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Proquest Dissertations Defending the 'Whole Man': The Religious Ideas and Incentives of U.S. Senator Barry M. Goldwater, 1952-1964 by James P. Barry Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia August 2009 © Copyright by James P. Barry, 2009 Library and Archives Bibliotheque et 1*1 Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de ('edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawaONK1A0N4 OttawaONK1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-56382-3 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-56382-3 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non­ support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation. without the author's permission. In compliance with the Canadian Conformement a la loi canadienne sur la Privacy Act some supporting forms protection de la vie privee, quelques may have been removed from this formulaires secondaires ont ete enleves de thesis. cette these. While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans in the document page count, their la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu removal does not represent any loss manquant. of content from the thesis. 1*1 Canada DALHOUSIE UNIVERSITY To comply with the Canadian Privacy Act the National Library of Canada has requested that the following pages be removed from this copy of the thesis: Preliminary Pages Examiners Signature Page (pii) Dalhousie Library Copyright Agreement (piii) Appendices - Copyright Releases (if applicable) TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vi CHAPTER 1 1 INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 2 15 THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF "GOLDWATERISM" CHAPTER 3 41 U.S. SENATOR BARRY M. GOLDWATER ON THE TECHNOCRATIC STATE AND THE WELFARE OF THE INDIVIDUAL CHAPTER 4 68 U.S. SENATOR BARRY M. GOLDWATER ON THE SOVIET MODEL AND THE "TRUTH OF GOD'S CREATION" CHAPTER 5 93 U.S. SENATOR BARRY M. GOLDWATER AND THE MORAL-VOLUNTARY PRINCIPLE CHAPTER 6 118 CONCLUSION BIBLIOGRAPHY 123 IV ABSTRACT In the last years of his legislative career, United States Senator Barry M. Goldwater criticized the integration of conservative Christian activists into the Republican electoral coalition. The five-term U.S. senator from Arizona (1953-1965, 1969-1987) and 1964 Republican presidential nominee charged that the incursions of organized religious bodies into the political process represented a threat to individual liberties and rights. His dispute with the "Christian Right" shaped how scholars thereafter interpreted his ideas in the period from his first election to the U.S. Senate through the defeat of his 1964 presidential bid. Though Goldwater is credited with igniting the modern U.S. conservative movement, analyses of his critiques remain limited. In particular, the great extent to which religious ideals permeated his thought is denied. This study argues that Goldwater not only found meaning and incentive in religious faith, but that his attitudes in and toward politics were infused with ideas and emotions related to America's particular, and peculiar, Protestant heritage. It is hoped that this analysis will shed light on a critical aspect of the senator's thought and stimulate the reader to an increased awareness of the complexity of the Protestant perspective in U.S. conservative politics. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Jason LaBau, Hubert Villeneuve, Rebekah Tabah, Susan Irwin, and Linda Whitaker at the Arizona Historical Foundation for her very generous guidance and keen interest in the development of this project. I am also grateful to the Faculty of Graduate Studies at Dalhousie University, to my readers, Dr. Krista Kesselring and Dr. David Evans, and to my wonderful advisor Dr. Sarah-Jane Corke, whose selfless efforts have made me a better writer and a more thoughtful student of American history. My greatest debt, however, is to my parents, Jim and Judi Barry, and to my sister Kelly George, for their love and support. VI 1 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION On the morning of Sunday, September 27, 1964, the Rev. William Syndor, rector of the Christ Church of Alexandria, Virginia, provoked a "walk out" by some of his parishioners when he used his sermon to attack the presidential candidacy of U.S. Senator Barry M. Goldwater. "When one listens to or reads Senator Goldwater," said Syndor, "one finds that respect for God's law is ignored with conscienceless abandon." As Episcopal clergymen like Syndor urged "all religious people to work for the defeat of Senator Goldwater," journals of mainline Protestant opinion expressed their opposition to a presidential candidate who they believed had "set himself against the judgments of the Christian church."1 In fact, the "religious issue" of 1964 was as intense within mainline Protestant churches as the "Catholic question" of I9602 had been within fundamentalist bodies.3 A life-long Episcopalian, Goldwater was attacked by left-leaning clerics and Mainline Protestant journals that stated their editorial opposition to Goldwater include The Churchman and The Witness (Episcopalian), Christian Century and Christianity and Crisis Interdenominational), and the United Church Herald (United Church of Christ). Seymour P. Lachman, "Barry Goldwater and the 1964 Religious Issue," Church and State 10 (1968): 398-401. In the fall of 1960, U.S. Senator John F. Kennedy became the first Roman Catholic elected to the presidency of the United States. As James Ward Smith and E. Leland Jamison have noted, within mainline Protestant churches most clergymen urged their communicants to act "maturely" and to "keep religion out" of the campaign so as to avoid a recurrence of the bigotry that confronted New York Governor Alfred E. Smith, who was the first Roman Catholic ever nominated for the presidency in 1928. But throughout the fall of 1960, Smith and Jamison noted a rise in "irresponsible slander and canard" against Kennedy in the nebulous area of right-wing religion they called the "Protestant underground." James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison, "Introduction" in The Shaping of American Religion, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 8-9. In this study "mainline bodies" are considered to be the top nine churches that taken together accounted for well over 50 per cent delegate attendance at General Board Meetings of the National Council of Churches of Christ in America (NCC) from 1960 to 2 church people for criticizing a post-war consensus closely aligned with the policies enunciated by liberal, activist ecumenical bodies like the National Council of Churches of Christ in America (NCC). It was because of the "special and extenuating circumstances" brought by the Goldwater candidacy, insisted the editor of the United Church Herald, that so many clergymen had felt compelled to speak out in defence of the "overwhelming consensus of Christian social doctrines" in the post-war period. Goldwater countered that such clerics were "speaking out of turn" and went on to blast ecclesiastical "meddling" in political affairs.5 If the original intent of the Establishment Clause of the U.S. Constitution remained in dispute, he thought, the "wall of separation" between church and state had at least cast a shadow of guilt upon church participation in political affairs. It was a charge that he revived in the 1980s as he cautioned Americans against the threats inherent in the "uncompromising idealism of [right-leaning] religious groups." As fundamentalist bodies ascended in the ranks of political protagonists in the last years of his legislative career, the senator iterated his opposition to the efforts of "political preachers... to force government leaders into following their positions." As he neared his retirement, he became increasingly vocal in his opposition to the "Christian Right" and in his defence of abortion rights, threatening 1966. These bodies included the Methodist Church, the Episcopal Church, the Lutheran Church in America, the Disciples of Christ, the American Baptist Convention, the United Church of Christ, the Evangelical United Brethren Church, the Presbyterian Church in the U.S., and the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. Henry J. Pratt, The Liberalization of American Protestantism: A Case Study in Complex Organizations (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1972), 52-53. 4 Lachman, "Barry Goldwater and the 1964 Religious Issue," 401. 5 Barry Goldwater, "Politics... and the Church?" A Film from the Personal and Political Papers of Senator Barry M. Goldwater, Arizona Historical Foundation, Tempe, Arizona (hereafter referred to as AHF). 3 to fight church activists "every step of the way" if they tried to "dictate their moral convictions to all Americans in the name of conservatism."6 He indeed went on to resist the integration of conservative Christian activists into the Republican electoral fold beyond his retirement in 1987. The result of these disputes has been a historiographical record that denies the great depth and breadth of religious influences in the senator's thought. It has been acknowledged that in the period from his first election to the U.S.
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