 4

Goldwater thereafter concluded that social welfare should be a private concern promoted by individuals, families, churches and community charities, so that the spiritual impulse of self-sacrifice could be appropriately nourished.

Indeed, though the senator's ideas of faith lacked theological precision they reflected a Protestant-orientation of spiritual "movement" or "process" rooted in theocentric humanism and the "cosmological principle" of a god-centered view of the

Barry Goldwater, untitled article appended to letter from Goldwater to Stephen C. Shadegg dated June 19, 1961. Goldwater, Personal, Correspondence. Shadegg, Stephen, 1961.Box9.AHF. Barry Goldwater, transcript of a radio broadcast of October 25, 1952. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145. AHF. 94 Ibid., 68-9. universe. In The Protestant Movement and Democracy in the United States, Niebuhr wrote that for the American Protestant, the inclination to conceive of faith as a "pilgrim's progress" or as a "tabernacle set up on the march night after night [and] struck down again morning after morning," was particularly acute. An abstentious pilgrim in historical evolution as well as in faith, Niebuhr asserted that the American Protestant sees his faith as less a millennial structure than as movements of the spirit that withstand the gales and rains despite his inherent weakness because of the miracle of grace. His faith has been adapted through a number of "reformations" and rapprochements with democratic and industrial civilization. He therefore orients his faith not to the order and structure of a divine truth once and for all revealed, but to the movement and progress of his fellow pilgrims, often in the form of moral crusades for social reform.95

In a campaign advertisement printed in a 1952 edition of The Phoenix Gazette,

Goldwater called upon Arizonans to embrace "faith [as] the weapon offreedom."96 As a

United States Senator and as the Republican nominee for president in 1964, Goldwater articulated a movement of revival rather than of protest in which he called for a positive freedom for faith and virtue, rather than a negative freedom from external restraint. He perceived the "whole man" as "a spiritual being [and] child of Almighty God," whose nature was tormented by proclivities for moral backsliding. He regarded the welfare state as what Niebuhr termed "rationalizations [or] smokescreens" for "the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eyes, and the pride of life or self-will."97 Though he associated the material and

95 Niebuhr, "Protestant Movement," 23. 96 Barry Goldwater, "Fear or Faith," Personal, Senate Campaigns, Box 1, 1952-1967, Literature, News Clippings & Correspondence, Pamphlets through Goldwater's Good Advice. AHF. Q7 Barry Goldwater, "And to the Republic," a speech to the Central District - Federation of Women's Clubs of Arizona, April, 28, 1957. SCS Collection, Box 54. Stephen 67 the hedonistic with the diminution of the spirit, such negations were incidental to his affirmations of the virtues of hard work and ascetic self-discipline as the bases of a social order conducive to the spiritual development of the individual. His criticisms of the welfare state were based in the importance of the development of individual spirit, and called for the revival of an ethic of individual self-suppression and self-assertion intelligible only in the light of fundamental faith and a desire for virtue and righteousness.

Shadegg Speeches and Misc. Information. AHF; and Niebuhr, "The Protestant Movement," 29. 68

CHAPTER 4: U.S. SENATOR BARRY M. GOLDWATER ON THE SOVIET MODEL AND THE "TRUTH OF GOD'S CREATION"

The preceding chapter established that U.S. Senator Barry M. Goldwater held faith in a living God and in the transcendent value of spiritual movement or process. The manifold associations between his faith and his defence of the liberty and the self-reliance of the individual were rendered explicit in the context of his critique of the welfare state and the technocratic ethos from 1952 to 1964. He defended the sovereignty of God and the sacredness of God-given individual dignity and rights, spoke of life as a "pilgrim's progress" of the spirit, and attacked a managerial state run by centralized administrators, engineers and technicians as an affront to the "spiritual side of man's nature."1 Though materialism represented the tendency of the age rather than a doctrine widely espoused throughout the country, it was a premise that he believed would strip human life of its transcendent meaning. Though his anti-communism has been interpreted in the context of

"freedom versus slavery,"2 his critique of the Soviet model was in fact related to this disdain for the material and the self-consciously anti-religious. In rhetoric suffused with religious ideas and images, he attacked the Soviet model for its denial of "the truth of

1 Barry Goldwater, "Suggested Declaration of Republican Principles Submitted to the Republican Platform Committee," Chicago, Illinois, July 19, 1960. Steven C. Shadegg Collection (Also 1952 and 1956 campaign materials). Box 145, Misc. See List of Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s, Arizona Historical Foundation, Tempe, Arizona (hereafter referred to as AHF). Emphasis is in original text. See Rick Perlstein, Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus (New York: Hill and Wang, 2001); Lee Edwards, Goldwater: The Man Who Made a Revolution (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Publishing, Inc., 1995); and Robert Allen Goldberg, Barry Goldwater (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995). 69

[God's] creation," and argued for the abolition of its extreme expression of the materialist or physicalist ideal as the "indispensable condition for a tolerable world."

It has been documented that Goldwater called for "total victory" over the Soviet

Union in the Cold War as the "dominant, proximate goal of American [foreign] policy."

It has not been acknowledged, however, that his critique of the Soviet model was not only metaphysical but also religious. In fact, a sound analysis of the senator's perception of the

Soviet model is not feasible if the multiform and complexly interwoven set of experiences related to his religious background is not kept in mind. Indeed, his rhetoric was suffused with various images and ideas related to the nation's religious heritage that were intelligible only in the light of the faith and hunger for righteousness of Protestant mind. He saw the United States in the mould of a "Promised Land" or as the fulfillment of God's covenant with the people who he had chosen as agents of divine purpose.5 It was the task of the United States, Goldwater held, to defeat a monolithic, ever-expanding doctrine that he identified with a materialist or physicalist ideal, atheism, and the "false promise" of secular deliverance. He regarded the Cold War as an "ancient conflict" that

3 Barry Goldwater, broadcast of October 13 on the KOY network, 7:30 to 7:45, and October 14 on the KOOL network 6:00 to 6:15. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s, AHF; Barry M. Goldwater, Why Not Victory: A Fresh Look At American Foreign Policy (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1962), 40. 4 Ibid., 39. 5 The Promised Land is a term used to describe the land promised by God, according to the Hebrew Bible, to the Israelites as God's chosen people. The promise is first made to Abraham in Genesis 15:18-21 and then renewed to his son Isaac, and to Isaac's son, Jacob in Genesis 28:13. The Promised Land is also referred to in the Qur'an in Isra and Mi'raj: "And thereafter We said to the Children of Israel: Dwell securely in the Promised Land. And when the last warning will come to pass, we will gather you together in a mingled crowd." See T. Desmond Alexander, From Paradise to the Promised Land: An Introduction to the Pentateuch (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Academic, 2002). 70 contested the spiritual, or what he termed the "superior side" of human nature, with a self-consciously atheistic creed exalting the primacy of physical matter.

As the distinguished Jewish novelist Sholem Asch wrote, the ideals and values of religious literature tend to be revived in times of social stress when "ancient moral values

[are] charged with the power of salvation for us and for our days." The perennial use of metaphysical and moral themes traceable to the Bible in the senator's Cold War rhetoric, whether intentional or subconscious, was ever-present and often deepest in the realms of image and idea. The view of life as a "pilgrim's progress" has been noted as one such theme. Another recurrent theme in the senator's rhetoric was the biblical metaphor of

Americans as a "Chosen People" engaged in a task of plantation as the final act of God's providential plan. Both ideas were derived from biblical lore and deeply influenced how

Goldwater interpreted the role of the United States in its long and troublous engagement with the Soviet Union. In For Freedom's Sake, a short film written by Steven C.

Shadegg, edited by Carl C. Yost, and produced under the sponsorship of the senator, both themes were at work, although they were used subtly and allowed to operate in the realm of suggestion. Produced in 1957, the film's script lends critical insight into the extent to which religious ideas influenced the senator's interpretation of the Cold War as an

"ancient" conflict to be resolved through the inward conversion of the antagonist.

Intended to contrast the Soviet model with the "Christian concept of man," For

Freedom's Sake was set on a barren coast line with no evidence of human civilization.7

6 Scholem Asch, What I Believe (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1941), 40-41. 7 Letter from Stephen C. Shadegg to Dean Burch, January 9, 1956. Goldwater, Personal, Shadegg, Stephen. TV Script & Correspondence (1 of 2) "For Freedom's Sake," 1952-57, Box Q-S #9 up to and including letter of June 28, 1957, AHF; Stephen C. Shadegg, "For Freedom's Sake," produced under the sponsorship of United States Senator Barry M. 71

Shadegg introduced the scene as the "bleak Eastern shore of a little known continent" where men and women took "the first bold step in man's progress toward his destiny."

The description of the scene in the film's script recalls both the biblical metaphor of

Americans as children of Israel, led by a cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night, and the sense of "historylessness" that Sydney Mead identified with American Protestantism.9

By "historylessness" Mead referred to the tendency of the Protestant in America to leap from the settling of the continent straight back to New Testament times and to regard everything in between as a sort of mistake or as inconsequential to the final deliverance of God's chosen people. It was through labour and sacrifice, wrote Shadegg, that the forever falling and forever being raised again had upheld the "dignity of the individual" as agents of the divine.1 The first frames of For Freedom's Sake not only reflected the

"Messianic consciousness" that infused the senator's view of the United States, but affirmed the literary scholar Carlos Baker's assertion that the national soul and self- concept remained close to the Biblical and the monumental.11

In his 1961 essay for Religious Perspectives in American Culture, Daniel D.

Williams commented on the tendency to interweave a sense of the peculiar significance

Goldwater. Goldwater, Personal, Shadegg, Stephen, TV Script & Correspondence (2 of 2), "For Freedom's Sake" 1952-57, Box Q-S #9, AHF. 8 Ibid. Sidney Mead as quoted in William Lee Miller, "American Religion and American Political Attitudes, in Religious Perspectives in American Culture, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 89. Stephen C. Shadegg, "For Freedom's Sake," produced under the sponsorship of: United States Senator Barry M. Goldwater. Goldwater, Personal, Shadegg, Stephen, TV Script & Correspondence (2 of 2), "For Freedom's Sake" 1952-57, Box Q-S #9, AHF. Carlos Baker, "The Place of the Bible in American Fiction," in Religious Perspectives in American Culture, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 246. 72 of America's place in world history with a Christian faith in the Providence of God. The special vocation of America as a theological concept, Williams noted, had been formative since the continent's first settlers endured the severest of hardships and ills in forging a life in the wilderness of a "New Israel." It remained intrinsic to American religious feeling to interweave faith in a living God with beliefs about their own existence.13

Goldwater often reflected on the nation's providential design, suggesting that one could find the same kind of solace and the same kind of relief that he could find in his church by considering the exploits of the continent's first settlers.1 He held that by "knowing the story of America, and knowing how closely the whole story is related to religion," an individual could bring himself closer God. He also felt that the understanding of the nature of man and of the human soul articulated by Christ had found its best and most perfect expression in the American republic and its founding documents.15 Indeed, for the senator, faith was what the theologian David E. Roberts called a "confirmatory appendage to the American way of life." He identified both traces of divine will in the contingent historical circumstances of the nation and the serenity of "God's peace" in its natural beauty as a "Promised land."

Daniel D. Williams, "Tradition and Experience in American Theology," in The Shaping of American Religion, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 485. 13 Ibid. 14 Barry Goldwater, "Politics & The Church," A Film from the Personal and Political Papers of Senator Barry Goldwater, AHF. 15 Barry Goldwater, broadcast of October 13 on the KOY network, 7:30 to 7:45, and October 14 on the KOOL network 6:00 to 6:15. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc - See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s, AHF; Barry M. Goldwater, Why Not Victory: A Fresh Look At American Foreign Policy (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1962), 40. 16 David E. Roberts, "The Christian Gospel and the American Way of Life," in What the Christian Hopes for in Society (New York: Association Press, 1957), 73. 73

It is critical to recall and re-enforce the extent to which Goldwater related God to the natural and to the organic. Indeed, human encounters affect the individual appropriation of themes associated with religious revelation, and it is notable that the senator associated "God's peace" with the spiritual feeling he felt in aviation and in lone retreats into the "heart" and "perfection of nature."17 He identified the presence of the divine in his state's deserts and in its Hopi and Navajo territories, and the solace of peace in the "small Navajo girl herding her flock and singing to it [under] the rising splendour of a magnificent sun."18 At a service at the Chapel of the Holy Cross in Sedona on April

2, 1961, beneath a redwood cross set in the shaded pink of sandstone, he contended that closeness with nature could nurture man's spiritual fibre and assuage his proclivities for sin. In the small chapel built into a sandstone mesa, he preached that a man whose feet rejoiced in treading the desert and whose eyes admitted the sun into his heart would be a creature of peace. If he accepted "the understanding that knowing [the] canyons and their storys (sic) imparts" and the "love that the theatre of nature plays beneath its arch,"

Goldwater mused, the individual could overcome his sinfulness, retain the spirit of his childhood and precipitate "the peace that can reign over us till (sic) the heavens part again."19

The investment of the natural beauty of the American South West with moral or religious feeling represented the fusion of the senator's faith with an intelligible world

1 7 Barry Goldwater, "Dedication Remarks by Senator Barry Goldwater, Fourth Annual Eastern Sunrise Service," Sedona, Arizona, April 2, 1961. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks, Box 3, AHF. John W. Dean and Barry M. Goldwater, Jr., Pure Goldwater (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2008), 27-8. 19 Barry Goldwater, "Dedication Remarks by Senator Barry Goldwater, Fourth Annual Eastern Sunrise Service," Sedona, Arizona, April 2, 1961. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks, Box 3, AHF. 74 view. It is important to note that the use of mountains and mesas "bearing the weight and warmth of millions of years" as metaphors for "God's peace" not only rendered concrete rhetoric of the divine, but interwove faith in God's grace with the story of America .

Indeed, within days of his reflections at the Chapel of the Holy Cross, the senator continued to relate "God's peace" to spring in Arizona at the first annual Dinner with

Barry and [Arizona Governor] Paul [Fannin], a state Republican gathering held in

Phoenix on April 7, 1961. He observed that spring had come to the state's highlands and

70 that new life had transformed the desert with "color and brightness and perfume." But although the ancient pine and juniper forests offered to an anxious mankind the promise of serenity and peace, he argued, peace could not be realized in a mechanized and materialistic age in which there was "no time for serenity [and] no room for the slow growing pine and the cedar." He insisted that the Soviet model's expression of the materialist or physicalist ideal threatened to shatter the crystalline order of nature and to deprive man of the manifold blessings bestowed by his creator.

Goldwater reflected that the series of robotic spacecraft missions launched by the

Soviet Union in 1957 had produced "hysterical outcries" at the realization that its physicalist model was capable of such technological achievement.22 He insisted that although any indication of Soviet superiority in weapons technology must be immediately overtaken, that was the lesser half of the problem. He held that "those spinning Sputniks

Barry Goldwater, speech delivered at 8:30 p.m. April 7,1961, at the Hotel Westward Ho in Phoenix at the first annual Dinner with Barry and Paul. Goldwater Media 87th Congress, Speeches Statements, Remarks, Box 3, AHF. 21 Ibid. Barry Goldwater, speech delivered on November 29, 1957, before The Arizona Certified Public Accountants. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s, AHF. 75 in outer space" were irrefutable demonstrations of communist accomplishment that required Americans to undertake a thoughtful self-appraisal. However, he urged against adopting the material means and methods advocated by the Soviet model. Instead, he held that in an era of "missiles and moon-conquest...

.. .the index of our superiority is not our technological ability. Technology is not the glory of the west, but a by-product of its glory. Its glory has been its understanding of the nature of man and of his status as a person created by a personal God.

He proceeded to call on his countrymen to take up the cause of the sacredness of the individual as the touchstone of religious truth and to contest the anti-theistic scientific spirit of the materialist or physicalist ideal. He asserted that the tension between the

"vicious [Soviet] philosophy" and the hallowed "spirit of America" was in fact a dispute over the nature and status of man.

The senator feared that the empirical "spirit of science," as the methodological basis of the materialist ideal, would debase the dignity of the individual life. In his study of cosmic theories in relation to the deliverances of empirical science, James Ward Smith noted a limited revival of religious tone immanent with the sober stock-taking and dread after Hiroshima.24 The religious tone and cosmic sense induced by "our first national shudder of terror," Smith wrote, was related to a fear that the advance of theoretical and

Barry Goldwater, untitled, undated speech. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc., See list, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's,AHF. 4 Smith explained cosmic theories as the assumption that courses of events could be justified and explained through the "ultimate truths" of the Christian faith. The Puritan, for example, could deplore the fact that the world was on the brink of disaster only because he was confident in his capacity to justify it in terms of his cosmic theories about specific courses of action which were not being followed. James Ward Smith, "Religion and Science in American Philosophy," in The Shaping of American Religion, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 437-8. 76 applied science had gone too far. The religious or cosmic content of the senator's rhetoric was indicative of this post-war disillusionment with science. He argued that human intelligence had tamed the atom and was supreme in its mastery of the elements.

He held that man had triumphed over his material surroundings, reconstructed his geological past, and "penetrated the secrets of mother nature." The transmutation of the atom, however, had breached the "terrible secret" of "the atom bomb... the hydrogen bomb [and] the cobalt bomb," and the senator feared that "our time [may have] ended... at Hiroshima." But as Smith theorized, the revival of a cosmic sense in the post-war period did not reflect a diminished respect for science per se, but a recovery from the

98 delusion that it could be thought of as distinct of human values.

It is critical to stress that Smith set out an important distinction between the corpus of science and the methodological spirit of science. The former, he wrote, refers to a given set of data, laws, and interpretations, whereas the latter refers to the speculative basis or the spirit of inquiry and invention in which the corpus was produced.29 Smith identified in American thought an inclination for the "superficial accommodation" of science, and examined it from the science of quantum mechanics to the science of rocket missiles to reveal an acumen for the adaptation of faith to the facts and theories of science

25 Ibid. 26 Barry Goldwater, sspeech delivered at 8:30 p.m. April 7, 1961, at the Hotel Westward Ho in Phoenix at the first annual Dinner with Barry and Paul. Goldwater Media 87th Congress, Speeches Statements, Remarks, Box 3, AHF. 97 Barry Goldwater, untitled, undated speech, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc. See list, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's; Barry Goldwater, broadcast of October 13 on the KOY network, 7:30 to 7:45, and October 14 on the KOOL network 6:00 to 6:15. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s, AHF. 28 Smith, "Religion and Science," 438. 29 Ibid., 409 77 without serious concession to its methodological spirit. It is crucial to recognize that the senator exhibited such a readiness to accommodate and at times advocate the facts and formulas of the corpus of science while refusing to countenance the spirit of its method.

His enthusiasm for applied science was noted in The Saturday Evening Post in which he was depicted as a pilot of nine of the Air Force's jet models and as an amateur radio enthusiast who built and installed his own hi-fi sets and could fix anything mechanical.31

As an aviator he mused that science had vanquished time and space, but he averred that the "mystery of man remain[ed]."32 Though a celebrated photographer of his state and its twelve Indian tribes, he insisted that the "electronic devices which permit us to peer into space remain[ed] hopelessly inadequate to describe and catalogue and reveal the nature of man."33

He was therefore able to retain an ardour for applied science, while stressing that his was a "natural philosophy" in its regard for the primacy of the spiritual side of man's nature. In his second book Why Not Victory?, he repeated his faith that man had both a spiritual and a material side, and that one side could not be affected without a reaction taking place in the other, for as the "focus is placed on the material side, the spiritual side weakened."34 He reasserted that the glory of western civilization was not its material resources but its notion of man as "first and eternally a spiritual creation [and] a child of

30 Ibid., 413. 31 Paul F. Healey, "The Glittering Mr. Goldwater," The Saturday Evening Post, 1958. Goldwater: Personal, Senate Campaigns, News clippings, Articles 1957-58. Box 1. AHF. 32 "Barry Goldwater, sspeech delivered at 8:30 p.m. April 7, 1961, at the Hotel Westward Ho in Phoenix at the first annual Dinner with Barry and Paul. Goldwater Media 87th Congress, Speeches Statements, Remarks, Box 3, AHF. 33 Ibid.; Paul F. Healey, "The Glittering Mr. Goldwater," The Saturday Evening Post, 1958. Goldwater: Personal, Senate Campaigns, News clippings, Articles 1957-58, Box 1, AHF. 34 Barry M. Goldwater, Why Not Victory: A Fresh Look At American Foreign Policy (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc, 1962), 14. 78

Almighty God with an important, immortal, individual soul." Indeed, he reflected that it was in the American South West four hundred years earlier that "the Spanish padres

[had] first placed their lighted candles before the altar of Almighty God to establish the dignity and the importance of the individual soul."36 The theoretical bases of the Soviet model, he argued, denied the "ancient truth" that man is not merely a "physical animal but a SPIRITUAL animal as well."37 He proceeded to rail against the Soviet model's

"false promise" of secular deliverance, its atheism, and its materialism as offences to God

TO and to "the truth of his creation."

In the theories of dialectical materialism Goldwater identified the methodological spirit or speculative basis of science referred to by Smith in his essay for The Shaping of

American Religion. It is critical to recall that as the theoretical basis of the Soviet model, dialectical materialism or "Diamat" asserts the existential and causal primacy of material elements, or that which is proven to exist in matter.39 It rejects the spectral nature of theism on the basis that all action can be explained by antecedent events and scientific Barry Goldwater, untitled 1952 senate campaign speech, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection, (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s, AHF. The word padre is used to address of refer to a Roman Catholic priest of a Spanish- speaking church in the United States. Barry Goldwater, broadcast of October 13 on the KOY network, 7:30 to 7:45, and October 14 on the KOOL network 6:00 to 6:15. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s, AHF. Barry Goldwater, untitled, undated speech, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc., See list, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's, AHF. Capitalization and underlining is in original text. 38 Barry Goldwater, untitled, undated speech. Goldwater, Personal, Senate Campaigns, Box 1,1952, AHF. an In Dialectical and Historical Materialism, written in 1938, Stalin codified the theories of dialectical materialism into the doctrine of Diamat, which he decreed as the official philosophy of the Soviet Union, which it remained until its dissolution. Roger S. Gotlieb, History and Subjectivity: The Transformation of Marxist Theory (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987) and Delos B, McKown, The Classical Marxist Critiques of Religion: Marx, Engels, Lenin, Kautsky (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1975), 159. 79 laws.40 Diamat theoreticians held that a correct understanding of the world could be attained through the entire record of human cognition and the universal laws of development in the objective world or, "the conclusions of all the sciences, synthesized."41 It was the physicalist point of departure of Diamat, insisted Goldwater, or

"Karl Marx's definition of man as a social, economic [and] physical animal," that rendered the Cold War a "religious conflict" and a contest to establish by force or persuasion a philosophical definition of man himself.42 Indeed, Diamat was not merely an economic doctrine, but views about the most general and most significant features of the universe, and about the principle purposes of human life.43

The senator was also aware that Diamat, as an expression of the materialist or physicalist ideal, served as the epistemological basis of "scientific atheism" or "correct consciousness" in the Soviet model. It was in the single, monolithic unity of Diamat and scientific atheism as the methodological foundation for the re-organization of the world, that Goldwater detected the basic premise of the Soviet model.44 If the human species were reduced to individual material units in a physicalist model, he reasoned, then God

James Thrower, Marxism-Leninism as the Civil Religion of Soviet Society: God's Commissar (Lewiston, Queenstown and Lampeter: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1992), 103. P.V. Kopnin as quoted in Thrower, Marxism-Leninism as Civil Religion, 4. 42 Barry Goldwater, untitled, undated speech, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc., See list, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's,AHF. H.B. Acton, The Illusion of the Epoch: Marxism-Leninism as a Philosophical Creed (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2003), 45. N.A. Gorbachev as quoted in Thrower, Marxism-Leninism as Civil Religion, 103; Barry Goldwater, untitled, undated speech, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See list, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's,AHF. 80 would have no meaning.45 He therefore constructed his arguments against the Soviet

Union's "anti-Christian philosophy" as a defence of fideism and the "moral laws of

Almighty God [as the] established laws of life."46 The Cold War was not a mere outgrowth of a collision of national ambitions, he insisted, but a struggle between "those who believe in God and man's destiny as a free child of God, and those who deny the existence of our Creator."47 The "disciples of Marxian materialism propose to dominate the world," he cautioned in a speech of November 29, 1957, and "Nikita Khrushchev

[has] predicted [our] children [will] accept the doctrines of his atheistic concept of man."48 At the Republican Western Conference on September 28, 1961, Goldwater called on his colleagues to defeat the "heresies" of the "barbarous materialistic philosophy" espoused by the "dictators of atheistic communism" and to defend the transcendent value of the individual as a progeny of a living God.

The theories of dialectical materialism and scientific atheism were indeed, as the periodical Novayazhizn observed, a "kind of experiment on [the] skin and blood" of man.50 Diamat theoreticians defined Homo Sovieticus or the "new Soviet man" as a man of labour and of the collective who was "infinitely [and selflessly devoted] to his

Barry Goldwater, untitled, undated speech, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc., See list, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's.,AHF. 46 Ibid. 47 Barry Goldwater, untitled, undated speech, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc. See list, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's,AHF. Barry Goldwater, speech delivered before The Arizona Certified Public Accountants, November 29,1957. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials). Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s, AHF. Ibid.; Barry Goldwater, speech delivered before the Republican Western Conference, Sun Valley, Idaho, September 28, 1961. Goldwater Media, 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks, Box 3, AHF. Maxim Gorki as quoted in Thrower, Marxism-Leninism as Civil Religion, 96. 81 socialist, multinational fatherland" and to his clear vision of the materialist ideal. The senator criticized these views as at once solipsistic and servile, forged in hatred and implemented through force and coercion.52 The "evil brutality of the philosophy of Marx and Engels," he contended, saw the individual as no more than a "cipher to be used, abused and discarded by the State."53 He proceeded to cite the atheist son of a rabbinical lineage to whom he attributed these theories:

Let me tell you what Karl Marx said about this. Marx said: "The democratic concept of man is false because it is Christian. The democratic concept holds that each man is a sovereign being. This is the illusion, dream and postulate of Christianity."

In the "Hell under communism," Goldwater asserted, the individual was of no importance except as a slave to a physicalist ideal. He resolved that an individual created in the image of God must not be fed to the "ugly red flames" and forced to accept "the doctrine of the nothingness and the insignificance of the human being" or the "tarnished, cheap concept of material man which is offered in the philosophy of Marx and Engels" as the basis of the Soviet model.55

51 Ibid., 98 Barry Goldwater, speech delivered on November 29, 1957, before The Arizona Certified Public Accountants. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s, AHF. CI Ibid.; Barry Goldwater, untitled, undated speech, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See list, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's, AHF. 5 Barry Goldwater, untitled, undated speech, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s, AHF. Barry Goldwater, speech before the Virginia State Bar Association's 71st Annual Meeting, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, August 5, 1961. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements and Remarks, Box 3, AHF. 82

But the decided crudities of scientific atheism were most often incidental to those of Diamat in post-war theological discourse. At once soteriological and secular, the physicalist model was held to confound the spiritual and the concrete in the "false hope" of an earthly redemption or deliverance from despair. The ideal of Homo Sovieticus as a redeemed man, noted the sociologist Robert Wuthnow, was evil in that it was idolatrous.56 Its appeal and logic, reasoned Goldwater, was that "all men prefer a false promise to a flat refusal."57 The messianic element of Diamat, which so repulsed the senator, was evident in its dogmatic and oracular tenor, its liturgical rigour the formulae

CO of rites and rituals, and its fixation on an evil from which men were to be delivered.

Diamat theoreticians proposed that objective reality existed in dialectical tension until the final, climactic deliverance of a non-antagonistic and classless society in which man, no longer a human being but a "species being," would be relieved of his alienation and of the insignificance of finitude.59 Railing against this "false doctrine," the senator urged

Americans to retain "faith in the truths of Almighty God over the falsehoods of

Robert Wuthnow, The Restructuring of American Religion: Society and Faith Since World War //(Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1988), 52. 57 Barry Goldwater, "What Price Social Welfare?" Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks 1959-60, Box 2, AHF. Thrower, Marxism-Leninism as Civil Religion, 14-5. 5 Ibid., 94; Alasdair Macintyre, Marxism and Christianity (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1971), 76. 83 communism."60 The Soviet model, he believed, breached an essential biblical distinction between the transcendent and the mundane and between the creator and the created.

The senator's disdain for the theoretical bases of the Soviet model was rendered explicit in For Freedom's Sake, the 1957 film he produced in concert with Shadegg and

Carl C. Yost. As the film's protagonist, Goldwater strove to re-enforce the idea that the materialist or physicalist model represented a "false promise" in its refusal of certain precepts he attributed to the Christian faith, declaring his intention to "refute with the truth the philosophical ideology which inspires [Soviet] aggression." In order to reveal the falsities he perceived in the Soviet model to a wider audience, the senator was featured as prosecutor in a trial of the forces that he held denied the divine ground of human existence.62 In a letter to the senator and Dean Burch of December 20, 1955,

Shadegg wrote that Goldwater was to contrast the "Marxian view [of man] as not in any way a spiritual creature" with the "Christian concept of man." It was critical, wrote

Shadegg, that the individual be able to distinguish the "horrible brutalities [of the]

Bulshavists" and the Marxian perspective of men as a "working units" from the Christian view, or "our Lord's Second Commandment that we should 'Love Our Neighbour As

Barry Goldwater, speech before the Republican State Convention, May 11, 1962, Cheyenne, Wyoming. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's, AHF; Barry Goldwater, October 13, KOY network, 7:30 to 7:45, KOOL - 6:00 to 6:15 Oct. 14. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's, AHF. 61 Barry Goldwater, untitled and undated speech, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's, AHF; Wuthnow, Restructuring of American Religion, 52. Stephen C. Shadegg, "For Freedom's Sake," produced under the sponsorship of United States Senator Barry M. Goldwater. Goldwater, Personal, Shadegg, Stephen, TV Script & Correspondence (2 of 2), "For Freedom's Sake" 1952-57, Box Q-S #9, AHF. 84

Ourselves." The depiction of the Soviet model as an insidious "false promise" was recurrent as the senator reiterated that it was "for freedom's sake" that distortions of the truth not be dismissed.64

He therefore strove to relate the Soviet model's atheistic and physicalist precepts to the unnatural and the non-spiritual. As a prosecutor in For Freedom's Sake, Goldwater cross-examined an actor in the guise of Stalin. In the film's script, Shadegg advised that the camera should not be sharply focused on the actor, for he sought to create the effect of a man "not quite real." The figure of Stalin was to be sworn in by the likeness of

Benjamin Rush, but refused the Bible, asserting that he "swore by no God" since religious faith was a "bourgeois invention and a superstitious myth." Goldwater repeated that the witness had said he did not believe in God and went on to interrogate him about

"law and morality, love and charity." Shadegg wrote that his replies should be through "a filter microphone, to again heighten the illusion of someone not quite human" as he derided religion as a bourgeois prejudice and likened "the materialistic society of the

Dialectics" to a higher state of development. Throughout For Freedom's Sake, the senator and Shadegg tried to interweave their interpretation of the theoretical bases of the

Soviet model with their views about the spiritual and the natural, which they interpreted as consubstantial with the "supernatural" or the divine.

Dean Burch was a close confidante of Goldwater who served as chairman of the Republican National Convention from 1964 to 1965. Letter from Stephen C. Shadegg to Dean Burch, January 9, 1956. Goldwater, Personal, Shadegg, Stephen. TV Script & Correspondence (1 of 2) "For Freedom's Sake," 1952-57, Box Q-S #9 up to and including letter of June 28, 1957, AHF. 4 Stephen C. Shadegg, "For Freedom's Sake," produced under the sponsorship of United States Senator Barry M. Goldwater. Goldwater, Personal, Shadegg, Stephen, TV Script & Correspondence (2 of 2), "For Freedom's Sake" 1952-57, Box Q-S #9, AHF. 5 Pennsylvania physician and devout Presbyterian Benjamin Rush was a Founding Father of the United States and signatory to the United States Declaration of Independence. Ibid. 85

In For Freedom's Sake, Goldwater threatened that the Soviet model was not only a break in the balance of the original peace of nature, but an insatiably "brutal and destructive force." It had fermented in violence, he charged, and threatened to "feed the world on its own destructive diet." Against a clip of a voracious fire, he elegized those

"engulfed by the Communist philosophy," adding that "the evil of Communism [had] not yet reached our land in all its violent malignancy." Shadegg went on to introduce the first of a series of ecclesiastical metaphors with a cut to a night scene of candles burning on an altar with wind blowing the flames. As the senator threatened that "all charily, love and hope" would be "destroyed and despoiled by the Marxian materialistic" interpretation of the human condition, the flames were to be blown out. Goldwater proceeded to cite biblical edict, urging that "the truth will make us free." The recurrent use of biblical ideas and images throughout the film reflected a religious mindset that resented the Soviet model as a "socialist secularisation of eschatology."66 It was the senator's religious feeling that infused his ideas with emotion and a sort of missionary zeal, for he held that it was not enough "to be vaguely sure that we are right and they are wrong," for "ours is the cause of all mankind [and] we are concerned [with] and involved with humanity."

Indeed, in For Freedom's Sake, against a map of the Soviet Union and its satellites, he argued that men, women and children were "disappearing in agony and terror to be regurgitated as listless, pathetic human ciphers without meaning or dignity or purpose." In the film's script, Shadegg called for a clip of a Russian concentration camp to depict the Soviet model, but noted that if none were available, "any German

Concentration Camp [would] do." At Seoul, Pusan, Heartbreak Ridge, and the Yalu, the senator indicated on a map of Korea, the blood and sacrifice of American soldiers had

Thrower, Marxism-Leninism as Civil Religion of Soviet Society, 27. 86 made of that rocky peninsula a hallowed shrine. But as that "unnatural struggle" dragged to a listless conclusion, he asserted, the "valour and sacrifice of freedom's dedicated soldiers" was turned into a "mockery and shame" by "uncertain and confused, political commanders." The "destructive expansion [and] gripping paralysis of Russian communism" went unabated, he charged, asphyxiating the spirit of the individual and defiling human dignity in Indonesia, in Vietnam, and throughout Southeast Asia. The struggle could only end in total victory for one side or the other, he insisted, because the ideal of a physicalist creed which dealt with the most significant features of the universe, and about the principle purposes human life, had been adopted by the Soviet Union as its ultimate objective.

He believed that containment, or the policies of "drift, reaction and indecision" had "flaunt[ed] our moral codes" and were insufficient to defeat the innate and irrevocable aggressiveness of the dialectical theories that he held threatened the world.68

He asserted that because of containment's rather limited and ineffectual resistance, the

Soviet model continued to take "hundreds of millions of slaves [over] hundreds of millions of square miles" and he decried the metastasis of dialectics on every side.69 In his analysis of the influence of religion on American attitudes toward war, William Lee

Stephen C. Shadegg, "For Freedom's Sake," produced under the sponsorship of United States Senator Barry M. Goldwater. Goldwater, Personal, Shadegg, Stephen, TV Script & Correspondence (2 of 2), "For Freedom's Sake" 1952-57, Box Q-S #9, AHF. 68 Barry Goldwater, broadcast of October 13 on the KOY network, 7:30 to 7:45, and October 14 on the KOOL network 6:00 to 6:15. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s. AHF; Barry Goldwater, untitled and undated speech. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's, AHF. 69 Barry Goldwater, speech before the Virginia State Bar Association's 71st Annual Meeting, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, August 5, 1961. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements and Remarks, Box 3, AHF. 87

Miller observed that the infusion of moral and religious values tended to lead to intolerance of limited and reactive strategies, and dissatisfaction with results that were not rousing and final.70 Indeed, Goldwater was impatient with the restraint of containment, and rejected the notion of war as a Clauswitzian instrument for attaining limited, concrete objectives. He insisted on the broader goal of "total victory," and urged Americans to retain faith in God and faith to understand the basic struggle which he felt must occupy every mind until the Soviet model's ultimate downfall. Goldwater reflected that successive administrations had, "to our shame, compromised with evil," and insisted that

"there [was] no room on [the] earth for the existence [sic] of... two diametrically opposed concepts of man."71

The instinct for moral crusade or the sounding of a call to the hearts of men,

Miller noted, extended from a faith in the inner turning of an individual beset by sin.72

Indeed, Goldwater retained faith in the change of heart or conversion within of the antagonist and tended to speak with the proclamatory fervour of crusade, exalting the primacy of the individual will in issues of morality.73 He argued that the Soviet model could only be defeated "in the hearts and minds of men," and that the exaltation of violence was the outward expressions of an inner conflict. In the spirit of evangelical religion, he urged unrestrained engagement of the antagonist infused with the spirit of

Miller, "American Religion and American Political Attitudes," 114. 71 Barry Goldwater, untitled and undated speech. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's, AHF. 79 Miller, "American Religion and American Political Attitudes," 111. 73 Ibid.,ltt 88 revival and conversion.74 An end to the struggle was not to be brought about through material methods, he held, but through inward conversion and spiritual process. He therefore called for an end to foreign aid for neutral states as an extension of the

"stomach theory" that the strength of allies and the ill will of enemies were plastic to material well-being. He scorned such "overseas largesse" as related to the physicalist ideal or the "stock-in-trade of [the] Communist" and instead called for revived faith in spiritual and human values.75 The accent on spiritual movement and process was indeed present throughout the senator's reflections, as was his resistance to the empirical, the rational, and the material.

Indeed, to defeat the Soviet model he was inclined to advocate the facts and formulas of the corpus of science while refusing to countenance its methodological spirit.

He sought to enhance the nation's military superiority, with particular emphasis on its strategic bomber aircraft and land-based intercontinental ballistic missile nuclear arsenal to offset Soviet conventional advantages.76 He insisted that peace could only be insured through strength, and urged for the "mastery of the uses of space and heavy reliance on missiles."77 But it is critical to note that for the senator the ability to fight a "brush fire as well as a nuclear war" was a necessary and not a sufficient condition for the defeat of the

Soviet model. He reiterated that a permanent solution was not to be found in weapons,

Barry Goldwater, untitled and undated speech. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's,AHF. Barry Goldwater, speech before the Republican Western Conference, Sun Valley, Idaho, September 28, 1961. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks, Box 3, AHF. 76 Goldwater, Why Not Victory, 42-44. Series II: 1964 Presidential Campaign, 1961-65, Sub-series VII: News Clippings and Sub-series VIII: Newspaper Headlines and Front Pages, AHF. 78 Goldwater, Why Not Victory, 43. 89 but in the minds of men.79 He insisted that "bombs and bullets [would] not defeat or destroy the false concepts which threatenjed] the world," for the basic solution to every problem rested in the development of the spiritual integrity of the individual. He therefore urged his countrymen, as agents of divine will, to "make it plain to all the world that this is indeed one nation under God," and to declare their "devotion to serve God's will - that all men, everywhere, shall be free."

In a 1952 address before the Christian Endeavour Union, he urged his audience to abandon "passive acquiescence" and "establish not only in our land but throughout the world an acceptance and understanding of man himself," and to repeat with passionate affirmation belief in God as "the Father Almighty, maker of Heaven and earth." He went on to invite his fellow Christians to repeat with militant affirmation an invocation to

"win ultimate peace and ultimate victory for the individual."83 The senator insisted that

Soviet model would be defeated when the world "on its knees" prayed:

Oh God who art the author of peace and lover of concord, in knowledge of whom standeth our eternal life, whose service is perfect freedom, defend us, thy humble servants from all assaults of our enemies, that we, surely trusting in thy defence,

70 Barry Goldwater, speech delivered at the Eisenhower-Nixon Dinner, Westward Ho, Phoenix, Arizona, January 27, 1960, TV closed circuit. Goldwater, Media, 86th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks, Media/Speeches 86th Congress, AHF. Barry Goldwater, untitled and undated speech, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's, AHF. 01 Ibid., Barry Goldwater, speech delivered at the Eisenhower-Nixon Dinner, Westward Ho, Phoenix, Arizona, January 27, 1960, TV closed circuit. Goldwater, Media, 86th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks, Media/Speeches 86th Congress, AHF. Barry Goldwater, untitled and undated speech, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's, AHF. 83 Ibid. 90

may not fear the power of any adversaries, through the might of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.84

The call to embrace such spiritual faith over a "craven fear of death" was also articulated by the senator in a May 24, 1958, edition of the television program Arizona Wants to

Know. Goldwater reflected that the "women of America [had] sent their husbands, sons, and sweethearts to fight and die for freedom," and that "faith [must be kept] with those who died to make us free."85 He urged that "we would rather die than lose our freedoms" for fear was an enemy and it must be overcome.

In the last frame of For Freedom's Sake, the senator reiterated that Americans, as agents of the divine and citizens of the "one great citadel of liberty in the world" had allowed themselves to become preoccupied with materialistic goals, and had deserted their devotion to the "concept of the Dignity of Man created in the image of God." He proceeded to recall that the United States was a country that had been "blessed and favored," and was bound to refuse compromise which required the denial of what was morally right. For Freedom's Sake ended with an appeal by the senator to his countrymen to re-dedicate themselves to the "service of mankind." Shadegg advised that the film should conclude with a choir intoning the final verses of Samuel Francis Smith's

Ibid. Underlining is in original text. Of Goldwater, Conscience of a Conservative, 86; Barry Goldwater, "T-V Series No. 1, Arizona Wants to Know, Master Script," Goldwater, Personal, Senate Campaigns, Announcement for Re-election, May 24, 1958, Box 1, AHF. Goldwater, Conscience of a Conservative, 86; Barry Goldwater, "He Speaks For Courage: Who is trying to drive fear into the hearts of our people?," Goldwater, Personal, Senate Campaigns, Box 1, 1952-1967, Literature, News clippings & Correspondence, pamphlets, AHF. on Stephen C. Shadegg, "For Freedom's Sake," produced under the sponsorship of United States Senator Barry M. Goldwater. Goldwater, Personal, Shadegg, Stephen, TV Script & Correspondence (2 of 2), "For Freedom's Sake" 1952-57, Box Q-S #9, AHF. 91

America, which recalled the appeal to providential design so often cited in the senator's

Cold War rhetoric:

Our fathers God to Thee, Author of Liberty, To Thee we sing. Long may our land be bright, With Freedom's Holy Light, Protect us by Thy might, Great God our King.

As these verses were sung, wrote Shadegg, the scene would "dissolve to a Flag Pole with the American Flag against the sky." He added that in the near background, "somewhat higher than the Flag would be a Church Spire," to reflect the enduring reign of God.

Goldwater indeed regarded the United States in the biblical mould of a "Promised

Land" and its people as agents of divine purpose. He argued that as a favoured or "elect nation," the United States was bound by moral obligation to defeat a monolithic, expansionist doctrine that he identified with the materialist or physicalist ideal, atheism, and the "false promise" of deliverance through dialectical struggle. He conceived of the

Cold War as an "ancient conflict" that contested the spiritual or the "superior side" of man's nature with a creed exalting the primacy of physical matter in defiance of the theism.90 He believed that "the good Lord [had] raised up" the American republic "not to cringe before the bully of communism," but to extend his will and his intent for the individual as a spiritual being.91 Distinguishing the spirit of scientific inquiry from the

Barry Goldwater, untitled, undated speech, Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc. See list, Copies of Goldwater Speeches, 1950's,AHF. U.S. Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona accepts the Republican Nomination for President in San Francisco, California, July 13 to July 16, 1964, in Lend Me Your Ears: 92 application of scientific knowledge so acquired, his critique of the Soviet model in many ways reflected a broader unease with the advance of the empirical, the rational, and the secular.92 He rejected the theories of the materialist or physicalist model advocated by

Soviet theoreticians as an assault on the spiritual constitution of the individual that deprived human life of transcendent meaning. The senator's critique of the Soviet model reflected, above all else, a preoccupation with the ultimate or the meaning of the broadest and most significant features of the universe, and about the principle purposes and worth of the individual human life.

Great Speeches in History, Updated and Expanded, ed. William Safire (New York and London: W.W. Norton & Company, 2004), 978. 92 Ibid., 494. 93

CHAPTER 5: U.S. SENATOR BARRY M. GOLDWATER ON THE MORAL-VOLUNTARY PRINCIPLE

In their 1956 survey for the American Sociological Review, Charles Glock and

B.B. Ringer found that on most social issues, the left-leaning policies of the Episcopal

Church did not reflect the attitudes of its parishioners.1 In fact, Glock and Ringer found that the parishioners were divergent on all but one issue on which the church had a committed policy.2 In 1961, a small group of Episcopalians who felt their convictions ignored by trends in their churches founded the right-leaning Foundation for Christian

Theology (FCT). At its second national convention in Phoenix in January 1968, the FCT met to re-affirm its opposition to the National Council of Churches of Christ in America

(NCC), a "monument to Christian social-actionists" of which the Episcopal Church was a constituent body. The event's keynote address was delivered by former U.S. Senator and

1964 Republican presidential nominee Barry M. Goldwater, who the FCT chairman lauded as "a courageous American leader." Goldwater read from The Conscience of a

Conservative and surmised that man "is not a part of a general collectivity in which the sacredness and the separate identity of individual human beings are ignored." He rebuked the NCC for purporting to speak for the 42 million congregants of its affiliate churches when, he charged, "they don't and shouldn't even try." To the conservative FCT's fervent

1 Charles Glock and B.B. Ringer as quoted in Luke Ebersole, "Religion and Politics," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 332 (1960): 103-104. The single issue on which there was agreement was American membership in the United Nations. Sydney E. Ahlstrom, "Theology in America: A Historical Survey," in The Shaping of American Religion, ed. James Ward Smith and E. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 294; Barry Goldwater, "Politics... and the Church?" A Film from the Personal and Political Papers of Senator Barry M. Goldwater, AHF. 94

applause, he proceeded to launch a scathing critique of the incursions of church groups into the political process.

Indeed, Goldwater criticized activist ecumenical bodies like the NCC as belonging to the "field of collectivity."4 It has been established that as a life-long

Episcopalian the senator averred faith in a living God and exalted the sacredness of the individual's spiritual movement or process. At the heart of this view of life, and the evangelical tradition from which it extends, is the idea of an inner turning or a conversion within.5 It was in his concern for the "inward man" that the senator differed with the

NCC, which in the post-war period had emerged as an advocate of social reform preoccupied with the "outer world" of quantitative, societal interests. It will be demonstrated that his view of man as a "spiritual creature" not only exalted the role of the individual "change of heart" for the moral penetration of society, but correspondingly deprecated structural-political change. He urged that advocates of social change should appeal to the individual's moral sense rather than the force of law or political action, for in order to be meaningful, change needed to be voluntary and inward. In the post-war period, there was no greater matter of the heart than the issue of racial prejudice. It is therefore through the lens of racial desegregation and its challenges that the senator's conflict with the NCC will be analysed.

4 Barry Goldwater, "Politics... and the Church?" A Film from the Personal and Political Papers of Senator Barry M. Goldwater, AHF. 5 William Lee Miller, "American Religion and American Political Attitudes" in Religious Perspectives in American Culture, ed. James Ward Smith and E. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 110. Barry Goldwater, The Conscience of a Conservative (Shepherdsville: Victor Publishing Company, 1960), 2. Emphasis is in original text. 95

It was in fact the challenge of desegregation in the late 1950s that induced a fairly radical shift in the tactics of the council.7 Though the NCC and its antecedent body, the

Federal Council of Churches of Christ (FCC), had long viewed the problem of racial prejudice as the "most searching test of... Christian ideals and principles," it had focused

o its efforts on teaching and preaching, or "sounding a call to the hearts of men." A series of events in the late 1950s and early 1960s, however, leant a new sense of urgency to the

"haunting sin" of racial inequality and impelled the NCC to engage in direct political activity.9 It was the issue of civil rights that changed the balance of forces within

Protestant churches, for as Christian activists deepened their involvement in the fight for desegregation, conservatives like Goldwater and his allies in the FCT became more outspoken in their criticism of such groups.10 Indeed, scholars have noted that the senator resisted mandated racial integration as unconstitutional, but have not acknowledged that

7 Samuel McCrea Cavert, former general secretary of the NCC as quoted in Henry J. Pratt, The Liberalization of American Protestantism: A Case Study in Complex Organizations (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1972), 158. 8 Minutes of the FCC's First Meeting of the Commission on Negro Churches and Race Relations, July 12, 1921, as quoted in Ronald C. White, Jr., Liberty and Justice for All: Racial Reform and the Social Gospel, 1877-1925 (Louisville and London: Westminster John Knox Press, 1990), 249; William Lee Miller, "American Religion and American Political Attitudes," in Religious Perspectives in American Culture, ed. James Ward Smith and E. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 110. Pratt mentions the Southern Christian Leadership Conference's civil rights campaigns at Birmingham, Alabama in the spring of 1963, the 1960 and 1961 lunch counter sit-ins and "freedom rides," the 1955 Montgomery bus boycott and the 1954 Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education as causing a "profound alteration" in the NCC's tactics. Pratt, Liberalization, 159; James F. Findlay, Church People in the Struggle: The National Council of Churches and the Black Freedom Movement, 1950-1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 3. 10 Ibid. he sought to bring about an "interracial, or multi-racial society, with liberty and justice for all," through the "voluntary principle" of an uncoerced "change of heart."11

It is critical to recall that Goldwater's 1964 presidential bid drew vituperative attacks from NCC-affiliated clergy, who accused him of a "transparent exploitation of racialism" after he voted against the Civil Rights Act of that year. At the FCT gathering in 1968, he recalled his experience as a presidential candidate and railed against the efforts of clergy to taint him a "creature of the night-riders," arguing that he thought it had been "completely [outside] of decency."13 He had in fact voted for the Civil Rights

Acts of 1957 and 1960, which strengthened the voting rights of African-Americans.14 He resisted the 1964 Civil Rights Act, however, as an unconstitutional appeal to force that left the inward man untouched. This chapter is therefore not a study in race issues per se, but a conflict analysis between two different sorts of Protestant social concern. Goldwater felt that through the "inward conversion" of the individual, social crises would take care

11 Barry Goldwater, "Civil Rights and the Common Good," Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List., Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s, AHF. 12 Seymour P. Lachman, "Barry Goldwater and the 1964 Religious Issue," Church and State 10 (1968): 395-404. A nightrider was a member of a group of masked horsemen who at night terrorized and intimidated African Americans and their sympathizers in the southern United States in the period after the Civil War. Barry Goldwater, "Politics... and the Church?" A Film from the Personal and Political Papers of Senator Barry M. Goldwater, AHF. The Civil Rights Act of 1957 was the first civil rights legislation enacted by Congress since Reconstruction. Its goal was to ensure that all African-Americans could exercise their right to vote. After it was proposed by President Dwight Eisenhower, the bill was changed and altered by Southern Democrats to the extent that it became largely ineffective in enforcement and scope. The Civil Rights Act of 1960 addressed some of the shortcomings of the 1957 act by expanding the authority of federal judges to protect voting rights and requiring local authorities to maintain comprehensive voting records. Brownlie, Ian, and Goodwin-Gill, Guy S., Basic Documents on Human Rights (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 97

of themselves. It was only through an individual, brought to goodness by way of inward, voluntary means, he insisted, that goodness could come. The "social gospel" activism of the NCC, the senator thought, dealt with a sordid "outer world" of power and interests.

Indeed, although individual clergymen had long preached a "social gospel," it was not until the mid-twentieth century that broad social agendas were taken up as official policy by a majority of mainline Protestant bodies. In a 1961 study, Dayton D. McKean found that it was in the ever-increasing breadth of their interests that ecumenical bodies like the NCC became unusual in the post-war political process.15 As an example, McKean noted the twenty pages of social resolutions adopted by the General Council of the

Congregational Christian Churches in 1956, on issues ranging from racial integration of public schools to statehood for Alaska.16 In 1951, Luke E. Ebersole, a leading student of post-war church lobbying, concurred that church groups had moved far from mere opposition to "liquor, war, and sin."17 His survey found that as Goldwater entered the

Congress in 1953 as a freshman senator, not only were there no signs of churches withdrawing from the ranks of political protagonists, but their efforts were in fact increasing.18 Established in 1950 through the integration of twelve interdenominational bodies, by the senator's 1964 presidential bid, the NCC had become a broadly inclusive,

15 Dayton D. McKean, "The State, the Church, and the Lobby," in Religious Perspectives in American Culture, ed. James Ward Smith and E. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 119. 16 Ibid. 17 Luke E. Ebersole as quoted in Dayton D. McKean, "The State, the Church, and the Lobby" in Religious Perspectives in American Culture ed. James Ward Smith and E. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 119. 18 Ibid. 98

self-consciously progressive body that purported to articulate the views of a quarter of the nation's population.19

An analysis of the senator's conflict with the NCC must begin with the council's theological bases. The historian Sydney E. Ahlstrom identified the origins of the "social gospel" in the discomfiture felt by Protestant churches in light of the deliverances of the geological and biological sciences. The theories of evolutionary biology first published in

Charles Darwin's The Origin of Species (1859), recalled Ahlstrom, had threatened to embarrass Christian doctrine on the genesis and very nature of life. Though staved off by the traumas of the Civil War and Reconstruction, he noted that by 1870 evolutionary theory had re-emerged as the leitmotif in most American thinking. The task of theological

"reconstruction" was taken up by Protestant intellectuals who sought to realign Christian thought with public presuppositions. If the Church were to survive the spread of naturalism in political and social ideas, thought the theologian Horace Bushnell, it needed to stress the unity of evolutionary process with the divine. The Christian revelation of the incarnate Lord, he wrote, taken as one with the illimitable processes of nature, represented the "the true system of God." It was in such efforts to reconcile the Church with a new faith in evolution and to re-assert the relevance of the Christian revelation that the "social gospel" was grounded.

As paleographic inquest did its part to render suspect the received text of

Scripture, scholars of "New Theology" strove to sublimate the positivistic tendencies of evolutionary biology and other new sciences into a theology of greater logical and

Pratt, Liberalization, 14. Horace Bushnell as quoted in Ahlstrom, "Theology in America," 283. 99

metaphysical sophistication. In his 1961 survey, Ahlstrom analysed the ideas of these

"New" or "liberal" theologians and identified a revised and more favorable view of the

99 nature of man and a resurgence of faith in moral and social evolution. William Newton

Clarke's belief that God had endowed humanity with a tendency to rise, had been reinforced in the northern states by the end of the Civil War. The abolitionist and social activist Julia Ward Howe's Battle Hymn of the Republic, with its cries of "Glory

Hallelujah! His truth is marching on!" became, as Ahlstrom put it, the "battle hymn of the moral optimists." Clarke, a New York Baptist minister, fused his theology with

Darwinian theory, arguing that man, as a progeny of the "true system of God," was instinct with potential for moral progress, and that it was toward him that the processes of 9"^ evolution had steadily advanced. As Protestant intellectuals strove to

"transcendentalize" theology, ecclesiology and doctrinal rigidity yielded to a new faith in man as the crown of the process of evolution.

The "naturalized" theology initiated by Clarke stressed not only that man's potential was unfolding and increasing, but that his nature was favorable to goodness.

Although by 1914 his Outline of Christian Theology had passed through twenty editions to become the Dogmatik of American theological liberalism, Clarke's work had little to

Here positivism refers to the theory that the truth or falsity of a proposal can be acquired only through direct observation and experimentation, and not through metaphysics of theology. W.T. Stace, "Positivism," in Mind 53:211 (1944): 215; Ahlstrom, "Theology in America," 286. 22 Ibid., 286-7. 23 Ibid., 290. 24 Transcendentalism is a philosophy emphasizing, especially that of Immanuel Kant, that regards the process of reasoning as the key to knowledge of reality. James Balfour, "Transcendentalism," in Mind 3:12 (1878): 480; Ahlstrom, "Theology in America," 292. say on the exercise of Christian social ethics. It was the Baptist minister and "lonely prophet" of the Social Gospel, Walter Rauschenbusch, who forged an agenda for social action in Christianity and the Social Crisis (1907) and Christianizing the Social Order

(1912). It was as a pastor in New York's "Hell's Kitchen," engulfed in the wretchedness brought by rapid industrialization and urban expansion, that Rauschenbusch determined that God had raised up socialism because the organized Church had been "too blind, or too slow, to realize God's ends."26 He urged that the poverty of the wage-earner and the plight of blacks were as evil as any inner demon to be fought, and argued for purgative

97 reform, not just of man's spirit, but of social institutions. He insisted that his ideas on the "place of socialism in the coming Kingdom of God" reflected a sound exegesis of scripture and that Christ had sanctioned the "spirit of socialism."28 He nevertheless retained the gradualistic orientation of "New Theology," asserting that Christian social • 9Q activists were "evolutionists, not revolutionists."

It is critical to establish that the senator had less faith in man's potential for progress and that his differences with advocates of the "social gospel" extended from divergent views about the nature of sin and the individual's relationship with it. The key prophets of the "social gospel" held a "super-personal" idea of evil as a force "out there"

25 Ibid., 294. 26 Ibid. 27 Ahlstrom, "Theology in America," 297-298. 9R • Jacob H. Dorn, "The Social Gospel and Socialism: A Comparison of the Thought of Francis Greenwood Peabody, Washington Gladden, and Walter Rauschenbusch," Church History 62:1 (1993): 96. 29 Ibid., 92. 101

to be fought that was in direct contrast to the senator's belief in the inward nature of sin.

•3 1

It must be recalled that for Goldwater, man's sinfulness was innate and ineradicable.

For advocates of the "social gospel," however, sin was in sinful acts, and man's guilt was actual, not imputed. The prophets of the "social gospel" conceived of sin as privative or dispositional rather than intrinsic. They therefore saw it as a detriment to man's spiritual side rather than as required for its nourishment. The senator held that God's permission of sin was critical, not for its own sake, but as a requisite for man's ability to make moral choices. Sin was essential to the spiritual processes of the individual and served as the basis of a moral order, as opposed to a mechanical one. It was in his concern for the

"inward man" that the senator diverged with the "outer world" of "social gospel" interests.

The new theology was first adopted by the Methodist, Episcopal, and Unitarian churches, all of which called for the abolition of child labour, the regulation of working conditions for women, the reduction of work hours, a living wage in every industry, public housing, and pensions for the aged.32 This "social gospel" agenda was taken up nearly verbatim by the Federal Council of Churches of Christ (FCC), founded in 1908 to

"promote the application of the law of Christ... in all matters affecting the moral and

Barry Goldwater, dedication remarks at the Fourth Annual Eastern Sunrise Service, Sedona, Arizona, April 2, 1961. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress. Speeches, Statements, Remarks, Box 3, AHF; Harry W. Laidler letter to Rauschenbusch, 28 April and 11 July 1916, as quoted in Dorn, "The Social Gospel and Socialism," 97; Ahlstrom, "Theology in America," 295. Barry Goldwater, commencement address at Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, June 2, 1961. Goldwater, Media, 87th Congress, Speeches, Statements, Remarks, Media / Speeches 87th Congress, Box 3, AHF. 32 Lachman, "Barry Goldwater," 393. social condition of the people." The FCC gave national weight to the largely northern trend of Social Gospel in mainline Protestantism, and by 1950, when it was renamed the

National Council of Churches of Christ (NCC), it had become a powerful and opinion- shaping portion of the general public, its triennial general assemblies regularly addressed by the leaders of the two major political parties. Though the religious revival of the 1950s reflected the disparate tendencies within American Protestantism, as Goldwater entered the U.S. Senate in 1953, the informal religious establishment to which the nation's politicians paid routine obeisance was that of the liberal, activist NCC. 4

The FCC had first taken up the fight against the segregation of blacks in 1921, and as the NCC continued to toil against racial prejudice through education and lobbying.

The specific and tangible efforts of the NCC for a non-segregated church and a non- segregated community were taken up by its educational agency, the Department of Racial and Cultural Relations. In 1948, the agency set up interracial institutes on race relations held yearly on college campuses across the United States.35At these "laboratories in practical Christian brotherhood," activists of local, state and national ecumenical bodies were taught techniques for improving race relations in the local community.36 The department also launched Interracial News Service, a bimonthly newsletter sent to

Ronald C. White and C. Howard Hopkins, The Social Gospel: Religion and Reform in a Changing America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1976), 200. 34 James F. Findlay cites statistics, published on an annual basis throughout the 1950s that established precise levels of church membership, church benevolences, monies invested in new church buildings, and Sunday School enrollments. These figures, he explains, produce a "steadily upward curve" in church involvement in the 1950s. By 1960, he contends, the official estimate was that over 63 per cent of the American public were church members, a 14 point increase in twenty years. Over 35 per cent were Protestants, by far the largest religious grouping. Findlay, Church People, 12-13. *s Ibid., 14,17-18. J. Oscar Lee as quoted in Findlay, Church People, 18. thousands of NCC-affiliated clergy, and enlisted agitators like the Southern Baptist

Minister William D. Campbell.37 As director of the NCC's first Southern Project, launched on November 1, 1956, Campbell recalled that his work was that of an itinerant missioner and propagandist, "encouraging white participants in the struggle, occasionally infiltrating the established structures of power [and] offering solace and sanctions to

•3© black and white victims of bigotry" in a largely grassroots, educational effort.

But by the late-1950s, the council increased its involvement in direct political activities, advising federal courts that the practice of segregation was diametrically opposed to what Christians believed about the worth of men by way of judicial policy resolutions taken up by its key governing bodies. It adopted two- dozen such resolutions between 1952 and 1958, and proffered various amicus curiae briefs to the courts on racial issues. Indeed, it was judicial, as much as legislative bodies, to which the lobbying efforts of organized religious groups in the United States have historically been directed.40 The NCC lobbied vigorously for the plaintiff in the 1949 Supreme Court case of Sweatt v. Painter, brought by Hemon Marion Sweatt against the University of Texas

Law School, on the grounds that as an African-American he had been unfairly denied access to advanced education by the state. It also lobbied the high court in its 1954 landmark decision in the case of Brown v. Board of Education, by which the dejure racial segregation of public schools was ruled a violation of the Equal Protection Clause

Ibid., 18-19,22. William D. Campbell as quoted in Findlay, Church People, 23. Findlay, Church People, 14, 16. McKean, "The State, The Church, and The Lobby," 120. of the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. It was the transcendent importance of the issue, the NCC insisted, that made such lobbying necessary.

It is difficult to determine the extent to which the NCC's judicial lobbying was formative, but the sociologist R. Morton Darrow has reasoned that the council's base of thirty-eight million congregants conferred great stature to its resolutions, even if the effect of the NCC's direct political activities before 1963 was minimal.43 In a 1950 letter to the NCC's executive director, Judge J. Waties Waring of the U.S. District Court in

Charlestown, South Carolina, urged the council to continue to press upon its congregations the importance of militant action to end segregation. The chief burden for ending segregation, wrote the judge, rested with "decent thinking churchmen," since:

.. .the defenders of segregation can deal in much sophistry and put up many arguments based on practice and custom and erroneous legal decision. But their weakest line of defense is in the religious area. And there is really no semblance of an argument when the approach is made from that standpoint.44

As a congregant of the NCC-affiliated Episcopal Church, Goldwater and his allies in the

FCT blasted the informing and advising of legislators and administrators by lobbyists of their church, denying that churches had a right to be "knee-deep in secular and legislative

Findlay, Church People, 16-17. Pratt, Liberalization,!^; Findlay, Church People, 16. 43 R. Morton Darrow, "The Church and Techniques of Political Action," in Religious Perspectives in American Culture, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison, 189. 44 J. Waites Waring to Samuel McCrea Cavert, January 6, 1950 as quoted in Findlay, Church People, 16-17. As might be expected, Judge J. Waites Waring's views meant social ostracism for him and his family in segregated South Carolina. Yarbrough, Tinsley E., A Passion for Justice: J. Waites Waring and Civil RightsJ^em York: Oxford University Press, 1987). matters" or that lawmakers had a "moral obligation [or] ethical duty" to support certain legislation.

In fact, the NCC was increasingly beleaguered by problems of internal cohesion in the early 1960s as constituent bodies like the FCT protested the trends indicated in

some of the actions of the council. All of its constituent churches had a minority of congregants who were hostile to the NCC, but internal dissenters rarely gained official recognition by its General Board until the council became involved in the fight for racial integration.45 Though surely some of the NCC's dissenting bodies were motivated by a sympathy for segregation, the FCT argued that it was in defence of "sound Christian doctrine" that it broke with the council and determined that its funding of Episcopal missions would be contingent on a pledge by the mission to abstain from political activity.46 Indeed, Goldwater criticized what he regarded was an effort to "pervert

Christianity" within mainline Protestant churches, insisting, "I don't think it's the place of any Christian convention to take political sides," or to get involved in "the politics of whether this is the best way to solve a problem or the other way." He often reflected on the attacks by the NCC that he had endured as a presidential candidate in 1964, and condemned the wielding of a "threat of 40 million people" by the council against a

In 1964 the NCC received some 10,000 critical letters, most of which eluded to the race issue. See Pratt, Liberalization, 245. 46 Barry Goldwater, "Politics... and the Church?" A Film from the Personal and Political Papers of Senator Barry M. Goldwater, AHF. 106

politician "who dares to vote against this ghostly crowd nobody seems to be able to put into a corral."47

The premises of Goldwater's critique of the NCC's growing engagement in the fight for racial integration were evident in his 1968 essay, The Politics of Morality. In a letter of December 5, 1968, U.S. Representative John B. Anderson of Illinois invited

Goldwater, as a legislator who had "distinguished himself for bringing his religious convictions to public office," to contribute to an anthology of essays on the relationship of Christian social ethics to politics. Anderson advised that his study of ethics and politics sought to find a middle ground between the lofty and ethereal stuff of philosophy and the boilerplate "cliches [sic] and old wives tales" that distinguished the field. He cited

Goldwater's defence of the transcendent value of spiritual movement or process, and asked the senator how he viewed the impact of his religious faith upon a given issue with which he was dealing. Anderson also asked what the raising of an issue in the first place said about the changing demands upon government, and about how the structure and character of the republic had changed so as to make government the proper forum for the arbitration of "moral questions." The Illinois congressman gave Goldwater considerable

Barry Goldwater, "Essay on Ethics by Senator Barry Goldwater," Goldwater, Personal, Writings, 1968-69, Box 3, AHF; Barry Goldwater, "The Politics of Morality," Goldwater, Personal, Writings, Box 5, AHF. Barry Goldwater, "Projected contents," Goldwater, Personal, Writings, 1968-69, Box 3, AHF; Letter of December 5, 1968 from John B. Anderson, Member of Congress to Senator Barry Goldwater. Goldwater, Personal, Writings 1968-69, Writings, Box 3, AHF. Barry Goldwater, "Projected contents," Goldwater, Personal, Writings, 1968-69, Box 3, AHF. license to discuss these issues or some other that he felt might be appropriate, so the polemical focus of The Politics of Morality is especially telling.50

In his ten-thousand word essay, the senator chose to reflect on the issue of racial integration in light of what he called his "personal convictions as a Christian." He began by recalling that as a presidential candidate in 1964 he had been attacked by many clergymen affiliated with the NCC for an alleged lack of moral consciousness in voting against the Civil Rights Act.51 Indeed, as Seymour P. Lachman documented in his analysis of the 1964 "religious issue" for Church and State, the attacks of individual clergymen and church people as well as of major mainline Protestant journals had intensified as the NCC became increasingly militant in the "midst of the human struggle," not on the sidelines, but "bearing some of the far-reaching burdens of the struggle."

Goldwater wrote that such churchmen refused to grant that as a man of conscience he had taken an oath of office wherein he swore to God to uphold the constitution to the best of his ability. He reiterated his belief that the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was unconstitutional, and argued that it was not to his advantage to point out time and time again that his objection to the bill was not its purpose but its form.

Indeed, he held that his oath to uphold the U.S. Constitution required resistance to federal legislation mandating racial integration.53 In The Conscience of a Conservative, he had rejected any conflict between States' Rights and supposed "civil rights," arguing

50 Letter of December 5, 1968 from John B. Anderson, Member of Congress to Senator Barry Goldwater. Goldwater, Personal, Writings 1968-69, Writings, Box 3, AHF. 51 Barry Goldwater, "The Politics of Morality," Goldwater, Personal, Writings, Box 5, AHF. Lachman, Barry Goldwater, 395-402; Findlay, Church People, 50 en Barry Goldwater, "The Politics of Morality," Goldwater, Personal, Writings, Box 5, AHF. that when properly defined, no such conflict could exist. If states' rights were asserted so as to violate individual rights protected by federal laws, he wrote, then the exercise of that authority by the state would be invalid. If certain individual rights were judged to infringe upon valid state authority as delegated by the Tenth Amendment of the U.S.

Constitution, then those rights would be a nullity.55 He held that a "civil right" is a right protected by a valid federal law and that although certain human rights, such as the right of "negro children to attend the same schools as white children... should also be civil rights," unless it is incorporated into the law it is not a civil right and is not enforceable by the instruments of law.56 Though "all persons, Negroes included," held the civil right to certain legal privileges and the right to vote under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth

Amendments, he insisted that the constitution did "not require the States to maintain racially mixed schools" and criticized church activists who thought otherwise.57

He rejected the "creative powers" taken up by the Supreme Court in its 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education for which the NCC had lobbied, arguing that the

Equal Protection Clause was not intended to alter the Constitutional structure by which no authority regarding education was given to the federal government.58 As the "supreme law of the land," he wrote, the U.S. Constitution remained what its authors "intended it to

Goldwater, Conscience, 28. 55 Ibid., 25-6. 5 Ibid., 26-17. Emphasis in original text. 57 In remarks made on the floor of the U.S. Senate in June 1964, Sen. John Stennis of Mississippi noted the "invasion of Mississippi this summer by outside racial agitators," adding that "The National Council of Churches has announced the adoption of a tentative budget of $250,000 to support a task force which will comme to Mississippi this summer." U.S., Congress, House, Congressional Record, 88th Cong., 2nd sess., 18 June 1964, as quoted in Pratt, Liberalization, 174-175. Emphasis in original text. Findlay, Church People, 16; Goldwater, Conscience, 26. be and said it was—not what the Supreme Court says it is." After Brown v. Board of

Education he conceded that the Attorney General had the authority to effect school integration but defended his vote against the Civil Rights Act of 1964 on titles II and VII of the bill, which he asserted were of such overriding significance that they were determinative of his vote on the entire measure.60 In the U.S. Senate on June 18, 1964, he argued that these titles, prescribing injunctive relief against discriminatory practices in hiring and places of public accommodation would embark the federal government on an unconstitutional "regulatory course of action" in the private sector. If it developed that more federal authority must be granted to assist in school de-segregation, he insisted, a

"tightly drawn" law must be applied so as to attend to States' Rights as established in the

Tenth Amendment and individual property rights and freedom of association. l

In his June 18,1964 address in the U.S. Senate, Goldwater stated that such legislation could only be properly weighed in an "atmosphere of dispassion, in the absence of political demagoguery, and in the light of fundamental constitutional principles." But his critics in the NCC, Goldwater asserted, had been too emotional to credit that he "might feel a responsibility to [his] oath of office," and he proceeded to reject the efforts of "not a few clergymen" to invest legislative proposals or political

3y Ibid., 28-29. 60 Title II of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prescribed "full and equal enjoyment of the goods, services, facilities, and privileges, advantages, and accommodations of any place of public accommodation... without discrimination or segregation on the basis of race, color, religion, or national origin. Title VII guaranteed equal employment opportunities regardless of race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. See Transcript of Civil Rights Act (1964) at www.ourdocuments.gov; Barry Goldwater, "Where Goldwater Stands on the Issues," Goldwater, Presidential Campaign, 1961-1965, National Newspapers, AHF. 61 Ibid. 110

issues with moral depth. He thought of Christian faith as an inner conviction and the inspiration to attune oneself to God taken up by the individual.63 In The Politics of

Morality, he wrote that in the case of racial integration, the Christian legislator was obligated only in his "clear moral duty" to set a high example of ethical conduct for all citizens. He reflected that as a Christian, he strove to "practice morality" in accord with his individual "internal conviction," and that his vote against the Civil Rights Act of 1964 merely reflected his interpretation of the constitution. The ethics involved in that bill were straightforward, he asserted, and demanded that the issue be attended to in a way that would not unravel the legal fabric of a federal republic in which fifty sovereign states had reserved to themselves and to the people all authority not specifically granted to the federal government.

The senator reflected that as a dedicated Christian he believed that morality in politics must be restricted to individuals and not extended to issues. It was improper for ecumenical bodies like the NCC, thought Goldwater, to imbue a political issue with morality in the abstract and to accuse legislators it identified as "on the 'wrong' side of civil rights or labor issues" of "moral turpitude." He charged that the Civil Rights Act of

1964 had evidenced how dangerous it can be for a cleric to arrogate to himself the authority to render moral judgments on public figures because of his support for or opposition to a particular piece of legislation.64 In his 1968 address to the right-leaning

FCT, Goldwater revealed that as a presidential candidate in 1964 he had written to a

62 Ibid. Robert Alan Goldberg, Barry Goldwater (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 27. 64 Barry Goldwater, "The Politics of Morality," Goldwater, Personal, Writings, Box 5, AHF. Ill

number of bis NCC-affiliated critics, "recognizing their right as an individual, but not their right as a member of the church" to attack him. He stated that the respect that he held for some of his critics in the NCC "disappeared to a great extent," after his letters went unanswered. He held that his critics within the church were "basically cowards," and went on to argue:

When a man, whether he's an Episcopal Bishop, or a dean, or a minister, or just an Episcopal layman takes it unto himself to try to turn the church against one of its members or any other person in the country for political reasons and then will not say why, I only can think of one word: they are cowards. And they hide behind this 40 million figure that they have or just hide behind the fear that some people had instilled into them of what the Council of Churches might be able to do to a person politically.

He insisted that by "confusing moral imperatives with practical political judgments," the

NCC not only risked losing its authority in the area of spiritual guidance, but of

"tampering with the very fabric of a free society with ordered justice," in which

"Christian ethics [and] political practice" must be a matter of individual will and conscience.66

But the righteous social order sought by advocates of the Social Gospel within the

NCC was not individualistic, but a collective "brotherhood of man" under the

"fatherhood of God."67 The scope of reconstructive change of the Social Gospel and the radical intent of its advocates were at odds with Goldwater's sense of Christian ethics,

Barry Goldwater, "Politics... and the Church?" A Film from the Personal and Political Papers of Senator Barry M. Goldwater, AHF. 66 Barry Goldwater, "Introduction: Civil Rights," Goldwater, Presidential Campaign, 1961-1965. National Newspapers, AHF. 67 Dorn, "The Social Gospel and Socialism," 95. 112

which reflected two inter-related attitudes extending from the evangelical spirit of the individualistic, frontier faith that infused his thought. In his critique of the NCC's efforts on racial integration, he stressed a "moral-voluntary" ingredient in social change and argued within the parameters of a "personal-moral" approach. In his 1961 study

American Religion and American Political Attitudes, William Lee Miller argued that faith in an "inner turning," which is of course implicit in the evangelical ethic, is related to a trust in the efficacy of an individual brought to goodness by inward, voluntary means.

Miller pointed to a tendency, historically widespread in Protestant churches, to interpret politics not in the constructs of policy, interest, or factional allegiance, but in the

"personal-moral terms" of individual good will and intent. In his instance that moral depth should not attach itself to legislative proposals or political issues, Goldwater reflected the belief that morality was a matter of individual character, motive and integrity. 9 The most important thing for Goldwater was his personal conviction and purity of motive; initiatives, interests, and lines of action and their consequences were quite secondary.

In a tenor to which the evangelical mind is particularly attuned, Goldwater argued that man had a moral choice to be "moving in the right direction" and guided by sound principles, citing Christ's edict to "be perfect as your Father in Heaven is perfect" as

William Lee Miller, "American Religion and American Political Attitudes" in Religious Perspectives in American Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 105-110. 69 "The Politics of Morality by the Hon. Barry M. Goldwater," Goldwater, Personal, Writings, Box 5, AHF. 113

reason for man to strive for such perfection as comes within his grasp. He argued that it was both wise and just for African-American children to attend the same schools as whites, and that to deny them that opportunity carried with it strong implications of inferiority. But he reiterated that he was not prepared to impose that judgment on the people of Mississippi or South Carolina, insisting that racial prejudice was

"fundamentally a matter of the heart" and deferring to a change of heart that was inward,

71 voluntary, and of the individual for the moral penetration of the collective. The key to racial integration, he repeated, was not in the force of laws, but within "the hearts of men."72 In the final analysis, he wrote in The Politics of Morality, "ethical concern and morality are the responsibility of each individual, and [that] includes clergy." Indeed, he concluded his 1968 essay with a scathing riposte to the NCC, asserting that Christ would have urged them to "Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's," and to restrict their interests and efforts to the inward and the spiritual.

It is critical to note, however, that in spite of the "moral-voluntary" approach he urged for affecting racial integration, the senator's personal efforts were at best intermittent. Though a member of the Tucson chapter of the National Association for the

Barry Goldwater, "Civil Rights and the Common Good," Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List., Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s, AHF. 71 Goldwater, Conscience, 26; Barry Goldwater, "Where Goldwater Stands on the Issues," Goldwater, Presidential Campaign, 1961-1965, National Newspapers, AHF. Barry Goldwater, "Introduction: Civil Rights," Goldwater, Presidential Campaign, 1961-1965, National Newspapers, AHF. 7 Barry Goldwater, "The Politics of Morality," Goldwater, Personal, Writings, Box 5, AHF. 114

Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), he was not active in the organization. In a

June 16, 1961 reply to a letter from a Nelson H. Rector of Atlanta, Georgia, pressing him on the issue of 'so-called Civil Rights," Goldwater stated that he had never attempted to obscure his record on desegregation in his own state, and acknowledged that as

Commander of the Arizona Air National Guard he had worked successfully toward the desegregation of the unit.75 As a municipal councilor he had supported the desegregation of schools and public facilities at the Phoenix Municipal Airport, and he has been noted as one of the first merchants in heavily segregated Phoenix to employ blacks. But the attorney who had argued the case for the desegregation of Phoenix schools recalled that

"Goldwater was just no where there." Though he donated to the Phoenix Urban League, the senator declined to sit on its board of directors and kept his association with black organizations from the public. He also did little to illegitimate the "color line [that] scarred Phoenix" by his frequenting of establishments that restricted minorities.

As Robert Alan Goldberg has argued, Goldwater lived in a segregated community his entire life, and while free of bigotry, was conditioned to ignore inequality. He seemed oblivious to the strict color lines that disfigured his multi-racial state, where the de jure segregation of blacks was more severe in that state than in any other state in the Rocky

Mountains or Pacific West.76 It was "insensitivity, not racism," reasoned Goldberg, and an inability to conceptualize prejudice and discrimination beyond the individual

Robert Alan Goldberg, Barry Goldwater (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 89. Letter from Nelson A. Recktor of Atlanta to Sen. Barry Goldwater, June 16, 1961, Goldwater, Personal, Writings 1968-69, Writings, Box 3, AHF. 76 Mary Melcher, "This is Not Right: Rural Arizona Women Challenge Segregation and Ethnic Division, 1925-1950," in Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies, 20:2 (1999): 190-214. 115

experience, that determined his relative lack of interest in the issue. He insisted that if

African-Americans had suffered unfair discrimination in the United States, it must not be politicians or the courts that were enlisted to correct the error, for his ardor was not with any "effort to compel 'progress.'" He urged state and federal legislators to enforce the constitution and to defend the legal structure of the republic, wherein he believed the liberties of all were justly attended to.78 The "Constitution is color-blind," he reflected, so

"our aim, as I understand it, should be neither a segregated society, nor an integrated society, but a free society."79 In The Politics of Morality, he stressed that a government of laws required the efforts of public officials supportive of the basic tenets of the constitution, or moral men of sound character and integrity.

The religious scholar Winthrop Hudson has called the senator's faith in an inner turning or choice in moral questions the "great tradition of the American Church." It is a spirit that he argued was derived primarily from the nature of the Church itself, and from the absence of an institutional connection between it and the government. The "voluntary principle" of evangelical religion, he argued, was reinforced on a frontier in which the

Church represented a free gathering separated from civil power. Its best-known corollary, the doctrine of the separation of church and state, was not merely the inadvertent result of the great multiplicity of religious groups in the country, nor was it the result of indifference to religion. The separation of church and state in which Goldwater believed

Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, 89. Goldwater, Conscience, 15; Barry Goldwater, "Civil Rights and the Common Good," Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials), Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s, AHF. 7Q Barry Goldwater, "The Politics of Morality," Goldwater, Personal, Writings, Box 5, AHF. 116

was in large part the product of theological convictions about the sovereign power of God and the freedom of the individual. Indeed, wrote Hudson, most American Protestants affirm the voluntary principle in matters of morality not in spite of, but because of what they believe. The evangelical faith in the individual's free will to attune himself to God was nurtured within the pluralistic environment of the country as much as it helped in turn to influence and inform it.80

But as Goldwater's conflict with the NCC over the issue of racial integration demonstrates, the "voluntary principle" extended beyond conceptions of faith as uncoerced and of the Church as gathered in freedom. It in fact involved the relationship between religion to American culture. The Calvinist will to order the society under God, it has been noted, became the revivalist's attempt to convert the society by individual inward and voluntary means.81 The principle assumption of the evangelical spirit that infused the senator's thought was that the freely-chosen moral convictions of individuals would permeate society by persuasion and example. It was out of this spirit, suggested

William Lee Miller, that the impulse for revival and conversion drew its energy and emotional force and led to a remarkable penetration of the total culture by evangelical

Christianity. The senator's appeal for social change was, as Seymour P. Lachman has suggested, in greater consonance with traditional evangelical religious movements than the Social Gospel, in that it was hortative, applied vaguely to the affairs of the practical world, and above all, fervently addressed to the moral decision of the individual will.82 In

Winthrop Hudson, The Great Tradition of the American Churches (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1953), 30. 81 Miller, "American Religion," 110. 82Lachman, "Barry Goldwater," 392-393. 117

spite of its distinct limits as a force for inducing social change, his approach reflected a greater concern for the spiritual deficiencies that he held underwrote segregation than with the issue itself. 118

CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION

The views articulated by U.S. Senator Barry M. Goldwater between 1952 and

1964 reflected a number of ideas at the heart of the Protestant tradition in the United

States. It has been established that he held faith in a living God and exalted a view of life as a "pilgrim's progress" in which toil and self-discipline nurtured the "spiritual side of man's nature."1 He railed against the materialist or physicalist ideal as a "false promise" and as an affront to the "truth of God's creation."2 He believed that social change, to be meaningful, required an "inner turning" of the individual, and resisted the efforts of

"political preachers" to force their creedal ideals on others. Fundamental to all of the senator's ideas was a faith in the free and inward decision of the individual, and a corresponding rejection of coercion by the state or the collective. A large part of the

Protestant tradition in the United States, it must be recalled, affirms the "voluntary principle" in religion not in spite of, but because o/what it believes. This "free church" tradition has been nourished by a pluralistic, democratic environment, but it must also be recalled that that Protestant tradition has in turn helped to shape that national spirit. The senator's defence of the "American way of life" was in effect an affirmation of the religious spirit that has so permeated the national temper.

1 H. Richard Niebuhr, "The Protestant Movement and Democracy in the United States," in The Shaping of American Religion, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), 20-21; Barry Goldwater, The Conscience of a Conservative (Shepherdsville: Victor Publishing Company, 1960), 2. Emphasis is in original text. Barry Goldwater, broadcast of October 13 on the KOY network, 7:30 to 7:45, and October 14 on the KOOL network 6:00 to 6:15. Stephen C. Shadegg Collection (also 1952 and 1958 campaign materials) Box 145, Misc., See List, Copies of Goldwater Speeches 1950s, AHF; Barry M. Goldwater, Why Not Victory: A Fresh Look at American Foreign Policy (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc, 1962), 40. 119

In his 1963 study Religion in the Development of American Culture, William

Warren Sweet cited an address delivered by the social historian J. Franklin Jameson before the American Historical Association. As the first professional historian to serve as the association's president, Jameson reflected on the shaping of the American temper and proposed that "Of all the means of estimating the American character... the pursuit of religious history is most complete." He went on to insist that no scholarly analysis of the

American mind could be truthful if it ignored "the ideals which animated and actuated the toiling millions and the thoughts concerning the universe and man which informed their minds."3 Sweet agreed that religious ideas and emotions lent indispensable insight into the mind of a people, and that Jameson's observation applied with particular strength to

Americans. He urged that in the American republic, far more than elsewhere, religious history had not been a history of ecclesiastics or of a "priestly caste" but of a people. The nation's churches had been run by laymen, he wrote, so religion had permeated the national mind to a greater extent than societies where religious life was more ordered.

Though his distinction between Roman Catholic and Protestant societies may be too simplistic and anti-churchly, his general point is accepted: the nation's religious heritage lends important and perhaps indispensable insight into the American mind.

This analysis has also demonstrated that there is an effect of religion upon the nation's political life that goes beyond the direct and visible manifestations that have been the focus of political scientists and historians. It has been well-noted that organized religious groups have lobbied against diplomatic ties with the Vatican, for aid to Israel, and for and against federal aid to religious schools. They have fought for prohibition and

J. Franklin Jameson as quoted in William Warren Sweet, Religion in the Development of American Culture (Gloucester, Massachusetts: P. Smith, 1963), vii-viii. 120 against birth control and abortion. They have banded together to advance their interests and ideas in government, and they have striven to educate their congregants about political issues in various "social action," "social welfare," and "social progress" organizations. In left-leaning and right-leaning parishes, clergymen have preached about

"social issues," and religious affiliation has at various times influenced partisan alignment.4 These direct effects of religion on the nation's political life have ranged in significance from a minor protest to a significant force for social change. Indeed, it has been to these direct effects of religion that scholars have been most sensitive. In their analyses of the post-war right, most scholars were blind to all but the most explicit expressions of religious ideas and emotions.

The central premise of this study has been that there is a more important, if less quantifiable, indirect effect of religion upon the shape of the American mind. Indeed, political ideas and lines of action have been heavily influenced by long-term ways of believing, perceiving and acting in religious matters.5 These effects have influenced the national character, and are discernable not only in clergymen and church people. The indirect effects of the nation's Protestant heritage have shaped the uncontested assumptions and visceral affirmations and negations of the American mind. The virtues of work and self-reliance, the sacredness of the individual life, and the "voluntary principle" of an uncoerced, inner turning or "change of heart" in moral questions are based in

Protestant convictions about the sovereignty of God and the freedom of man, but resonate powerfully in the broader national mind. The conservative impulse draws its force and

William Lee Miller, "American Religion and American Political Attitudes," in Religious Perspectives in American Culture, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 82-84. 5 Ibid., 83. 121 durability from the extent to which it reflects these deepest and most enduring instincts of the American people. It was in this spirit, that Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign sought to strike a cord with the American voter by urging, 'In your heart you know he's right."6

The important indirect effect of religion upon the nation's political attitudes does have a certain unity and shape in spite of the variety and heterogeneity that appears at first glance.7 To be sure, there exist a great many "religious bodies" and sects in the United

o

States and none of them can claim preference by the state. But as William Lee Miller has argued, to deduce that here there exists nothing but diversity, is to miss the fact that

America has a particular, and peculiar, religious tradition, expressed in the ascent of

Goldwater as a national leader. The deepest currents of the Protestant tradition in the

United States have not stayed within the structures of denominations or church groups.

Indeed, the superficial variety of the Protestant tradition has concealed deeper common strands that constitute a popular "culture-religion" or moralized version of

"Americanism" that is related to the ideas and emotions behind "Goldwaterism." The main current of the senator's thought was not crass self-interest but the spirit of a "free church" tradition that arose out of the nation's Protestant past and that in many ways reinforced the laws and liberties of a pluralistic present.

"In your heart you know he's right," was the slogan of the senator's 1964 presidential campaign. Robert Alan Goldberg, Barry Goldwater (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), xi. 7 Miller, "American religion," 83-84. See Elmer T. Clark, The Small Sects in America: An Authentic Study of Almost 300 Little-Known Religious Groups, Rev. Ed. (New York and Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1949); Willard L. Sperry, Religion in America (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1945). 9 Miller, "American Religion," 84. Goldwater was a prophetic figure in the rise of the post-war right and the emergence of the American West. He served as standard-bearer of an effort through which Republicans broke their demographic ties to the North and East and established new moorings in the South and West. But his significance is related to what his appeal says about the American mind. As the historian Robert Athearn wrote in The Mythic

West, the "western hero" is mythologized as the embodiment of the virtues that the

"ordeal in the wilderness" has instilled in the American mind. He is "free thinking, open, though, optimistic, self-reliant," reflected Athearn, adding, "He is us, only a little bigger, tougher, braver."10 Indeed, Goldwater was born in territorial Arizona, reared in the tough- minded faith of the frontier, and was inseparable from the culture that produced him. Any portrait of the senator must be painted in the hues of the ideas and emotions that have permeated the national temper. His appeal was righteous, idealistic, active, individualistic, suffused with emotion and grounded in a concern for the spiritual development of the individual as a child of God. His call to the inward man was hortative, applied vaguely to the affairs of the practical world and, above all, fervently addressed to the free decision of the individual will.

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