Remembering Jeremy Thorpe

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Remembering Jeremy Thorpe Robert Ingham and Ronald Porter Jeremy Thorpe’s Liberal legacy Ian Cawood ‘True to his principles’? John Bright, Liberalism and Irish home rule 1886–1889 Jaime Reynolds The strange survival of Liberal Lancashire Liberal resilience in the cotton towns Tony Little The man who made the weather Joseph Chamberlain conference report Douglas Oliver Liberal thinkers History Group fringe meeting report Liberal Democrat History Group New from the Liberal Democrat History Group The Dictionary of Liberal Quotations

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2 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 Journal of Liberal History Issue 85: Winter 2014–15 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Liberal history news 4 Editor: Duncan Brack Huddersfield West 1964: a review note; 2015 Orpington dinner; On this day in Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl Liberal history Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini Remembering Jeremy Thorpe 6 Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, Robert Ingham and Ronald Porter commemorate the Liberal leader Jeremy York Membery Thorpe, who passed away in December 2014 Patrons ‘True to his principles’? 10 Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; John Bright, Liberalism and Irish home rule 1886–1889; by Ian Cawood Professor John Vincent

Editorial Board The strange survival of Liberal Lancashire 20 Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Ian Cawood; Dr Matt Cole; Jaimes Reynolds examines the resilience of the Liberal Party in the Lancashire Dr Roy Douglas; Dr David Dutton; Prof. David Gowland; cotton districts between the 1902s and 1970s Prof. Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Dr Alison Holmes; Dr J. Graham Jones; Dr Tudor Jones; Liberal Party archives 34 Tony Little; Michael Meadowcroft; Dr Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Jaime Reynolds; Prof. Andrew in the Welsh Political Archive at the National Library of Wales; by Rob Phillips Russell; Dr Iain Sharpe; Dr Michael Steed Report 38 Editorial/Correspondence The man who made the weather: Joseph Chamberlain – imperial standard Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and bearer, national leader, local icon; report by Tony Little book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: Report 41 Liberal thinkers, with Alan Beith, John Pugh, Liz Barker and Mark Pack; report by Duncan Brack (Editor) Douglas Oliver 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN email: [email protected]

All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. All Reviews 44 rights reserved. Hilderley, Mrs Catherine Gladstone, reviewed by Tony Little; Leonard, The Great Rivalry: Gladstone & Disraeli, reviewed by J. Graham Jones; Jackson and Stears Advertisements (eds), Liberalism as Ideology: Essays in Honour of Michael Freeden, reviewed by Tudor Jones; Kyrle, The Liberals in Hampshire – A Part(l)y History, Part 1, Full page £100; half page £60; quarter page £35. Discounts available for repeat ads or offers to readers Southampton 1958–65, reviewed by Mark Pack (e.g. discounted book prices). To place ads, please contact the Editor. Letters to the Editor 50 Party colours (Antony Hook); Orkney & Shetland; 1872 Ballot Act (1) (Sandy Subscriptions/Membership Waugh); 1872 Ballot Act (2) (Andy Connell) An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal History costs £20.00 (£12.50 unwaged rate). This includes membership of the History Group unless you inform us otherwise. Non-UK subscribers should add £10.00.

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Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 3 Liberal history news winter 2014–15 Huddersfield West 1964: A review note for the Journal of Liberal History

Fifty years ago last October, Don- by then an active Liberal in Suf- more than makes up for a few ald Wade, deputy leader of the Lib- folk,3 and was involved in the Cen- minor unreliabilities, e.g. the date eral Party, lost his Huddersfield tral Norfolk by-election later that of the March 1966 election. West seat at the October 1964 gen- year. This article gave some back- Donald Wade nearly held Hud- eral election. A fascinating account ground and colour to how someone dersfield West with 32.7 per cent of that event has just been published became and functioned as a profes- in his first three-cornered fight, in a magazine not obviously high sional Liberal constituency agent an impressive result in the light of on a list of sources for political his- at the time. She included a telling what had already happened to the tory, Third Age Matters.1 snapshot of tension between Jer- once so strong municipal Liberal TAM circulates to just over two emy Thorpe and Pratap Chitnis vote. This had started to crumble hundred thousand members of the over Thorpe’s behaviour as a vis- before Beth Butler arrived, with University of the Third Age; its iting MP, a foretaste of their rela- only 11 Liberals (out of 60) after pages reflect activities and inter- tionship, in due course, as leader May 1964. By the last Huddersfield ests of older people committed to and head of the party organisation County Borough election of 1972, keeping their minds active. That respectively.4 only six Liberals seats were left, and includes reminiscing, and under the In April 1964, Beth Butler was significantly more National Front editorship of the politically attuned sent to Huddersfield to save one of candidates (nine) than Liberal ones Francis Beckett, that has included the party’s most vulnerable seats, (four, two in three-party fights and some interesting political memo- threatened by the end of the local two facing Labour) stood.7 The Lib- ries. Beckett himself has written of Con-Lib Pact.5 Her 1,500-word eral traditional vote totally failed his own key role as a Labour official account of that experience paints to carry through in 1973 when the in the Darlington by-election2 – the a compelling picture of the male- town was submerged into the new by-election which set the Social dominated, social-club based world Kirklees metropolitan borough, Democratic Party (and so the Alli- of Huddersfield Liberalism that she, though a fresh generation of activ- ance) back so badly in the run-up to a young, smoking, woman encoun- ists was later to recover some of it. the 1983 general election. tered.6 This alone is valuable source After Wade, the Westminster In 2010, it published a chatty material for any historian inter- Liberal vote fell away as the 1970– reminiscence from Beth Butler, ested in the role of Liberal Clubs or 83 Huddersfield West became a then vice-chairman of the U3A in the particular character of mid- Labour–Tory marginal. The Lib- nationally, who had been a full- twentieth century Liberal strength eral candidate in 1970 recalls that time Liberal agent in the early Donald Wade in a significantly Nonconformist ‘Huddersfield Liberals in the late 1960s. She was employed from (1904–88), MP Pennine textile town. 1960s were an elderly group of April 1962 by Aubrey Herbert, for Huddersfield It is also a tale of how the local, “respectable” Nonconformists, the former Chief Agent who was West 1950–64 very traditional, form of politi- who had very little idea of political organisation (which had kept cal campaigning post-1950s. The Huddersfield County Borough in ladies made good teas in the com- Liberal hands for years, as well as mittee rooms, but didn’t think they sending Wade to Westminster) was needed to chase up voters very at odds with what had been mod- actively.’8 The constituency dis- ern electioneering techniques else- appeared in 1983, the larger part where for many years. And again, going into a simple Huddersfield. Jeremy Thorpe’s role and style But a significant part of Wade’s old played a part. It was more than a seat transferred into neighbouring clash of styles (though that clash Colne Valley, where it once again was to bedevil Thorpe’s 1967–76 acquired a Liberal MP in Richard leadership of the party); Wade and Wainwright. Thorpe were a clash of values. Wainwright had first fought As someone myself who was Colne Valley in 1959, reinvigorat- in his final postgraduate year in ing a similar traditional social-club Oxford in 1964 and was to move based, largely Nonconformist, form north in 1965, ultimately to live for of Liberal support, and gone on to two decades in the Pennine textile win that seat eighteen months after belt, I can vouch for Butler’s pic- Wade lost his. Richard Wainwright ture of local Liberal politics at that shared Donald Wade’s values, but period. The vividness of her por- also shared Pratap Chitnis’s and Beth traiture (such as the loveable Wade) Butler’s commitment to proper,

4 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 effective organisation. It was that single-member borough constituency was elected in a by-election for synthesis which gave Pennine Lib- of Huddersfield was Liberal-held from Roxburgh, Selkirk & Peebles, with eralism another lease of life, its local its formation in 1832 until Labour a majority of over 4,500 votes. This strength continuing to produce Lib- unseated the sitting Liberal MP in a was the beginning of fifty years eral representation at Westminster three-cornered fight, by just 26 votes, of service as a distinguished par- into the twenty-first century. in 1923. Its distinctive local Lib- liamentarian and one of the most Butler’s personal experi- eral strength and character had been popular politicians in the United ence throws sharp light on why emphasised in 1906, when the national Kingdom. the Wainwright synthesis was so Lib-Lab pact did not include the seat. This Golden Jubilee will be the necessary. In four three-cornered contests before focus of the 2015 Orpington Din- 1914, the Liberals won each with an ner at the National Liberal Club on In 1964 Michael Steed was a psepholo- average of 37.9 per cent (Labour 32.4 Tuesday, 10 March (6.45 p.m. for gist at Oxford University; he moved to per cent; Conservative 29.7 per cent). 7.30 p.m.). Speakers will include Manchester in 1965 and a Pennine tex- Apart from the 1893 by-election, no Lord Steel, Baroness Williams, tile town (Todmorden) in 1970, becoming straight Conservative had ever won Lord Wallace of Tankerness, Lord active in Liberal politics in the region. the seat, though right-wing Liberals Avebury and Peter Soal, former He was President of the Liberal Party in won in 1918, 1931 and 1935 with Con- MP for Johannesburg North. Places 1978–79 and is now honorary lecturer in servative support. That, along with a are £60 each and this covers pre- politics at the University of Kent. long-standing partial Con-Lib munic- dinner drinks and a three course ipal pact, was the background to a meal with wine and a donation to 1 Third Age Matters (formerly U3A local decision in Huddersfield in 1950, the Orpington Fund. News), published by the Third Age when the borough was divided into The Orpington Circle was Trust, The Old Municipal Buildings, an East and a West division, that these founded in 2008 with the purpose 19 East St, Bromley, BR1 1QE, from two seats should be fought respec- of raising money to support Liberal which back issues may be obtained. tively by a Conservative and a Liberal. Democrat candidates at Westmin- 2 TAM June 2013. Francis Beckett has 6 ‘Of mice and mills’, TAM, summer ster by-elections. Over £30,000 has published other recollections about 2014, pp. 46–48. been raised, which has covered the the key Darlington by-election – see 7 I am indebted to John Smithson for deposit at every by-election since New Statesman 13 June 2013; Total these figures. then and additional financial sup- Politics April 2010. 8 Communication (August 2014) from port has been given in selected seats. 3 See letter re Aubrey Herbert, Journal of Lord Wallace of Saltaire. Non-NLC members will be Liberal History 79, summer 2013, p. 15. made very welcome but early 4 U3A News, autumn 2010, p. 39. booking is advised. Please contact 5 Except for a brief period following a 2015 Orpington Dinner Louisa Pooley at the Club (tel. 020 by-election in February 1893 (won by On 24 March 2015 it will be fifty 7930 9871 or [email protected]). the Conservatives by just 35 votes), the years since the young David Steel Paul Hunt On This Day … Every day the Liberal Democrat History Group’s website, Facebook page and Twitter feed carry an item of Liberal history news from the past. Below we reprint three of them. To see them regularly, look at www.liberalhistory.org.uk or www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup or follow us at: LibHistoryToday.

December 5 December 1916: H. H. Asquith resigns as Prime Minister. The crisis that led to the Prime Minister’s resignation had been building for over a month. Concern at the military weakness in the British army at the Battle of the Somme had led Lloyd George to call for a restructuring of the War Council with himself as chairman. Although not completely opposed to Lloyd George’s proposals, Asquith could not accept that the Prime Minister would not chair the Council nor continue to be a member of it. Protracted negotiations ensued until Lloyd George forced the issue by tendering his resignation. The Unionist ministers sided with Lloyd George and indicated their preparedness to serve in a government headed by him. This was the last straw for Asquith and at 7pm he saw the King to offer his resignation.

January 3 January 1802: Birth of Charles Pelham Villiers, Whig/Liberal/Liberal Unionist MP for Wolverhampton 1835–85 and Wolverhampton South 1885–98. A strong and early advocate of free trade, Villiers initiated debates on the abolition of the Corn Laws before Richard Cobden and John Bright were elected to parliament. The Times observed in 1853 that ‘it was Mr Charles Villiers who practically originated the Free Trade Movement’. Villiers achieved ministerial office under Lord Aberdeen and served in the cabinets of Palmerston and Russell as President of the Poor Law Board. He left the Liberal Party over Irish Home Rule and joined the Liberal Unionists. He was Father of the House from 1890 and when he died, aged 96, in 1898 he was still an MP and the last MP to have served during the reign of King William IV.

February 9 February 2006: Liberal Democrat candidate Willie Rennie wins the Dunfermline & West Fife by-election, turning a Labour majority of over 11,000 into a Lib Dem majority of 1,800. The by-election was caused by the death of the sitting Labour MP, Rachel Squire, after a long illness. Despite poor opinion poll ratings at the start of the campaign, and reports that Liberal Democrat ambitions were confined to holding off the SNP to retain second place, Rennie and his team pulled off the first by-election defeat for Labour in Scotland since they lost the Govan seat to the SNP in 1988. Dunfermline & West Fife is the last gain recorded by the Liberal Democrats at a by-election to date.

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 5 remembering Jeremy Thorpe

Jeremy Thorpe, leader of the Liberal Party from 1967 to 1976, died three weeks before Christmas 2014. The infamy of his political downfall in the late 1970s unfairly colours all else in his life. Thorpe was a stylish, progressive and popular politician, and under his leadership the Liberal Party won more votes than ever before at a general election and helped drive legislation taking Britain into the European Community through a divided Parliament. To commemorate his life for the Journal of Liberal History, Robert Ingham analyses Thorpe’s political legacy, while Ronald Porter takes a look at his life and times.

6 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 remembering Jeremy Thorpe

Jeremy Thorpe’s Liberal legacy Coverage of Jeremy Thorpe’s Liberalism of nationalised indus- established the principle of target- death inevitably dwelt on the sen- tries and the mixed economy. The ing and the concomitant respon- sational end to his political career. Liberal Assembly witnessed an sibility on local associations to do Questions had been raised before annual battle between the two fac- what they were told, in the overall Thorpe’s resignation as Liberal tions; whichever side was better interests of the party, in order to leader in 1976 about his judgement, organised came out on top. The receive money. his finances, his choice of friends Liberal leadership, such as it was, As leader, Thorpe initially and his sexual orientation, in an did not intervene. The free-mar- seemed out of his depth. He inher- era when homosexuality had only keteers were making the running ited a party whose electoral for- recently been legalised. All of these in 1953 until Thorpe, still in his tunes were in reverse and which issues swirled around Thorpe’s early twenties, intervened to say contained numerous divergent trial for conspiring to murder Nor- that Liberal candidates in the south- strands of opinion. Just six Liber- man Scott. It hardly mattered that west would resign if the party dis- als were elected to the Commons Thorpe was acquitted. The trial claimed agricultural subsidies on at the 1970 election, a result which destroyed his reputation. He lost his doctrinal grounds. Thorpe swung seemed to show that the 1960s seat in Parliament and was unable the vote and helped change the cli- revival had been a temporary blip to rebuild his career. Tragically, he mate of opinion within the party in the party’s long-term decline. was afflicted by Parkinson’s Disease against the economic liberals. In After Thorpe’s first wife died in for his last thirty years. speaking out he demonstrated the June 1970 he appeared to lose inter- These issues have tended to pragmatism which was at the heart est in politics. And yet, his party eclipse Thorpe’s political career, of his political outlook. He wanted revived with a series of improbable which is worthy of reappraisal. to advance Liberal politics by win- by-election victories and Thorpe Thorpe is sometimes character- ning elections, not by running a was reinvigorated. He recognised ised as a showman, all style but debating club. that the leader of the third party no substance, an unworthy suc- Thorpe’s pragmatism was evi- needed to stand out from the crowd cessor to the intellectual rigour dent in the early 1960s when he in order to gain any media atten- and undoubted integrity of his developed the party’s first scheme tion. Combining an old-fashioned, predecessor, Jo Grimond. This is for targeting resources into win- debonair style of dress with the unfair. If Thorpe lacked an intel- nable seats. He pored over details newest campaigning techniques – lectual commitment to Liberal- of election results, party member- helicopters, hovercraft and the like ism he would surely have joined ship and the activities of local asso- – he got the coverage the Liberals the Conservatives, given his fam- ciations to decide where money needed. It was also significant that, ily background, where he may well should be focused – money he often under Thorpe’s leadership, the Lib- have ended up as a cabinet minister raised himself rather than via offi- erals stood in every constituency under Ted Heath. That he chose cial party channels. Local associa- in Great Britain for the first time. to plough the stony ground of the tions were surprised, and appalled, In February 1974 the Liberals had post-war Liberal Party demon- to be told that funding depended their best general election result for strates that Thorpe had more politi- on dropping a candidate they had over forty years (6,059,519 votes, a cal depth than is often appreciated. selected or on increasing member- total not surpassed until 2010, and Thorpe first became promi- ship by a certain amount. At first, 19.3 per cent of the vote), although nent in Liberal circles at the 1953 targeting was Thorpe’s initiative it still fell well short of the break- Assembly. The party was at that and he kept the party’s governing through the party hankered after. time in the midst of a lively debate committees in the dark. When they Later third-party leaders – mostly between strident free-marketeers found out what was happening Paddy Ashdown – have followed – some of whom later resurfaced as they were unimpressed but his view Thorpe in combining their own Margaret Thatcher’s most ardent prevailed. A number of the Liberal Jeremy Thorpe personal characteristics with inno- supporters – and social liberals, gains of the mid 1960s owed a debt speaking at vative and high-profile campaign- grappling with the implications for to Thorpe. More importantly, he Liberal Assembly ing to good effect.

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 7 remembering jeremy thorpe

Thorpe was a pragmatist and the inconclusive first election in Thorpe was family and friends, at about the a campaigner but his intellectual 1974. Details of precisely what hap- same time. Before he returned to input into the Liberal Party should pened remain murky and it seems a pragmatist Eton in 1943, he was reputed to not be overlooked. International- unlikely that Thorpe would have have had consenting sex with at ism was the most prominent aspect been offered the post of Home Sec- and a cam- least two young American truck of his Liberalism and he was a prin- retary, as has been suggested, given drivers. After Eton, Thorpe went cipled exponent of views which the rumours already circulating paigner but to Trinity College, Oxford, to were not intended to garner popu- about his private life. Crucially, read law. His aim was to get a law larity. He spoke out against apart- Thorpe could not proceed without his intellec- degree, then do the Bar Finals, be heid in South Africa at a time when the consent of his party, which he called to the Bar and use his career many British politicians preferred did not have. The similarities and tual input at the criminal bar as a stepping to remain silent. Although he was differences between the coalition into the Lib- stone to adoption for a winnable ridiculed for suggesting that the discussions in 1974 and 2010 deserve Liberal parliamentary seat. He was UK should bomb the railway line further exploration, but Thorpe eral Party never really interested in a legal by which Ian Smith’s renegade understood that the Liberals would career as such; a parliamentary regime in Rhodesia was supplying not be bounced into coalition. should not be career was always the ultimate goal, itself with oil, it was at least a pos- Thorpe’s political legacy to the just as it was for graduates who fol- sible way of enforcing sanctions. Liberal Party is complex but, look- overlooked. lowed after him such as Emlyn With air strikes against dissident ing beyond the obvious negatives, Hooson or Menzies Campbell. regimes now an established part of there are positive aspects which At the age of 30, Thorpe won the US and UK foreign policy, it can deserve recognition. Most signifi- seat of North Devon in the October now be seen that Thorpe was ahead cantly, it is difficult to see how any 1959 general election. It was about of his time. Thorpe also ensured of his rivals for the leadership in this time that the Devon Constabu- that the Liberals maintained the 1967 would have done better in the lary opened a file on Thorpe and pro-Common Market course first 1974 elections, which put beyond his ‘weekend liaisons’ with other set by Jo Grimond, voting for Brit- debate the question of whether the young men, in their twenties and ish entry amid stormy scenes in the party was declining or on the way early thirties, in a hotel in his con- Commons, during which punches up. stituency, not far from the seaside were thrown. Thorpe could have I will be developing these town of Ilfracombe. Well before sought narrow partisan advantage themes further in a chapter on Jer- the liberating Sexual Offences Act by compromising on the Common emy Thorpe’s leadership in the His- of 1967, this was a period when Market issue to bring down the tory Group’s forthcoming book on homosexuality was still a crime, Heath Government, but he was not Liberal leaders, due for publication punishable by imprisonment. prepared to do so. in autumn 2015. Thorpe soon became a good, Thorpe was also the first Liberal and very witty, debater in the leader for over twenty years to be Robert Ingham is a political writer and House of Commons. He first came offered a seat in government, after Biographies Editor of the Journal of to the public’s attention after Ian Liberal History. Smith’s unilateral declaration of independence in Rhodesia. In 1966; he advocated bombing Rhodesia’s railways in order to bring the coun- Sex, Jeremy and Me try to its senses. This won him a following with the radical wing of The purpose of my piece is to con- figures, and other men came to play the Liberal Party, and particularly centrate on the private life of Jer- important roles in their lives – Bob the Young Liberals. He was also emy Thorpe. Buckingham, a plump and jovial good at sucking-up to the aristo- John Jeremy Thorpe was born working-class policeman, in For- cratic side of the party, getting on on 29 April 1929, the son of John ster’s life, and the former stable lad very well with the Grimonds and Thorpe KC OBE and Ursula and male model Norman Scott in the Bonham Carters. He was keen Thorpe, nee Norton-Griffiths. His Thorpe’s life in the 1960s. And both to make it clear that he was a mem- mother was the most the dominant were homosexual. However, while ber of both the Reform and the force in his early – and formative – Buckingham was a calm and reas- National Liberal Clubs, had been to years. Socially, Thorpe came from suring figure in Forster’s life, Scott Eton and Oxford, that his grandfa- the world of the Forsytes, the upper was a temperamental, hot-headed ther was a baronet and his father a middle classes; his father was a suc- and fundamentally jealous lover King’s Counsel. cessful barrister and a Tory MP. He who eventually destroyed Thorpe’s When Grimond resigned the left the upbringing of Jeremy to his political career. Liberal leadership in 1967, Thorpe intimidating and interfering wife, Thorpe was educated first at decided to become a contender. He a role she relished. The daughter of Eton, but in 1940, because of war- was by no means certain of suc- a baronet, Sir John Norton-Grif- time bombing in England, he was cess, but he thought it was a use- fiths, she often wore a monocle, sent to the safety and security of the ful way of getting known and be a and dominated Jeremy’s early years United States and educated at the good way of a putting up a marker in the same way as E. M. Forster’s Rectory School, Connecticut. His for future contests. To his surprise, mother dominated that author’s sad interest in Liberal politics began he won the contest, and served childhood years. There are other at the school; his interest in blokes as leader from 1967 until 1976. parallels: both lacked strong father became common knowledge, with Through the years, he steadily

8 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 remembering jeremy thorpe managed to increase the profile of Bessell’s credibility, showing him in 1970 as a result of a dreadful car the Liberals at general elections. His to be an inveterate liar and fantasist. accident. Thorpe married again flamboyant personality, his wit and The other star prosecution witness in 1973, to Marion, Countess of penchant for publicity, were useful was Norman Scott. Again, Car- Harewood, who had divorced the assets. When the February general man destroyed his credibility by Queen’s cousin, the Seventh Earl of election of 1974 left the Commons giving the impression that he was Harewood, in 1967 on the grounds with no overall majority, Prime nothing but a vindictive sponger, of his adultery. Humiliated by the Minister Heath invited Thorpe to a tearful whinger who was angry publicity of Harewood’s adultery Downing Street for talks on form- at being discarded by Thorpe. As and the subsequent divorce, Marion ing a coalition between the Con- the defence team did in the 2014 disliked the sense that she was ‘on servatives and the Liberals. Thorpe Shrien Dewani murder trial in the shelf’ and resolved to marry was absolutely delighted and des- South Africa, Carman, very early again if the chance arose. When perate to enter government; it was on, astutely conceded that Thorpe Thorpe, with his taste in classical rumoured that Heath was going had homosexual ‘tendencies’, thus music, was first introduced to her to make Thorpe Home Secretary, denying to the prosecution the by Moura Lympany, at a concert in though this was later denied by chance to bring forward, day after 1972, it was only a matter of time Heath. The talks soon petered out, day, damaging evidence to ‘prove’ before they married. however, because most of Thorpe’s those tendencies in detail. When Marion became Thorpe’s MPs had no desire to sit in govern- The trial judge, Mr Justice second wife in 1973, she was a very ment with the discredited and divi- Cantley, subsequently came in for rich woman as a result of a gener- sive Tories, a party which after all, much criticism. He was accused of ous divorce settlement. She had a had just lost the election – a view repeated bias in favour of Thorpe substantial income and some large shared by the party as a whole. throughout the lengthy trial. Peter capital sums, and Harewood also Thorpe’s downfall began in Cook, for example, playing the gave her a grand and spacious cen- January 1976 when Norman Scott, judge for a satirical TV comedy, tral London house in Orme Square, a former lover of Thorpe’s, began told the jury that ‘the time has full of quality furniture, some of a campaign of vilification against come for you to retire to consider it of museum standard, along with him, alleging that Thorpe had had your Not Guilty verdict.’ But the some excellent pictures. In order to an affair with him in the early 1960s Crown’s case was always a weak meet the defence costs of the trial, and then had tried to silence him by one, resting on little real evidence however, a large amount of her trying to have him murdered. Soon and relying too heavily on the tes- money went on Thorpe’s legal bills, the police got involved, leading to timony of just two main witnesses, but they continued to live in Orme Thorpe’s prosecution at the Old whom Carman was able, very Square and in Devon. There were Bailey in 1979. Thorpe lost his seat quickly, to discredit. The acquittal, no children from this marriage, but in the general election of 1979, just when it came, was an immense relief it was a long and happy one, end- before his trial, and he had already to Thorpe – but the damage it did to ing only with Marion’s death on 6 been forced to resign from the lead- his political career was devastating March 2014. ership of the Liberal Party in 1976. and irreversible. It also contributed A few days before the resignation, to a long and very cruel decline in Ronald Porter was a Good Food Spy for a Sunday paper got hold of one of his health which ultimately caused ‘What’s On’ for over twenty years, and Thorpe’s numerous love letters his sad death on 4 December 2014. has written book reviews for Political to Scott, which referred to a holi- Although he had strong homo- Quarterly, articles for the Conserva- day the couple were planning and sexual feelings throughout most of tive History Journal and numerous ended up with the words ‘Bunnies his life, Thorpe married twice, first obituaries for The Independent. He is [Thorpe’s nickname for his lover] in 1968 to Caroline Allpass. They currently researching the life and times of CAN and WILL go to France!’ had one son, Rupert, who was born Jeremy and Marion Thorpe for a talk at Thorpe’s trial at the Old Bai- in the same year, but Caroline died the National Liberal Club. ley garnered phenomenal press coverage. After Scott’s first day of evidence in the witness box, one Liberal Democrat History Group online tabloid came out with the headline: Website ‘SEX, JEREMY AND ME’. Later, See www.liberalhistory.org.uk for details of our activities and publications, guides to archive sources, after a ruthless cross-examina- research resources, and a growing number of pages on the history of the party. (Please note that we are tion of Scott by Thorpe’s counsel, ciurrently upgrading our website, and there may be some delay in making all content available.) George Carman QC, another tabloid used the headline: ‘Scott : I’m Email not the Woman Scorned!’. Join our email mailing list for news of History Group meetings and publications – the fastest and earliest The prosecution case rested way to find out what we’re doing. Fill in the form at: http://bit.ly/LDHGemail. firstly on evidence from Peter Bes- sell, a former Liberal MP, chosen by Facebook page Thorpe to buy Scott’s silence with News of the latest meeting and publications, and a discussion forum: periodic cash payments. Bessell www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup. alleged that Thorpe became impa- tient and floated the idea of having Twitter Scott murdered. Carman, for the A daily posting of Liberal events on this day in history. Follow us at: LibHistoryToday. defence, found it easy to destroy

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 9 ‘True to his principles’? John Bright, Liberalism and Irish Home Rule 1886 – 1889

In his 2012 biography, Bill Cash suggests that John Bright’s behaviour during the home rule crisis of 1886 revealed him to have become a Conservative by the end of his life. Cash’s reasoning was that Bright had, by 1886, become more concerned with preserving the rule of law and the unity of Great Britain than with the abstract concepts of ‘freedom and liberty’ that had dominated his political philosophy in his earlier career.1 Ian Cawood examines Cash’s claims and concludes that, to the contrary, Bright remained the epitome of radical Victorian Liberalism to the end of his life.

10 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 ‘True to his principles’? John Bright, Liberalism and Irish Home Rule 1886 – 1889

f course, Bright was background, Bright blamed Ire- Nationalists in the Commons that famously poor at explain- land’s condition on the power of the they would win much greater sup- Oing his actions over the established Anglican church and the port if they confined themselves to home rule debate, rarely speaking wealth of the absentee Irish land- purely peaceful, constitutional lob- in public during these years and sel- lords. Bright had contributed to bying, which Cobden and Bright dom visiting Birmingham, where the eradication of the first of these had pioneered with the Anti-Corn his constituency was located. In problems when the Irish Church Law League between 1838 and this way, he allowed others, most was disestablished in 1869, but the 1846. He persisted in referring to notably Joseph Chamberlain and land problem remained intracta- the Nationalists as ‘rebels’ and he the nascent Liberal Unionist Asso- ble. Bright personally believed that attacked the Conservatives for flirt- ciation, to present his behaviour in the landed estates should be broken ing with Charles Stuart Parnell ways that benefitted their agenda. up, stating that he ‘would give Ire- between 1883 and 1886. His dis- Cash, in what is otherwise a very land to the Irish.’ He was however, like of Parnell’s character and his good biography, has, however, per- not sure that the landlords could or impractical and foolish solutions to haps not placed Bright’s opposition should be bought out, and favoured the Irish problem (in Bright’s eyes) in the broadest possible context the idea of building up the Irish would be a decisive factor when the of contemporary Liberal attitudes small landowners with the compul- issue was forced to the front of the towards the idea of home rule. sory purchase of land from corpo- political agenda in 1886. Bright’s position on Ireland was rations or of private land capable of While Bright’s position on land much the same as that of Millicent cultivation, but left to waste after reform was crystal clear, his atti- Fawcett, T. H. Huxley, Herbert the depopulation of Ireland in the tude towards Irish demands for Spencer, Leonard Courtney and Sir 1860s. Bright, together with his political autonomy was far more John Lubbock, none of whom, even political mentor, Richard Cobden, opaque. In 1868 he condemned after 1886, could be safely catego- believed that Ireland needed such the means whereby ‘the extinc- rised as ‘Conservative’. In contrast state intervention in order to cre- tion of the Irish Parliament’ in to Cash, who interprets Bright as ate the crucial feature for a stable 1800 was achieved as ‘force and shifting his position in 1886, Rob- and workable political system, a fraud and corruption’ but, in the ert Walling, who edited Bright’s strong middle class.3 Even before same speech, he claimed that he diaries, regards him as ‘a Unionist by 1886, Bright favoured policies that much preferred to find the policies absolute and lifelong conviction.’2 cannot be reconciled with either whereby Westminster could render Bright had long taken an inter- historical or with present-day ‘Ireland content to be a portion of est in Ireland and had visited the Conservatism. a greater nation.’4 In the same year, country in 1832, 1849 and again Bright had been disappointed he described the political condi- in 1852 in order to see for himself by the 1870 Irish Land Act, as it tion of Ireland as ‘anarchy, which the condition of the country, find- had failed to create an Irish class is subdued by force’ but was non- ing there conditions that ‘move the of small landowners, but he had committal on the solution to this hardest heart’. As the Fenian disor- been increasingly concerned by the problem.5 When he was named as a ders of the 1860s spread he returned willingness of the Irish National- supporter of home rule by national- to Ireland twice and reported to the ist leaders to endorse (or, at least, ists in 1872, he actively demurred, House of Commons in 1866 that fail to condemn) the violence and issuing a public denial in which he Ireland was the only part of the intimidation of the Irish Land condemned the idea of ‘two legisla- United Kingdom to have become League. He endorsed the 1881 tive assemblies in the United King- poorer since becoming part of the Land Act with its guarantees of fair dom’ as ‘an intolerable mischief.’ United Kingdom. Perhaps unsur- rent, fixity of tenure and free sale, John Bright This was a rejection of the federal prisingly given his radical Quaker but as he did so, he lectured the (1811-89) solution for the United Kingdom,

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 11 ‘True to his principles’? John Bright, Liberalism and Irish Home Rule 1886 – 1889 rather than mere anti-Irish preju- the struggling British taxpayer. disposal of a leader from whose dice, however. Although Bright When Gladstone announced pre- authority no appeal is allowed?’11 shared Gladstone’s desire to reform cisely this on 16 June 1886, Bright This dislike of Gladstone’s per- Westminster, where the National- noted in his diary, ‘scheme, in my ceived dictatorial tendencies united ists carried out a policy of obstruc- judgement, not a wise one.’9 He the leader of the moderate Union- tion which disrupted his second was, however, far more alarmed by ists, Lord Hartington, with the administration between 1880 and the Irish Government Bill, which leader of the radical Unionists, 1885, Bright preferred to retain did exclude the Irish members, but Joseph Chamberlain. The authori- the issue within the institution.6 insisted that Ireland should con- tarian approach which Gladstone Although seriously tempted by the tinue to pay £4.5 million to cover appeared to be taking to the Irish idea of excluding the Irish members customs, bureaucracy and defence. question was regarded by many, from Westminster, in July 1886, he As the Irish would have no MPs such as Bright, as contradicting the suggested that a special ‘Commit- in Westminster to scrutinise how founding principle of the Liberal tee For Ireland’ should be formed this money was spent, this violated Party: to protect the right of indi- of the Irish MPs, which would be the Liberal commitment that there viduals to hold firm to their princi- given the role normally reserved should never be ‘taxation with- ples.12 A Liberal was distinguished, for the whole house, of approv- out representation.’ Furthermore, according to Andrew Reid, by his ing or rejecting the second read- the Irish were to have a parliament ‘love of his own conscience more ing of any Irish bill. For Bright, the in Dublin, not merely a council, than the approval of the conscience advantage of such a scheme would which, Bright told Gladstone to his of the people’ and Gladstone’s capit- be that: face, was ‘surrender all along the ulation to the demands of Nation- line’ to what he termed ‘the Rebel alist Ireland led many to reject their You get the absolute control of Party’, who had used violence revered leader.13 Bright therefore the Irish members in their own and intimidation to gain political opposed the Home Rule Bills, not chamber at Westminster to representation.10 merely for their content, but for the arrange the clauses of [a] bill … Although Bright disliked both manner of their adoption. would shape it exactly as they Bills for consistently Liberal rea- At first Bright attempted to liked, and then it would be sub- sons, Gladstone’s lack of considera- refrain from committing himself mitted to the whole Parliament tion for the stated principles of his in the home rule debate. When … [who] would be willing … to own party was probably crucial contacted by the former Attorney defer to the opinions of the Irish in provoking Bright to join the General, Henry James, he refused Committee, and to accept the Unionist rebellion. As he wrote to to join the Liberal Unionist Com- measures they had discussed and William Caine, a fellow radical, Fig 1. ‘Et tu, mittee being organised by George agreed upon.7 ‘what will be the value of a party Brighté!’ Punch, 1 Goschen.14 In his election address to when its whole power is laid at the May 1886 his constituents in 1885, Bright had Like many Liberals, John Bright was therefore horrified when Wil- liam Gladstone, after falling seventeen seats short of a majority in the December 1885 general election, announced his conversion to the principle of Irish home rule, without any consultation with his colleagues or party. Bright, in common with others in his party, favoured some limited measure of local government in Ireland, in much the same way that they wanted rural England to be controlled by elected councils. Bright had discussed a scheme of ‘County Councils for Ireland’ with Lord Dalhousie in autumn 1885, an idea not dissimilar to Joseph Cham- berlain’s ‘Central Board’ scheme.8 Bright also regarded Gladstone’s Land Law (Ireland) Act of 1881 as having provided suitable protection for the Irish tenant farmers and was reluctant to buy out the landlords as proposed in the Land Bill that would accompany the Government of Ireland Act. This would, he felt, compensate those Irish landlords who had ultimately caused the ten- sions in Ireland with the money of

12 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 ‘True to his principles’? John Bright, Liberalism and Irish Home Rule 1886 – 1889

not mentioned the Irish Question Fig. 2. ‘Johnny outcome. While most of the more to attend the meeting. Bright had at all. When asked to offer support and Joey: or, the moderate Liberals supported the refused, stating that ‘I am not will- for Hartington when he faced his friend in need’ Whig leader, Hartington, the posi- ing to take the responsibility of own constituents at Rawtenstall, (Punch, 12 June tion of the radical faction, who advising others as to their course’ Bright did write a letter which was 1886) looked to Joseph Chamberlain for but he sent a letter stating his posi- reprinted in The Times and which guidance, was the crucial factor in tion.18 As Chamberlain’s lieutenant, was subsequently widely quoted by Fig. 3. Gladstone the result in the Commons lobby. Joseph Powell Williams com- opponents of the Home Rule Bills defeated on the Although many radicals regarded mented, ‘Old Bright’s letter is queer (see fig. 1). Bright described Har- first Home Rule home rule as a distraction from the but full of usefulness from what tington’s opposition to the Home Bill (St Stephen’s ‘unauthorised programme’ of social it implies.’19 Therefore although Rule Bills as ‘consistent and coura- Review, 12 June reform that they had endorsed in Bright clearly did not want the let- geous’. And further, he stated that 1886) 1885, the idea of joining forces with ter to be used in this fashion, Cham- the recent election had not been the Whigs, the moderates and, berlain then proceeded to read out fought on the issue: worst of all, the Tories, had made Bright’s letter, with its unequivocal many radicals waver in their oppo- decision to vote against the second It would be a calamity for this sition to the bills. reading, to the meeting.20 Chamber- country if measures of this When a meeting of fifty-two lain suddenly announced he would transcendent magnitude were to radical Unionist MPs was held on vote against the bill and those at the be accepted on the authority of 31 May at committee room 15 in meeting opposed to the bill then a leader of a party … to accept the Palace of Westminster, Joseph voted by forty-eight to four against this system would be to betray Chamberlain resorted to a desper- merely abstaining.21 Caine made the value [of constituencies] in ate stratagem in order to stem the sure that the press received the ver- the working of representative haemorrhage of his supporters sion of the meeting that stressed institutions.15 which had begun once Gladstone Chamberlain’s (and his) reluctance had announced his willingness to to take such a step: ‘We did our Bright himself had not even men- delay the third reading of the Home best … to induce them to abstain tioned the issue of Irish Home Rule Rule Bills.17 In order to retain his … If we could have got thirty who in his election address in 1885.16 credibility with the radicals in the would pledge themselves to abstain Although Bright played no audience, Chamberlain implied we were prepared to have recom- direct role in the desperate lob- that personally he would prefer mended that course, but we could bying that took place as the rival to abstain on the vote and claimed not.’22 leaders of the Liberal Party fought that he would simply follow what- Unsurprisingly, Bright was to secure their preferred outcome ever choice the meeting made. But alarmed that his letter had been for the Irish Home Rule Bills, he he had, on William Caine’s advice, used in a fashion that virtually inadvertently influenced the final written to Bright, imploring him guaranteed the defeat of the Home

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 13 ‘True to his principles’? John Bright, Liberalism and Irish Home Rule 1886 – 1889

Rule Bill. He wrote to Chamber- Right: At least 2 millions of [the Irish corruption explained the massive lain the next day. people] are as loyal as the popu- Nationalist majorities in rural Ire- Fig 4. [Signs lation of your town, and I will land of 1885.29 If I had thought I should do above the figures be no party to a measure which Such was Bright’s influence over harm, I should have said some- read: ‘Dixon: very will thrust them from the gen- the electorate, not least among thing more or less. Even now, if easy-natured, so erosity and justice of the United Nonconformist voters in and it is not too late, I could join you anything for a and Imperial Parliament.26 around Birmingham, that Glad- in abstaining if we could save the quiet life’; ‘Bright: stone wrote a letter rebutting House and country from a disso- aged, grumpy!’; In early July, Bright made a further Bright’s charges which was pub- lution which may for the Liberal ‘J.C.: uncertain contribution to the radical rebellion lished in The Times the day after party turn out a catastrophe the temper, just against Gladstone that was spread- Bright’s speech was reported.30 magnitude of which cannot be divorced!’] (The ing across Lancashire, Cornwall, Bright replied more in sadness than measured.23 Dart, 2 July 1886) East Anglia, Scotland and the West in anger, describing Gladstone’s Midlands. In a speech at Birming- behaviour as ‘a puzzle’ and protest- Of course, Chamberlain had man- Fig 5. ‘A dumb ham Town Hall, he claimed that ing, rather disingenuously, that ‘I aged to hang onto his radical cre- dog (Mr the Irish lacked the political matu- have not urged any man in Parlia- dentials through his misuse of BRIGHT has not rity which the northern English ment, or out of it, to vote against Bright’s letter and so had no inten- addressed his working class had demonstrated you.’31 His reply to a correspondent tion of meeting with the old radi- constituents during the ‘cotton famine’ of the later in the month could hardly be cal at this stage (fig. 2). Parnell, for for more than 1860s. misinterpreted, though: one, was not however fooled by twelve months.)’ Chamberlain’s public protestations (The Dart 25 They [the Irish supporters of The concessions to and the lib- and careful management of his February 1887) home rule] are less instructed, eral and, I hope, the wise legis- opposition. On seeing Chamber- they are less politically lation for Ireland by the united lain after the bill’s defeat by thirty informed, they are less wealthy, Parliament since the year 1866 votes, Parnell remarked, ‘there goes they are less industrious … and are enough to convince any the man who killed Home Rule.’24 they have the disadvantage of reasonable man that the inter- Gladstone, too, realised that the the sad, the melancholy and the ests of the United Kingdom events in committee room 15 had wicked teaching of this conspir- may be left to the Parliament of condemned his bill,25 but the press acy during the last six or seven Westminster.32 saw it rather differently (fig. 3). years.27 If Bright was actually far less In the general election, all the Lib- sure of his opposition to the Home Unlike the Conservatives, radical eral seats in Birmingham became Rule Bill, his mind was made up Unionists like Bright believed that Unionist and Bright’s influence was by the decision of Gladstone to dis- a nuanced combination of coercion recognised by George Dixon, when solve the House after the defeat and reform (chiefly land purchase) he was questioned by the philoso- on the second reading on 8 June. could improve the Irish charac- pher Henry Sidgwick: Bright knew that the split over the ter so that some degree of self- issue of home rule would become government would be possible in I asked for an explanation of the unbridgeable once Gladstonians the distant future. But they shared Unionist phalanx in Birming- and Liberal Unionists were forced a dislike of the Nationalists and ham … He [Dixon] thought it to compete against one another on their anti-English supporters in the was half an accident, the party the hustings. When the opportu- United States. was really divided here as else- nity to state his opinions to his elec- Of course, many Liberal Union- where, just below the top, but tors came on 24 June 1886, Bright ists differentiated between the that Bright and Chamberlain gave an address in central Birming- humble Irish cottager and the and himself … happened to ham, in which he stated that ‘the Fenian terrorist. Since 1882 and coincide on this question; and experience of the past three months the murder of Cavendish and they, I gathered were the three does not increase my confidence Burke in Phoenix Park and the recognised leaders. Bright by in the wisdom of [Gladstone’s] Maamtrasna massacre, many Lib- being the old time-honoured, Administration or of their policy erals had accepted that there must political chief; Chamberlain the with respect to the future govern- be no concessions to violence and established ‘boss’ in the indus- ment of Ireland.’ He went on to threats of disorder, otherwise the trial action of the municipal- stress that he opposed home rule rule of law itself might be in jeop- ity and Dixon the educational on strictly Liberal lines, quoting ardy. As George Trevelyan had put boss.’33 (fig. 4) the famous letter he had written in it in 1883, when Chief Secretary for 1872. He concluded: Ireland, if British rule was aban- Unlike most other Liberal caucuses, doned in Ireland, ‘we should have a the Birmingham Liberal Associa- I cannot trust the peace and mutual massacre.’28 There was also tion endorsed the Unionists’ posi- interests of Ireland, north and the belief that there was no strong tion and they fought the general south, to the Irish Parliamentary popular support for the ‘land war’ election with the full support of the Party. despite Gladstone and the Nation- local party apparatus. This meant alists’ claims, as only 2–4% of the that Chamberlain, Bright and the And he stressed the position of the tenant farmers joined the ‘Plan other Unionist radicals did not have Protestants of Ireland in a devolved of Campaign.’ It was also widely to rely on the grudging assistance Irish state: believed that intimidation and of the Conservatives, which was

14 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 ‘True to his principles’? John Bright, Liberalism and Irish Home Rule 1886 – 1889 demanded after W. H. Smith and Lord Hartington verbally agreed an electoral ‘compact’. Elsewhere in the election of 1886, at least 800,000 working class Liberal voters, faced with the choice between Bright and Gladstone, abstained and handed victory to the antithesis of both men, the Hotel Cecil.34 After the dust had settled, the Liberal Unionists took the decision not to sit with the Tory government, so Bright and Chamberlain sat alongside Gladstone and Mor- ley on the opposition benches. This was a deliberate statement by the new party that they, not the ‘separatists’ (as The Times now called the Gladstonian Liberals), were the true inheritors of the legacy of Mill, Seeley and Green. Alexan- der Craig Sellar urged Harting- ton not to associate with W. H. Smith and Arthur Balfour, referring to the Liberal Unionists as ‘the true church of Liberalism.’35 Colonel Hozier, the first secretary of the Liberal Unionist Associa- tion, expressed this attitude more fully when he addressed the West of Scotland Liberal Unionist Associa- tion in October 1886.

They were not dissenters, they were the True Church. He claimed that they held those noble Liberal principles that had been handed down from generation to generation of Liberals to all Liberal statesmen since the great Reform Act.36

As early as December 1885, Edward Watkin had claimed that home rule was a perversion of ‘true Liberal- ism’.37 William Cartwright, campaigning in Northamptonshire had denied being ‘a seceder from my political principles’.38 Edward Heneage had expressed the senti- ment most fully, writing to his agent in January 1887:

I deny that we are Dissentient Liberals; we are consistent Lib- erals and Unionists; the others are Radicals and Home Rul- ers who dissent on every part of the Bills among themselves and include Unionists like Herschell and Rosebery and Separatists like Parnell and Labouchere in their ranks.39

Bright also offered his support at a crucial test for the new Liberal

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 15 ‘True to his principles’? John Bright, Liberalism and Irish Home Rule 1886 – 1889

Unionist Party over the issue of the Liberal Unionism, Bright retreated Fig. 6. Prominent election (fig. 8). When Bright died Arthur Balfour’s Crimes Bill which back into ‘sorrowful silence’ at Liberal Unionists in 1889, the Liberal Unionist newspa- reintroduced coercion to Ireland in One Ash, Rochdale – his quietude (The Graphic, 15 per was printed with a black border 1887. He wrote to the party’s chief remarked on by the Birmingham January 1887) on its front page.43 whip, Lord Wolmer, that he did so satirical journal, The Dart (fig. 5). Apart from the propaganda on the grounds that ‘Mr Gladstone Bright’s main significance between Fig. 7. ‘The value of his name, which continued ought to have suppressed the Land 1886 and 1889 was as a symbol, New Flag. John to be exploited until the twentieth League five years ago.’40 For many shamelessly paraded by Union- Bright: “And century, Bright’s immediate legacy radical Unionists, such as Arthur ists for propaganda purposes in the that’s the rag I’m to the Liberal Unionist Party was Winterbotham, coercion was too first age of mass visual political obliged to fight the dispute which broke out over much to bear and they returned, campaigning (fig. 6). That many under! Shade the vacancy in the seat of Central reluctantly, to Gladstone’s party. Conservatives, including Lord of Cobden, that Birmingham. Joseph Chamber- Bright’s presence in the govern- Salisbury, personally opposed I should have lain claimed that the seat should be ment lobby in 1887 was probably Bright’s views, especially on free come to this!” given to another Liberal Union- crucial in retaining the support of trade, was a frequent subject in Lib- (The Dart, 2 ist, under the terms of the electoral the bulk of the radicals and in keep- eral periodicals in this period, as the December 1887) ‘compact’ between the Liberal ing the Liberal Unionists united. two branches of Liberalism fought Unionists and the Conservatives. For them, coercion was necessary, to claim his inheritance (fig. 7). The The local Conservatives, bitter as it was ‘paving the way for the Nonconformist Unionist Associa- enemies of the radical Chamberlain introduction of remedial measures tion appointed Bright its honorary in both local and national affairs, [including] very wide measure of president, without even consult- had long eyed the seat for them- self-government.’41 By clearing this ing him. Bright, reluctant to work selves (fig. 9). When Bright died, hurdle, Bright had significantly with the party in any fashion, was they attempted to bring forward assisted the Liberal Unionists in unable to prevent his name being their own candidate by interest- taking the first steps towards form- splashed across the party’s litera- ing the maverick Lord Randolph ing a formal party with central ture (a party poster was made up Churchill in the constituency (fig. structures and local organisations with his face and that of the popu- 10). The leaders of the Conserva- which would survive until the Lib- lar Baptist speaker Charles Spur- tive Party wanted, at all costs, to eral Unionists eventually coalesced geon).42 Such was his status among avoid rival candidates splitting the with the Conservatives in May Liberals, despite the caesura of 1886, Unionist vote, so called the local 1912. that Gladstone made it clear that Tories to heel and Albert Bright, With the issue of coercion suc- he sought no quarrel with Bright John Bright’s son was allowed to cessfully resolved, and the Con- and stated in 1888 that the Liber- contest the seat, which he won with servative minority government als would not contest Central Bir- a comfortable majority.44 Har- firmly backed by all branches of mingham in the event of a general tington and Salisbury took this as

16 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 ‘True to his principles’? John Bright, Liberalism and Irish Home Rule 1886 – 1889

Fig. 8. ‘A tough a warning and finally committed job. Trying to the Conservative–Liberal Unionist fell the tree of ‘compact’ to paper, which probably Birmingham contributed to the long-term sur- Unionism (or vival of the Unionist alliance.45 Dis-Unionism?)’ Bright was a liberal in his eco- (The Dart, 9 nomics, a radical in his religious November 1888 views and a defender of democratic principles. For him, as for so many Fig. 9. ‘Waiting other Victorians, this was not, for his skin!’ (The however, incompatible with a deep Dart, 15 June patriotism which was offended by 1888) what he saw as Gladstone’s surrender to the forces of corruption, big- otry and violence in 1886. As he put it in a private letter to the GOM at the height of the home rule crisis:

[A home rule parliament for Ire- land] will be composed in effect of the men who for six years past have insulted the Queen, have torn down the national flag, have declared your lord lieutenant guilty of deliberate murder, and have made the imperial parliament totally unable to manage the legislative business.46

Although in hindsight, Bright’s stance on Home Rule may look like the reactionary behaviour of an old man, I would argue that if examined in context, it remained entirely consistent with his

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 17 ‘True to his principles’? John Bright, Liberalism and Irish Home Rule 1886 – 1889

strong-held commitment to demo- manoeuvring, it was Bright’s Fig 10.’An John Bright (London, 1930), p. 95. cratic principles. His obituary in unique position as conscience of exhibition 3 D. Read, Cobden and Bright: A Vic- the Liberal Unionist reveals the influ- the nation that fatally undermined match; between torian Political Partnership (London, ence of his position on Liberals of Gladstone’s efforts to stir the liber- the Brummagem 1967), pp. 191–5. all hues, from the Whiggest moder- als of Britain to support him in his bruiser and the 4 Bright speaking at Birmingham, 4 ate to the committed radical: attempt to settle the Irish question Paddington pet’ Feb. 1868. Quoted in W. Robertson, (fig. 11). That Bright’s unforeseen (Punch, 4 May The Life and Times of the Right Hon. The fact that the ‘Tribune of legacy was that he taught the Con- 1889) John Bright, vol. 3 (London, 1884), pp. the People’ was utterly and servatives how to successfully colo- 69–70. unflinchingly opposed to the nise the centre ground of British Fig. 11. ‘John 5 Bright speaking in the House of recent Irish policy of Mr Glad- politics, while the Liberal Unionist Bright cutting Commons, 1 Apr. 1868. J. E. Thorold stone is in itself proof positive leaders systematically betrayed all down the Rodgers (ed.), Speeches on Questions of that such opposition was not the of his principles once he was dead, Gladstonian Public Policy by John Bright MP, vol. 1 mere outcome of Tory preju- was not his fault. The unscrupu- oak’ (Moonshine, (London, 1868), p. 428. dice. He was foremost amongst lous and unprincipled actions of c.June 1886, 6 Walling (ed.), Diaries, p. 535. the advocates of full justice to Joseph Chamberlain between 1895 reproduced 7 Bright speaking in Birmingham, 1 Ireland, but on the question of and 1906 should not allow present- in Review July 1886. Birmingham Daily Post, 2 the Union, he remained true to day commentators to claim Bright, of Reviews, July 1886. his principles.47 even at the end of his life, as any- September 1898) 8 Walling (ed.), Diaries, p. 96; C. H. D. thing other than the epitome of Howard, ‘Joseph Chamberlain, Par- John Bright, along with the rest radical Victorian Liberalism. nell and the Irish “Central Board” of the Liberal Unionist Party, Scheme, 1884–5’, Irish Historical Stud- remained a passionate champion Ian Cawood is head of history at New- ies, 32 (1953), pp. 324–361. of free trade, despite his associa- man University in Birmingham and 9 Ibid., p. 540. tion with the protectionist Tories. author of The Liberal Unionist 10 Ibid., p. 536. He remained committed, as did Party, 1886–1912: A History (I.B. 11 Bright to Caine, 22 June 1886; J. Chamberlain and the other radical Tauris, 2012), which was shortlisted Newton, W. S. Caine, M.P. (London, Unionists, to the disestablishment for the Total Politics Political History 1907), p. 167. of the state church, to the avoidance Book of the Year and described by Ver- 12 T. A. Jenkins, The Liberal Ascendancy of unnecessary foreign entangle- non Bogdanor in the TLS as ‘one of the 1830–1886 (Basingstoke, 1994), p. 215. ments and to financial retrench- most important works on the politics of 13 A. Reid (ed.), Why I am a Liberal (Lon- ment. He continued to champion the late Victorian era to have appeared in don, 1885), p. 114. the equal rights and opportunities recent years’. 14 Bright to James, 18 Feb. 1886, Henry of all denominations, classes and James Papers, Herefordshire County ethnic groups, whether those were 1 B. Cash, John Bright: Statesman, Record Office, M45/165. Wesleyans in Cornwall, Presbyte- Orator, Agitator (London, 2011), p. 15 The Annual Register, 1886, p. 157. rians in Belfast or Catholics in Glas- 280. 16 Viscount Ebrington to Marquess of gow.48 In practice, as in political 2 R. A. J. Walling (ed.), The Diaries of Hartington, 1 Mar. 1886, Devonshire

18 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 ‘True to his principles’? John Bright, Liberalism and Irish Home Rule 1886 – 1889

Papers, Chatsworth House, DP 23 Bright to Chamberlain, 1 June 1886. 40 Bright to Viscount Wolmer, 24 340.1938–9. 1886, quoted in Walling (ed.), 32 J. Bright to G. O. Sumner, 26 Apr. 1887, Selborne Papers MS 17 I. Cawood, The Liberal Unionist Diaries, p. 547. July 1886, printed in Reynold’s II (13) 28, Bodleian Library, Uni- Party 1886–1912: A History (Lon- 24 R. B. O’Brien, The Life of Charles Newspaper, 1 Aug. 1886. versity of Oxford. don, 2012), p. 36. Stewart Parnell, vol. 2 (2nd edn, 33 A. Sidgwick and E. M. Sidg- 41 F. W. Maclean, 29 Mar. 1887. 18 Bright to Chamberlain, 31 London, 1899), p. 158. wick, Henry Sidgwick: A Memoir Hansard, 3rd series. May 1886, Joseph Chamber- 25 A. B. Cooke and J. Vincent, The (London, 1906), p. 456. 42 Cawood, Liberal Unionist Party, lain Papers, Cadbury Research Governing Passion: Cabinet Govern- 34 J. M. Lawrence, Electing Our p. 154. Room, University of Birming- ment and Party Politics in Britain, Masters: The Hustings in Brit- 43 Liberal Unionist, 39, April 1889. ham, JC5/7/41. 1885–86 (Hassocks, 1974), p. 429. ish Politics from Hogarth to Blair 44 Cawood, Liberal Unionist Party, 19 Powell Williams to Chamber- 26 Quoted in The Standard, 25 June (Oxford, 2009), p. 73. p. 86. lain, 31 May 1886, JC5/72/3. 1886. 35 Craig Sellar to Hartington, 28 45 The only copy of the ‘compact’ Bright had refused to appear on a 27 Quoted in Birmingham Daily Post, July 1886, DP 340.2029. survives at Chatsworth House platform with Chamberlain ever 2 July 1886. 36 Quoted in Glasgow Herald, 21 archives: DP 340.2205A, quoted since Bright’s resignation over 28 Quoted in P. O’Farrell, England Oct. 1886. See also Lubbock’s in full in Cawood, Liberal Union- the bombardment of Alexandria and Ireland since 1800 (Oxford, address to the City of London, ist Party, pp. 253–4. in 1882, a policy which Cham- 1975), p. 177. quoted in M. Patton, Science, Pol- 46 Quoted in J. Morley, Life of W. E. berlain had supported. K. Rob- 29 E. F. Biagini, British Democracy itics and Business in the Work of Sir Gladstone, vol. 3 (London, 1911), bins, John Bright (London, 1979), and Irish Nationalism 1876–1906 John Lubbock: A Man of Universal p. 329. p. 247. (Cambridge, 2007), p. 242. Mind (Farnham, 2007), p. 215. 47 Liberal Unionist, 39, April 1889. 20 Bright’s letter was destroyed by 30 ‘You state you are convinced it is 37 E. Watkin to Hartington, 25 For a discussion of John Bright’s Caine shortly after the meet- my intention to thrust the Land Dec. 1885, DP 340.1871. reputation as a ‘Tribune of the ing. Newton, Caine, p. 154. It is Purchase Bill upon the House of 38 Cartwright’s address to the elec- People’ see P. Joyce, Democratic quoted, in part, in Walling (ed.), Commons. If I am a man capa- tors of Mid-Northampton, 18 Subjects: The self and the social in Diaries, p. 542. ble of such an intention I wonder June 1886, Cartwright Papers, nineteenth-century England (Cam- 21 The Times, 1 June 1886; J. L. you ever took office with one so Northamptonshire Record bridge, 1994), pp.142–4. Garvin, The Life of Joseph Cham- ignorant of the spirit of the Con- Office, C(A)1 box 16, bundle 14. 48 E. F. Biagini, ‘Radicalism and berlain, vol. 2 (London, 1933), p. stitution and so arbitrary in his 39 E. Heneage to J. Wintringham, 2 Liberty’ in P. Mandler (ed.), 245. character.’ Quoted in The Times, Jan. 1887, Heneage Papers, Lin- Liberty and Authority in Victorian 22 Quoted in the Manchester Guard- 3 July 1886. colnshire Record Office, 2HEN Britain (Cambridge, 2006), pp. ian, 4 June 1886. 31 Quoted in The Times, 6 July 5/14/1. 101–24. The Lloyd George Society Weekend School A fascinating mixture of history, politics and debate 14-15 February 2015 Hotel Commodore, Spa Rd, Llandrindod Wells, Powys, LD1 5ER

Saturday 14 February • Lloyd George and Joseph Chamberlain – Dr Iain Sharpe • The career of William Wedgwood Benn, 1st Viscount Stansgate and how he changed the course of Liberal history – Dr Alun Wyburn Powell • The importance of Emlyn Hooson – Professor Dered Llywd Morgan • Re-establishing the Liberal tradition in Montgomeryshire – Jane Dodds • Being Lloyd George – Mark Lewis Jones, who played LL.G in the TV drama 37 Days • Devolution and local government – Michael Meadowcroft • Formal dinner with guest speaker Mayor Dorothy Thornhill, three times elected mayor of Watford Sunday 15 February • The prospects for the general election: an analysis of the state of the political parties ahead of May 2015 – Dr Jonathan Kirkup • Panel session led by Roger Williams CBE, MP with Baroness Joan Walmsley, Mayor Dorothy Thornhill and Bill Powell AM For prices and accommodation see the Society Website: http://lloydgeorgesociety.org.uk/en or contact the Secretary, Graham Lippiatt on 0121 3018 5950 or email: [email protected]

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 19 The Strange Survival of Liberal Lancashire The story of the decline of the Liberal Party after 1918 is well known. With the rise of class politics the Liberals were squeezed between the advance of Labour and the exodus of the middle classes to the Tories. Liberalism disintegrated in industrial and urban Britain and was pushed back to rural enclaves in the ‘Celtic fringe’, where it held on precariously until the 1960s when, reinvented by Jo Grimond as a radical alternative to Labour, the party spread back into the suburbs. he survival of the Liberals The persistence of this Pennine Jaime Reynolds as a significant local force outpost of Liberalism is conven- examines one exception Tin the Lancashire and York- tionally attributed to the strength shire textile districts throughout of Nonconformity and the Liber- to this story: the this period is a striking exception als’ collusion with the Conserva- to this general picture. The party’s tives in anti-Labour pacts. Thus resilience of the Liberal decline here was slower than in Peter Clarke has lamented that Party in the Lancashire other parts of urban Britain with after 1914 the Liberals could win the result that by the mid-1950s elections there only on the basis of cotton districts between over two-thirds of the Liberals’ ‘a sort of Nonconformist bastard remaining local government repre- Toryism’. 2 This does not do jus- the 1920s and the 1970s. sentation came from the region.1 tice to the continuing vigour of

20 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 The Strange Survival of Liberal Lancashire Pennine Radicalism which, at least availability of digital sources4 on and thereafter the Liberals secured until 1945 and in some places later, local history to map the main con- only isolated victories. White held amounted to a third force in the tours and character of the Liberal his seat until 1945; Arthur Holt sat politics of the northern industrial stronghold in the Lancashire cot- for Bolton West from 1951 to 1964 heartland. It continued to play a ton districts. For reasons of space, thanks to a pact with the Tories; prominent part in the political lead- other parts of Lancashire includ- Michael Winstanley represented ership of the region and remained ing most of the Manchester conur- Cheadle from 1966 to 1970; and deeply embedded in the local social bation as well as the West Riding Cyril Smith gained Rochdale at and economic structure. It articu- of Yorkshire are not covered in a by-election in 1972. The steady lated a distinctive political outlook detail. Future articles will look at national decline to the 1950s was that influenced the development of these areas in depth. The time span mirrored in the pattern of Lib- all three major parties. examined is from the end of the eral candidatures in the region and The academic literature on Lan- First World War until the reorgani- the falling average of votes they cashire Liberalism that is so rich for sation of local government in 1974. received. the period before 1914 – notably The persis- Labour advanced in Lancashire Clarke’s seminal Lancashire and the tence of this in the same period. In 1906 it held a New Liberalism3 – is almost totally Electoral trends in Lancashire dozen seats, all of them in alliance lacking for the period after the In parliamentary general elections Pennine with the Liberals. In 1918 Labour First World War. In the dominant – apart from a couple of blips in the won fourteen seats, but only one class-based left–right interpreta- 1920s – at national level the Lib- outpost of of these was in new territory; it tion, the Liberals are dismissed as erals declined steadily from their had held all the others at some time an irrelevant and outmoded relic of landslide victory in 1906, through a Liberalism is before 1918. By 1923 – the year of the past. Far more has been written series of crashes at the general elec- the first minority Labour govern- about tiny and electorally insig- tions of 1918, 1924, 1931, 1935 and convention- ment – Labour reached twenty- nificant groups on the political 1950, down to a low point in 1957 three seats, still behind the Liberals. extremes. Even Liberal historians when they held just five seats at ally attrib- Their gains were concentrated have generally confined their inter- Westminster. in unionised working-class con- est to the intellectual influence on The parliamentary election uted to the stituencies in Manchester, Salford the national party of a few promi- figures for Lancashire paint the and the South Lancashire heavy nent northern intellectuals such as same picture. In 1906 the Liber- strength of industrial belt. In 1929 they broke Ernest Simon, Ramsay Muir and als and their allies won fifty-four into previously Liberal textile Elliot Dodds, ignoring the sig- seats in the region to the Conserva- Nonconform- areas such as Accrington, Mossley, nificance of the resilient Liberal tives’ sixteen. By December 1910 Rochdale, Rossendale and Staly- grassroots in the mill towns. But in they had thirty-nine seats to the ity and the bridge & Hyde winning forty seats. order to understand properly the Tories’ thirty-two.5 At the 1918 gen- However in the 1931 crisis elec- nature of the party in the years of eral election only nine Coalition Liberals’ col- tion Labour collapsed to just five decline it is essential to understand and one Asquithian Liberal were lusion with seats and recovered only to fifteen more about its social and economic returned. The Liberals’ high-point in 1935. These were essentially the underpinning and the story of the after the First World War was 1923 the Con- core seats they had won in 1918 and many hundreds of local activists when they won twenty-six seats in before. Labour had to wait until who sustained it in its northern the region, but by 1929 they were servatives in the 1945 landslide to repeat and go redoubt. down to six, and in 1931 only Her- beyond the point they had achieved This article is intended as a cor- bert Samuel in Darwen and Gra- anti-Labour in 1929, winning fifty-two seats, rective to this neglect. It makes ham White in Birkenhead East including a number in middle-class use particularly of the increasing remained. Darwen was lost in 1935 pacts. suburbs where the Liberals had

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 21 the strange survival of liberal lancashire previously been strong.6 Thus, far Table 1: Percentage of Lancashire county borough and municipal borough seats held by party9 from being a relentless advance, Liberal Conservative Labour Other Labour expansion was largely confined to its working-class union- 1921 28.2 48.4 16.0 7.3 ised strongholds apart from the leap 1929 21.0 40.6 29.0 9.4 forward of 1929 which was soon 1938 14.1 41.0 27.7 17.2 reversed, and that of 1945 which 1947 9.0 44.2 37.7 9.1 marked a more permanent shift. The Conservatives were by far 1957 6.1 39.5 50.6 3.8 the dominant party in Lancashire 1963 11.9 31.7 52.2 4.3 parliamentary elections, apart from 1972 5.7 38.0 54.0 2.3 1906–10 and 1945. Even in bad years such as 1923 or 1929 they won more seats than either the Liberals or Table 2: Percentage of county borough and municipal borough seats held by party in cotton Labour.7 In their good years, such districts as 1924 or 1935, their lead was over- Liberal Conservative Labour Other whelming.8 It was only in the early 1950s that Labour replaced them as 1921 39.3 46.5 11.3 2.8 the leading party in Lancashire. 1929 32.4 41.8 21.8 4.1 At local government level, the 1938 27.2 45.7 23.7 3.4 trends were broadly similar. In 1947 17.2 42.6 37.3 2.9 Lancashire, as nationally, Labour’s progress fluctuated. Its advances 1957 9.4 37.5 52.6 0.5 were in 1919, in the second half of 1963 16.2 27.2 54.7 1.9 the 1920s, the mid-1930s, and espe- 1972 6.5 35.5 56.6 1.4 cially in 1945–6 and 1952–4 when Labour established majorities in many boroughs, which it main- support in the seaside resorts of or to fuse into electoral coalitions tained through to the later 1960s. In Southport and Blackpool – Lib- with the Tories. The Conservatives the intervening years it lost ground. eral strength was concentrated in were also relatively strong in this The Conservatives made sweeping the cotton-manufacturing bor- industrial area. The pattern shifted gains in 1967–9 followed by almost oughs in the east and south of the after 1945, with the Liberal relative as sharp a swing back to Labour in county. If we home in on the tradi- strength becoming less marked and 1970–2 when the last elections were tional weaving towns of Burnley, indeed negligible by the end of the held before local government reor- Darwen, Accrington, Haslingden, period, the Conservatives losing ganisation in 1974. (See Table 1.) Rawtenstall and Bacup, together their local advantage and Labour The Liberals – ignoring those with the traditional spinning performing better than elsewhere who stood as Independents – held towns of Bolton, Bury, Rochdale, in Lancashire to become the clear more than 20 per cent of seats Oldham, Stockport, Heywood, majority party in these districts through the 1920s and still held a Middleton, Ashton under Lyne, from the 1950s.10 seventh of the total at the end of Dukinfield, Hyde, Stalybridge and the 1930s. Their decline acceler- Mossley, this pattern is clear. (See ated after 1945 and into the early Table 2.) An electoral tour of the East 1950s. There were some signs of In this area the Liberals held Lancashire textile belt revival even before Jo Grimond more seats than Labour during the (The figures in brackets after the towns became leader in 1956, followed by interwar period and as late as 1947 give the population in 1931.) more wins in 1957–8 and a surge in they still held more than a sixth of In the north there were the cotton 1962–3 when sweeping gains were the total, slightly more than they weaving towns of Preston, Black- made at the expense of the Con- managed at the height of the 1960s burn and Burnley surrounded by servatives. These successes were Liberal revival. Until the early a number of smaller centres: Dar- reversed almost everywhere in 1950s Labour was considerably wen, Accrington and the towns in Lancashire in the mid-1960s. In a weaker here than in Lancashire as Rossendale and the Clitheroe–Pen- few boroughs the Liberals benefited a whole, but thereafter somewhat dle Hills area. Preston (119,000)11 from the swing against Labour in stronger than in the wider region. and Blackburn (123,000)12 were both the late 1960s, but in most places Conversely the Tories were some- fortresses of working-class Tory- the party was heading in reverse at what stronger here than in wider ism where the Liberals were tra- the beginning of the 1970s. By 1972 Lancashire before the Second ditionally weak and the Labour it was in a weaker overall position World War but weaker afterwards. Party secured an early foothold. than fifteen years before. There were many fewer Independ- Clitheroe (12,000) leaned towards ents here than in other districts. the Conservatives but until 1918 it Before 1945 Labour seems to formed a single large constituency Electoral patterns in the have had greater difficulty mak- with the Radical towns of Nelson cotton districts ing headway against an entrenched (38,000) and Colne (24,000). This The data above cover the whole Liberal Party with a strong sense of was one of the first Labour seats, of Lancashire and hide the extent identity or at the very least a reluc- taken in 1902. The constituency to which – apart from pockets of tance to stand under other labels was split in 1918: Clitheroe soon

22 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 the strange survival of liberal lancashire returned to the Tories, and Nelson the largest party until 1951 and continued to dominate the scene & Colne was solidly Labour.13 As sporadically up to 1962, with an until the 1960s.18 There was also in some Yorkshire Pennine towns, overall majority in 1960–2. There- a history of Liberal–Conserva- Nelson’s Radicalism evolved into after their representation dwindled tive cooperation in parliamentary ethical socialism. The Independent and the Conservatives supplanted elections in the Heywood & Rad- Labour Party (ILP) was particu- them as the dominant party in the cliffe constituency. From 1922 to larly strong there and from the late town in the later ’60s and early 1931 the MP was Colonel Abraham 1920s the town was dubbed a ‘little ’70s. In Darwen the pattern was England, a right-wing Liberal who Moscow’ due to the large and mili- the reverse: between 1945 and 1955 joined the Liberal Nationals in 1931. tant Labour majority on the council the Liberals lost all their seats on In Middleton some of the local Lib- right up to 1974.14 Colne was more the council as the Conservatives eral establishment were also aligned evenly balanced between Labour secured a controlling majority, with the Liberal Nationals.19 and the Conservatives. As the Lib- however from 1956 the Liber- Bury (56,000) was a Tory bastion erals were weak or absent in these als recovered at Tory expense and both before and after 1945. Nev- towns throughout the period,15 they were often the largest party ertheless the Liberals equalled the they have been excluded from the from 1965. The trend in Haslingden Conservatives as the largest party analysis in Table 2. was similar to Bacup. The Liberals on the council during the 1920s and The other towns in the cot- were the largest party at times in again in 1933. They only fell deci- ton-weaving district were Liberal the 1950s, but they were displaced sively behind in 1937–8. Labour was strongholds. Davies and Morley by the Conservatives after 1964. In weak and at the end of the 1930s conclude that there was no ‘strange Rawtenstall, a three-party balance still had only four seats (of forty- death’ of Liberalism in inter-war survived until 1949 but the Liberals four) on the council. After 1920, Burnley (98,000). The Liberals were were for a time eliminated from the Lib–Con electoral collaboration the first or second party on Burn- council by 1953 and Labour became was the norm, with a candidate of ley council throughout the inter- the usual majority party. Accring- each party standing in the two- war period with between 25 and 45 ton was also Labour dominated for member wards. However there per cent of the seats. ‘Liberalism … most of the 1950s and ’60s with only were occasional clashes between enjoyed a recrudescence and con- Davies and a small Liberal group surviving on the two parties including a spate of solidation of its position after 1918. the council. That leaves Burnley, contests in 1938 and after the war It had a continuing local vibrancy Morley con- also dominated by Labour from when the Liberal representation down to 1934, Labour’s year of tri- 1945 to 1967, where the Liberals on the council was rapidly reduced umph.’ Even in 1938 the Liberals clude that remained the second largest party from thirteen in 1938 to three by had twelve councillors to Labour’s until 1949 but then collapsed to just 1950. fourteen.16 there was two seats in 1956–7. They recov- In Oldham (140,000) the Liber- In the neighbouring cotton no ‘strange ered a little ground in the follow- als fought elections and formed a towns the Liberals were a major ing years before a stronger revival council majority in alliance with force until the Second World War. death’ of in 1967–70 when they shared with the Conservatives and until 1928 In Accrington (43,000) they were the Tories the spoils of Labour’s were the largest party. However the controlling party until 1929 Liberalism decline. In 1969 they briefly this pact broke down in the late and the largest party until 1945. In equalled Labour’s total of twelve 1920s enabling Labour to take con- Darwen (36,000) they had an over- in inter-war seats, but by 1972 had slumped to trol briefly in 1934 by when the all majority on the council until three. Liberals had been reduced to six 1945. In the three boroughs of Ros- Burnley. The Moving further south we come seats (of 48) on the council. Oldham sendale the Liberals were the larg- to the Oldham-Rochdale-Bury Liberals were split between Liberal est party: in Bacup (21,000) they Liberals were cotton-spinning district, which Nationals such as Lady Emmott20 had periods of overall control; also included the municipal bor- and J. S. Dodd21 and independ- they were nearly always the largest the first or oughs of Radcliffe, Heywood ent Liberal stalwarts such as James party in Rawtenstall (29,000); and and Middleton. Rochdale, Hey- T. Middleton.22 In 1935 Dodd was in Haslingden (17,000) they vied for second party wood, Middleton and Radcliffe elected for the two-member bor- control with the Tories, holding the followed a pattern of long-term, ough as a Liberal National MP advantage in the 1920s, while the on Burn- stable collaboration between Lib- in harness with a Conservative, Tories had the edge in the 1930s. erals and Conservatives. In Roch- opposed by a Samuelite Liberal.23 In parliamentary elections the ley council dale (91,000) from 1924 onwards At local level it was denied that Liberals were most successful in the Liberals were the leading party there was a Lib–Con pact24 and Darwen, the seat of Herbert Samuel throughout on the council including periods indeed three-way contests were – the Liberal leader from 1931 until the interwar when they held an overall major- fairly common, but there were his defeat in 1935. Accrington also ity (1925–33, 1936–7, 1947–50). The also clear cases in the later 1930s of elected a Liberal/Constitutional- period with two parties were fiercely competi- mutual support allowing straight ist in the 1920s. In Rossendale they tive in parliamentary elections.17 fights against Labour.25 ran the Conservatives close. Burn- between 25 In Heywood (26,000) and Mid- By the 1950s the Liberals had ley was held by Labour from 1918 to dleton (29,000) party politics were been eliminated from Oldham 1931 but was represented by a Lib- and 45 per muted with Liberal–Conserva- council with their last seats sur- eral National from 1931 to 1935. tive oligarchies in control for dec- rendered undefended in 1950 and After 1945, Bacup and Darwen cent of the ades. However the parties merged 1951. The party, led by James Mid- were the main Liberal strongholds only in Radcliffe where a ‘Munici- dleton, continued to function but in the district. In Bacup they were seats. pal Party’ was formed in 1935 and it did not fight local elections for

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 23 the strange survival of liberal lancashire a time. In Bury the Liberals main- Lib–Con competition was often Liberals in second place and Labour tained a residual presence on the keen in these districts. mostly a weak third. In Stockport council thanks to their strength in Throughout the interwar period (126,000)32 the Liberals held about a Elton ward. In Radcliffe the Lib- the Conservatives were the lead- quarter of the seats until 1929 and erals vanished into the Municipal ing party in Bolton (177,000)29 and still held eleven (of seventy-two) Party – there was no trace of them had an overall majority except in in 1938 – one more than Labour. left when it broke up in 1962–3 the years 1933–6. The Liberals gen- In the 1920s the Liberals were split and was replaced by the Conserva- erally had between 15 and 20 per between factions led by Henry tives. Middleton politics were cent of council members. Labour Fildes (MP 1920–3), who inclined transformed in the mid-1950s by overtook the Liberals in 1925 and to cooperation with the Tories, the building of a large Manches- peaked in 1929. However it failed and Charles Royle (MP 1923–4), ter overspill estate in the town to get much beyond this point and closer to Labour. Royle joined the and the emergence of a disciplined indeed at the end of the 1930s fell Labour Party in 1929 but the com- and assertive Labour Party which back sharply with both the Tories plex pattern of Con–Lib collabo- pushed aside the Con–Lib elite and the Liberals gaining. Elections ration in some years and in some whose pact continued for a few were frequently competitive but wards and competition in others, more years.26 there was also cooperation between continued. From 1945 the Liberals In Rochdale the Liberals did the Liberals and both the other par- were squeezed as elections became not collapse after Labour’s break- ties. The Liberals were assertive in very polarised between Labour and through in the early 1950s. They defending their position in their Conservative. They surrendered remained the second party on the stronger wards and in the second their last seat in 1954 and ceased council until 1970. The electoral half of the 1930s captured several to fight local elections for a time. agreement with the Conservatives Tory seats. The Labour break- Labour dominated the borough for continued, but was strained when through came in 1946 when they most of the 1950s and ’60s. Ashton- Ludovic Kennedy came close to won control of the council for the under-Lyne (52,000) was also winning the 1958 by-election and first time. Many of the early post- strongly Conservative until 1945. 1959 general election just behind war contests were three-way fights Lib–Con collaboration broke down Labour in what had previously been in which the Liberals were squeezed in the late 1920s and the Liberals a Conservative-held seat. In the from nineteen seats down to six (of were crushed in the ensuing hostili- 1960s, Liberal-versus-Conservative ninety-two) by 1947. Their only ties. However the Liberals revived contests became increasingly com- wins were in harness with Tories somewhat in the late 1930s in tacit mon. At the end of the decade the or by Thomas Connor,30 a former alliance with Labour. This collabo- Tories were the major beneficiary Labour councillor who defected ration seems to have continued into of the swing against Labour, and to the Liberals in 1938 and was to the 1950s as Labour established con- in the last years of the county bor- remain on the council until 1967. trol, enabling the Liberals to retain ough’s existence, as Labour recov- He managed to defend his Smith- a foothold on the council. ered, the Liberals lost more than ills seat against all comers. By the In Dukinfield (46,000) the Lib- half of their council seats. At par- early 1950s the Liberals were down erals were the largest party as late liamentary level, however, Cyril to two seats and local elections as 1949, controlling the council Smith27 recruited from Labour and had become an almost exclusively in alliance with the Conserva- gained the seat for the Liberals at a In Rochdale Tory–Labour contest with control tives. After the Second World War, by-election in 1972. In Heywood of the council changing hands fre- Labour gradually displaced the the Liberal presence on the council the Liberals quently. This was in stark contrast Liberals as the leading party and was static in the late 1950s and early with the parliamentary situation in had a comfortable majority on the ’60s and there was no weakening of did not col- Bolton where from 1951 the Con- council from 1952 to 1966 during the Lib–Con electoral understand- servatives entered a pact with the which time the Tories were almost ing. The Liberals shared the ben- lapse after Liberals to share representation at always in third place. The Liber- efit of the anti-Labour swing in the Westminster. As a result Arthur als dwindled from eight to ten seats later 1960s, increasing from seven Labour’s Holt , a Liberal, was returned as MP (of twenty-four) in the 1940s down to twelve seats (of thirty-six), but for Bolton West from 1951 to 1964.31 to four or five by the mid-1950s. falling back again as the pendulum break- The Liberals began to make gains Politics in Hyde (32,000) were more swung to Labour at the beginning from both other parties from 1956 competitive. The Liberals and of the 1970s. through in and by 1963 had eighteen coun- Conservatives continued to vie It is worth flagging that the cil members. However the Liberal for control of the council until the Liberals also did well in some of the early vote collapsed in the mid-1960s and mid-1930s with Labour as a very the Urban Districts around Roch- 1950s. They by the end of the decade they had weak third party. The Liberals held dale and Oldham, notably Royton been eliminated from the council. an overall majority as late as 1928. (17,000) where they held control remained Moving further south to the In the second half of the 1930s the several times between 1946 and Lancashire–Cheshire border east Conservatives established a firm 1965, Saddleworth (13,000)28 which the second of Manchester we come to the grip and Labour gained ground they controlled in the early 1960s, county borough of Stockport, at the expense of the Liberals, but and Crompton (15,000), Milnrow party on the and the municipal boroughs of there was little evidence of Lib- (9,000), Littleborough (12,000), Ashton-under-Lyne, Dukinfield, eral collaboration with the Tories. Wardle (5,000) and Whitworth council until Stalybridge, Hyde and Mossley. The Liberals lost their last council (8,000) where they frequently held Until 1945 the Conservatives were member in 1953. The last Liberals a sizeable minority of the seats. 1970. strong in these boroughs with the were opposed by both other parties.

24 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 the strange survival of liberal lancashire

From 1949 to 1957 the Liberals the socio-economic and other fac- Cooperation areas.36 This may have involved ceased contesting local elections in tors present in localities of Lib- bluffing or wishful thinking but Hyde, which swung over to Labour eral strength – would be of great between the no doubt it also indicated that in control as Conservative support interest. many communities what might be steadily collapsed. Neighbouring Liberals and called the ‘Liberal infrastructure’ Stalybridge (35,000) also leaned to – including Liberal public figures, the Conservatives, with the Liber- Why did Lancashire Liberalism Conserva- employers and opinion-leaders, als as the second party comfortably persist? clubs, friendly societies, Sunday ahead of Labour. A Lib–Con deal The common reasons given for the tives against schools, chapels and newspapers – was abandoned in 1928 though spo- survival of Pennine Radicalism – remained intact. Pacts tended to radic cooperation continued. The electoral pacts and religion – pro- Labour was collapse where Liberalism was bro- Liberals lost some ground but nev- vide at most a partial explanation. widespread ken and was ceasing to count. In ertheless on the eve of the Second They must be seen in the broader much of East Lancashire this hap- World War still held ten (of thirty- context of the political culture in the region pened late or not at all. two) seats on the council. Post-1945 and community ties of the cotton Many of the pacts had the fla- Stalybridge became a tight Con– towns as well as the ideological out- and in some vour of an armed truce between Lab battleground and the Liberals look of northern Liberalism which combatants with episodes of ten- were eradicated from the council facilitated alliances with the Con- boroughs sion when one or other party tested by 1947. servatives while remaining fiercely the boundaries of the deal.37 Deeper The small borough of Moss- independent. was clearly Lib–Con convergence was uncom- ley (12,000), tucked in the upper mon. Only in Radcliffe was a fused Tame valley in the foothills of the Pacts an important coalition, the Municipal Party, Pennines where Yorkshire, Lanca- Cooperation between the Liberals formed. The Liberal Nationals were shire and Cheshire met, survived and Conservatives against Labour factor keep- not strong in the region and they as a unique Liberal enclave as if was widespread in the region and took over the local party only in untouched by modern two-party in some boroughs was clearly an ing Labour at Burnley.38 In Oldham, Bolton and politics right up to the 1970s. There important factor keeping Labour at Stockport, however, some promi- was fierce and evenly balanced bay and sustaining the Liberal pres- bay and sus- nent Liberals backed the Simonites, rivalry between the Liberals and ence on local councils. but they were in a minority. More Conservatives with control of the Such pacts were common taining the often until the mid-1940s the situa- council swinging between the two. throughout Britain from the tion was unclear: local associations Mossley remained more faithful 1920s until the late 1950s when the Liberal pres- seem to have remained affiliated to to Liberalism than anywhere else national leadership of the party ence on local the Samuelite party while work- in the UK with periods of Liberal for the first time took decisive – ing closely with the Conservatives. control for most of the interwar though not totally successful – steps councils. Lib–Con competition occurred in years and in the 1950s, 1960s and to stamp them out.34 In many areas many boroughs and in some, such 1970s, in some years as the only they seem to have had the effect as Ashton-under-Lyne, the Liber- Liberal-controlled authority in of hastening the disappearance of als even cooperated with Labour the country. In 1953 the Manches- the Liberals rather than preserv- against the Tories. There are few ter Guardian described the town ing them. In Merseyside, the South examples of the Liberals being ‘the last stronghold of municipal Lancashire industrial district and reduced to captives allowed to Liberalism … this uniquely way- Manchester/Salford pacts did not retain their seats only by ‘grace and ward place – an industrial area prevent the near-complete elimina- favour’ of the Tories.39 with no Labour councillors where tion of Liberal councillors by 1945 It should be recalled that neither local elections are fought in terms if not earlier. Liberals nor Conservatives could of sewage works and secondary However in East Lancashire guarantee to deliver their vote to schools …’.33 Mossley’s eccentricity pacts seem to have reflected con- their partner in a pact. Evidence extended to parliamentary politics tinuing Liberal strength rather than from the 1951 general election sug- too. The Mossley division (which being the cause of it. In Burnley gests that where a Liberal withdrew extended well beyond the borough) when pacts broke down it was the in the Lancashire textile constitu- was represented in the Commons Tories who came off worse that the encies the Liberal vote split about for most of the interwar period Liberals.35 Some of the pacts were 60:40 in favour of the Conserva- by an Independent MP, Austin very advantageous to the Liberals – tives, but in Rossendale, one of the Hopkinson. in Rochdale for decades the Tories most traditional Radical seats, the Within the boroughs there were accepted third-party status on the split was 50:50.40 some areas of extraordinary Lib- council and in Bolton the Tories eral resilience and other districts conceded one of the parliamentary Religion where the party was eradicated for seats to the Liberals. This appar- The ‘Radical belt’ of East Lanca- long periods. In Rochdale Spotland ent generosity reflected the wide- shire and the area where Noncon- ward returned Liberals consistently spread perception that Liberalism formity was strongest in the region at every election from the 1930s to remained a potent if subdued force coincided and Nonconformity has the 1970s, while Central ward was that the Conservatives needed to long been regarded as a factor in the very rarely contested during the enlist in order to meet the Labour persistence of Liberalism in these same period and won only once in challenge. At election time com- districts. The powerful nineteenth- 1969. Future research – beyond the mentators habitually noted the century association of Liberalism scope of this article – to analyse ‘strong Liberal tradition’ in such and Dissent lived on here to some

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 25 the strange survival of liberal lancashire

extent in the first half of the twen- less than 5 per cent in Stalybridge & Left: Dame Sarah the numbers to account for contin- tieth century. Many of the Liberal Hyde and Mossley, less than 10 per Lees (1842–1935): uing mass support for the Liberals. elite were also active Nonconform- cent in Rochdale and Heywood & mill-owner, Rather Nonconformity should ists, whilst active Anglicans, Cath- Radcliffe and only just over 10 per philanthropist, be viewed as an important reinforc- olics, Jews and non-believers were cent in strongholds such as Dar- suffragist, ing element in the local community less common. For example Arthur wen and Burnley. By far the high- Congregational- culture and the broader ideological Worsley, who maintained an active est proportion was in Rossendale, ist, Liberal Mayor outlook that sustained Liberalism in regional Liberal organisation in the but even there it was less than 20 of Oldham many districts. This may well have north-west for many years, was a per cent.43 1910–11. been true in the nineteenth century Methodist lay preacher.41 Noncon- The Liberals no longer monop- too. Peter Joyce has argued that formity was clearly an important olised the Nonconformist vote. Right: John Percy ‘religion was part of a ritualised marker of Liberal support, but it Many amongst the largest group, Taylor (1868– politics that had little to do with was not the determinant of Liberal the Wesleyan Methodists, were 1945): mill-owner, either politics or religion’, stressing survival in the area. inclining towards the Conserva- Liberal leader in that it was essentially a badge rep- The chapel was declining both tives, while Labour was making Bolton between resenting allegiances to communi- as a religious force and Liberal prop inroads into the Baptists.44 Simi- the wars, ties closely connected with places in the interwar years. The decline larly, the Liberals were losing the Mayor 1934–35, of work. In his view ‘the conflict was apparent well before 1914. support of Congregationalists both Unitarian. of church and chapel was itself an Peter Clarke considers that by 1914 to the Tories and Labour. The lim- expression of allegiances formed ‘Nonconformity … was clearly ited evidence on voting behaviour at the level of the factory and its no longer the dominant element indicates that only about one-third environment’. According to Joyce in the [Liberal] party’.42 Although of Nonconformists who could vote this ‘culture of the factory’ was the it occasionally surfaced in politi- in 1918 were Liberals and of those underlying determinant of party cal controversy in the 1920s – over coming of age in 1918–35, not much support and religious sectarianism such issues as Sunday opening of more than a quarter were Liberals. (bearing in mind the low levels of cinemas for example – religion fell This contrasted with 50–60 per cent working-class attendance at church into the background as a party issue allegiance to the Liberals among and chapel) was more a matter of except in some parts of Liverpool, their fathers. Amongst Noncon- display.46 Bootle and Preston where sectarian formists coming of age in 1935–50, In towns such as Nelson where (Catholic–Protestant) divisions still only 16 per cent were Liberals.45 other community factors sup- counted. These data may of course under- porting Liberalism were relatively Nonconformists were a rela- state the wider social influence of weak, the presence of strong local tively small minority even in the the chapels and their role in mobi- Nonconformist roots was insuffi- hotspots of Liberalism in East Lan- lising the Liberal vote, but they cient to compensate.47 cashire. In 1922 they accounted for show that Nonconformity lacked

26 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 the strange survival of liberal lancashire

Community Left: James were often linked with the textile Smith claimed in his memoirs Long before the 1970s’ Young Lib- Alfred Bottomley industry. A large class of white- that there was ‘no Old Boys influ- erals invented community politics, (1874–1957): collar workers was employed in the ence’, this seems like an example the Liberal Party in places like East mill-owner and commercial and mercantile busi- of the interweaving of politics and Lancashire was sustained by exten- seven times nesses that grew up and depended employment.51 Many other activists sive and deeply embedded roots in Liberal mayor of on textiles. Manchester was still the were drawn from the small business the local community. Alongside Mossley. largest commodities market in the and professional classes that relied the chapel and the Sunday School, a world in 1929. Locally, small busi- on the industry for their prosperity. range of structures tied voters of all Right: Jeremiah nesses, shopkeepers and profession- The prominence of Liberals in classes to the party and its view of Lord (1877–1947): als of all kinds were dependent on civic leadership in the North, seen the world. Foremost amongst these weaver, Baptist, the fortunes of the cotton trade. for example in the high proportion was the place of work. In the cot- Liberal mayor Not all mill owners were Liber- of council committee chairman- ton industry most firms were small of Haslingden als of course. Many were Tories or ships held by Liberals in some bor- with close contact between work- 1926–27. unaligned politically. There was oughs, was, according to at least ers and management. In 1959 after even the occasional Labour mill one study, attributable to the par- many mergers and rationalisations owner. Nevertheless there were ty’s close links with local business the average size of firm was still extremely strong ties between cot- and the professions and its reputa- only 244 employees.48 Mills were ton and the Liberal Party. In vir- tion for civic activism and good commonly surrounded by housing tually all the towns examined in administration.52 provided by the employers for the this article, mill-owning families The Liberal electoral coalition skilled and unskilled operatives, the provided the party’s elite. A good included many working-class vot- overlookers, clerks and managers. example is J. P. Taylor, owner of a ers. Davies and Morley writing Even as the industry declined, the family cotton mill in Bolton and a of Burnley note that the firm ties influence of paternalistic owners leading figure in the Liberal Party before 1914 between local Liberal- diminished (a process visible from and local government until his ism and ‘the respectable and politi- the late nineteenth century), and death in 1945.50 The workforces in cally and socially aware groups some of the workforce moved to the mills also provided a large pro- within the working class survived the suburbs, the role of the cotton portion of the activists including to some degree in inter-war local industry in people’s lives remained many councillors. When a youthful politics.’ Working-class Liberalism, central. It also played a major role Cyril Smith lost his civil service job alongside the still powerful tradi- in the life of many boroughs. As in 1945 because of his campaign- tion of working-class Toryism, late as 1955, in Bolton 29,000 peo- ing for the Liberal candidate for remained important in many parts ple were employed in textiles – 35 Rochdale, he was re-employed by a of the region, aided by the moder- per cent of the labour force.49 Other local textile mill where the Liberal ate, verging on apolitical, character local industries such as engineering candidate was a director. Although of much of the Lancashire textile

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 27 the strange survival of liberal lancashire trades union movement. In some These firmly entrenched organisa- essentially passé Gladstonian creed instances such loyalty was sustained tions aided the strong performance which found increasing points of by paternalistic and philanthropic of the Conservative and Liberal agreement with the Conservatives owners, who had by no means parties throughout the twenty and many points of disagreement entirely died out, such as Oscar years of elections. The Labour with the Labour Party. Some his- Hall in Bury,53 James Bottomley in Party realised the advantage the torians starting from a left–right Mossley,54 the Holts in Bolton,55 or other two parties had with their class-based template deny that Dame Sarah Lees in Oldham.56 clubs and bemoaned their own lack there was any significant ideologi- It was also reinforced by a range of them.’61 Such social network- cal difference between the Liberals of institutions in which Liber- ing extended beyond the political and Conservatives in this period. als often played a prominent part. clubs: in interwar Nelson, Labour Describing Bury, Davies and Mor- Notable were the Friendly Socie- complained about Liberal influence ley see: ties,57 several of the most impor- in the town’s cricket club.62 tant of which had originated in the Finally, the importance of the … a minimum of ideological region, including the Oddfellows local Liberal press should be men- and political differences existing and Rechabites (Manchester) and tioned. Many towns had their own between the two parties. Both the Foresters (Rochdale). During local newspapers, owned by Liberal stood for the free market and the nineteenth century the Friendly families, which were supportive private property. This was Society movement had mostly of the Liberal Party. As well as the translated into a defence of aligned with the Liberals and some Manchester Guardian, whose influ- the ratepayers ‘true’ interests were identified closely with Liberal ence was felt throughout Lanca- by the advocating of ‘small causes – for instance the Rechabites shire and beyond, these included government’. Minimum with the Temperance movement. the Bolton Evening News (Tillot- government, ostensibly in the The Societies had some eight mil- sons), the Oldham Evening Chronicle interest of the freedom of the lion members at the end of the (Hirsts) and the Rochdale Observer. individual, involved a resistance 1930s.58 They were part of a vast The party’s leaders and activities to any perceived unnecessary popular movement of mutualist were given detailed and sympa- expenditure of ratepayers’ institutions that included building thetic coverage in such papers. money. The defence of public societies, cooperatives and mutual This web of communal sup- order in the face of another improvement societies dedicated ports for Liberalism was gradually perceived threat: that of the to education. Some writers iden- eroding as the cotton indus- unemployed was another area of tify such self-help ventures with try declined and urban areas mutual agreement.64 the Labour Party and the left,59 but changed, but it remained impor- they were at least equally associated tant throughout the interwar This leaves unanswered the ques- with Liberalism. A typical Liberal period and in some places was still tion why so many so-called ‘right- activist of the interwar period was significant after 1945. It consti- wing’ Liberals declined to throw a person of modest, often working- The Liberals tuted a powerful defence against in their lot with the Tories, or class origins, who through educa- the advances of the Labour Party, why some progressives for so long tion in the Mechanics Institute or maintained which despite its very moderate refused to abandon the Liberal other ‘self-help’ means had risen to character in Lancashire, remained Party. In fact, the Liberals main- occupy a supervisory or manage- a distinc- extremely weak in some bor- tained a distinctive ideology which rial role in a mill or had started a oughs and everywhere had diffi- shared some common ground with small business or shop. Frequently tive ideology culty breaking out of its unionised each of the other parties but also he (sometimes she) was an ‘active strongholds. Similarly the far left major points of difference which citizen’ involved in local social, which shared was strikingly feeble in Lancashire could not easily be blurred. religious, masonic, sporting and even at the height of the slump. Their starting point was to educational causes alongside politi- some com- The Independent Labour Party reject class politics and to stress cal activity.60 (ILP) and the Communist Party the importance of efficient and Liberal working-men’s clubs mon ground and its fronts such as the Unem- non-partisan management of local provided another prop of this ployed Workers Movement fought government. As Davies and Mor- infrastructure. Davies and Morley with each local elections regularly but with ley note, this time writing about note the importance of the clubs conspicuous lack of success. As one Burnley, an important source of to both the Conservative and Lib- of the other Labour historian writing of Lan- their strength was that ‘the Liber- eral parties in Bury: ‘These clubs cashire rather archly puts it ‘the als played down, and even attacked, served as a focal point of politics, parties but surviving peculiarities in the com- the notion of class-based politics. entertainment and sometimes, also major munity forms of social relations Liberals emphasised the differences moral instruction … The Liber- worked against effective coordina- between Liberalism and Labour als, if anything, had a more vibrant points of tion of working-class unrest’.63 as well as stressing the far greater club organisation [than the Tories]. business and administrative expe- Some of their clubs carried the difference Radical ideology rience of Liberal candidates.’65 great names of nineteenth century Pennine Radicalism is routinely This not only reflected the party’s Liberalism: the Gladstone (East which could viewed as individualistic, economi- moderation, but also its view that ward), the Cobden and the Trev- cally liberal (indeed laissez-faire), both Labour and the Conserva- elyan (Church ward). Also active not easily be anti-socialist and fixated with free tives represented sectional interests were the Blackford Bridge, Phil- trade and reducing public expendi- to the cost of the general public. ip’s and the Fishpool Liberal Club. blurred. ture. In other words it is seen as an Labour projected itself as the party

28 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 the strange survival of liberal lancashire of the working class and the Con- servatives were seen as the party of privileged ‘rent-seeking’ economic groups.66 Othello Whitehead,67 a prominent Bury Liberal in the 1920s saw the fundamental ‘difference between Conservatives and Liberals was that the former represented the dividend seekers’.68 This outlook was rooted in the ideological heritage of the ‘Peers versus the People’ battles before 1914, the influence of George-ist ideas on land taxation, but above all free trade doctrine which regarded pro- tectionism as a Tory conspiracy against the public good. There is some debate about the continued potency of the free trade issue. Peter Clarke plays it down claiming that it had been neutralised as a decisive partisan issue because many Lanca- shire Conservatives favoured free trade.69 Frank Trentmann, on the other hand, insists that it still retained enormous power as a great expanded civil freedom, freed the Michael and Liberal parliamentary candi- popular cause coming ‘close to a state from group interests, and pro- Winstanley date in 1950 told the Manchester national ideology’ right up to the moted peace amongst nations. (1918–93), Liberal Guardian that ‘she used to describe First World War. He describes a If free trade was for many Lib- MP for Cheadle herself as “a Liberal with Labour more gradual disintegration of the erals an insurmountable barrier in 1966–70, for leanings”. She still calls herself a intellectual, popular and business the way of them joining the Tories, Hazel Grove working woman and a democrat, foundations of free trade which it was viewed as a national issue February – but towards the Labour Party she continued until Britain abandoned that had little relevance for local October 1974. has reservations. In her view the the policy in 1931–32.70 government. This contrasted with Labour creed implies excessive reg- The mass popularity of free ‘sound finance’ which offered fer- imentation.’76 It is often suggested trade lasted longer in Lancashire tile ground for cooperation with that this shared anti-socialism and – dependant on cotton exports, the Conservatives at local level in economic and social connections commerce and shipping – than else- order to keep the rates down and to made Liberals and Conservatives where. As we have seen as late as the ensure tight control over expendi- virtually indistinguishable politi- 1923 general election the Liberals ture. This was a favourite theme cally. However this is to underes- were able to secure twenty-six Lan- of Liberal campaigns throughout timate the differences in outlook cashire seats on an anti-protection- the period. In Bury in the 1920s and background that made many ist platform. This scale of success and 1930s the Liberals’ parsimony Liberals feel uncomfortable with was not repeated: almost every- sometimes exceeded even that of the Tory Party. An example of this where free trade was ceasing to be the Conservatives and they argued is Vera Bruce Chambers, a Stock- a winning cause on its own, but it that the most effective way for the port Liberal councillor who joined continued to be a badge of iden- council to ease unemployment was the Conservative Party in Decem- tity differentiating Liberals from by keeping the rates low.72 In Roch- ber 1947. Within less than a year she Conservatives and enabled them dale two decades later ‘the most had defected back to the Liberals to tap into a powerful current of economy-minded members of the complaining that she was ‘wrong in Lancashire opinion. Liberals from Council appeared to be the Liber- hoping to work with the Conserva- the region were in the forefront as als, not the Conservatives’.73 tives and is sure the Tory Party is no champions of free trade in the party Those Liberals who stuck with place for the Liberal-minded’.77 right into the 1950s.71 the party were almost by definition Progressive ideas remained It is important to remember that ‘anti-socialist’. This was true for important in the Liberal Party free trade was not just about tariff those on the ‘left’ of the party as for especially in Manchester which policy but focused a whole philoso- those on the ‘right’.74 A Progressive had a considerable influence on the phy, as the sub-title of Trentmann’s like Ernest Simon, a leading Man- surrounding boroughs. As late as book suggests, of ‘commerce, con- chester Liberal and driving force 1930 the Liberal candidates there sumption and civil society’. It was of advanced interventionist poli- were described as ‘nearly always of associated with socially responsible cies to clear the slums and regener- deepening shades of pink’.78 The trade and consumerism, equity, and ate housing in the city, took years zeal for improvement in social social solidarity. It provided the to overcome his aversion to join- conditions was evident amongst Liberals with their own political ing the Labour Party.75 Winifred many other Liberals. Often this mythology in which free trade had Kirkham, an Oldham councillor took the form of philanthropic

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 29 the strange survival of liberal lancashire activity in support of educational candidates habitually insisted that The Radi- and were increasingly assertive in and health causes. Wealthy women ‘politics’ – meaning national poli- electoral contests. They were less such as Dame Sarah Lees and her tics – should be kept out of local cal ideol- willing to stand aside for Liberals or daughter Marjory in Oldham,79 government. This is an important Independents. Especially in some of Amy Jones in Rochdale80 and Ada reason why Liberals in a number of ogy allowed the larger boroughs, such as Burn- Summers in Stalybridge81 were boroughs were prone to cooperate ley, Oldham and Stockport, the prominent in this field, but there with Tories in local government and indeed Liberals were squeezed out. Where were also others from more mod- while continuing to compete vig- this happened, typically the Liber- est backgrounds such as Mary orously with them in parliamentary encouraged als put up a fight in the late 1940s Ellen Wild in Ashton-under-Lyne elections.87 but then largely ceased activity for who was a pawnbroker.82 Doc- cooperation a time from 1950. This also reflected tors such as Richard Mothersole83 with both the wider demoralisation and pen- and Jean Marshall,84 both council- The retreat of Lancashire nilessness of the party after the col- lors in Bolton in the interwar years Radicalism the other lapse of its attempted revival at the were drawn into Liberal politics In 1938 the Liberals controlled Dar- 1950 general election. through medical practice in the wen and were the largest party on parties: with In East Lancashire there were mills and deprived areas. Where Rochdale, Accrington, Bacup, and also important local factors at Liberals had power they pursued Heywood councils and in second the Con- work, above all the economic positive social reforms. In 1934 the place in Bury, Stockport, Dukin- and social changes that were tak- Manchester Guardian reported field, Haslingden, Hyde, Middle- servatives in ing place as the cotton indus- that Liberal-controlled Rochdale ton, Mossley, Rawtenstall, and try declined. Cotton had been in was ‘very enterprising’, promot- Stalybridge. In Burnley and Bolton the cause of retreat since the 1920s, with some ing several local public works pro- they were in a strong third place 800 mills closing and 345,000 peo- jects that provided employment – a just behind Labour. Even in their efficient and ple leaving the industry between reservoir, a secondary school for weakest boroughs, Oldham and 1918 and 1939. Nevertheless the girls, a maternity hospital and a Ashton-under-Lyne they retained economical region still accounted for 28 per sanatorium.’85 a strong foothold on the councils. cent of world cotton trade at the The Liberals’ enthusiasm for Overall they held some 27 per cent local admin- end of the 1930s. There was a fur- such progressive measures was part of council seats: more than Labour. ther 50 per cent decline in work- and parcel of their broader ideo- By 1957 their representation istration and force and production during the logical commitment to mutual- had been seriously depleted. They Second World War, but this fall ism, active citizenship and equality had been eliminated from Old- with Labour was largely reversed as the indus- of opportunity (seen in Bury for ham, Hyde, Rawtenstall and Sta- on progres- try boomed after the war, and by example in a tendency to argue for lybridge, and councils. In most 1951 production for the home mar- greater expenditure on education other boroughs they held on tenu- sive issues ket exceeded that of the mid-1930s. than the Tories86). The enthusiasm ously with a councillor or two. In The ‘Cotton Crisis’ hit in 1951–2 of Lancashire Liberals for the Bev- Darwen, Dukinfield, Haslingden, such as edu- due to inflation of textile prices and eridge national insurance plan in Heywood they could still claim a a shift in spending towards con- the mid-1940s was dimmed by the more sizeable representation but cation, slum sumer durables. By 1958 produc- shift away from mutualism and vol- only in Rochdale, Bacup and Moss- tion for the home market was down untaryism that its implementation ley did they remain a major force. clearance by 24 per cent and for export by 57 brought about, as well as the cost Overall their strength had fallen per cent compared with 1951. The implications. to 9 per cent of council seats in the and munici- government’s efforts to rationalise The Radical ideology allowed East Lancashire area. This was a big and modernise the industry were and indeed encouraged coopera- decline, but nevertheless the Lib- pal enter- unsuccessful and in the late 1960s tion with both the other parties: eral presence in local government and early 1970s cotton entered its with the Conservatives in the cause remained significantly greater here prise. At the final agony with mills closing at of efficient and economical local than in any other part of the coun- a rate of almost one a week across administration and with Labour try except the West Riding.88 same time it Lancashire.89 on progressive issues such as educa- In part the Liberal decline At the same time the commu- tion, slum clearance and municipal was due to the stronger and more was a barrier nity structure that had helped sus- enterprise. At the same time it was aggressive electoral challenge of tain Liberalism was dissolving. a barrier in the way of full amal- the Labour and Conservative par- in the way In part this was due to independ- gamation with those parties. The ties, which was a national phenom- of full amal- ent factors such as the continuing differences with Labour were per- enon. As we have seen, Labour decline of Nonconformity, the pro- tinent at local as well as national made a breakthrough in some areas gamation vincial press and the mutual sector. level because Labour consciously in 1945–46 and there was a further The Friendly Societies lost their sought to spread its class-based, shift in its favour in the early 1950s. with those central role in the national insur- collectivist and redistributive poli- Compared with before the war, ance system in the 1948 National cies into local government. With Labour had everywhere broad- parties. Assistance Act. The communal the Conservatives the Liberals’ dif- ened its appeal and improved its ‘self-help’ educational sector was ferences related more to national, organisation so that there were no also sagging after the war and by or as it was described at the time, longer boroughs where it was a the late 1960s the tradition had col- imperial policy – in other words, negligible factor. The Conserva- lapsed in many mill districts to be free trade and international affairs. tives too improved their organisa- replaced by new national initiatives Thus in local elections Liberal tion, recruited a mass membership such as the Open University.90

30 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 the strange survival of liberal lancashire

Population movements and Table 3: Liberal council members in eighteen East Lancashire boroughs 1956–72 urban regeneration unhinged estab- 1956 1959 1961 1963 1966 1969 1972 lished political patterns in many Bolton, Bury, Stockport 7 8 18 39 12 3 1 areas. In Middleton, for example, the building of a large Manchester Other boroughs 66 77 84 81 75 88 47 overspill estate in the 1950s trans- Total 73 85 102 120 87 91 48 formed local politics and propelled the previously docile local Labour Party into power.91 retreated, and this was mirrored In the elections to the new Other changes were more by a weakening of support for the county authorities in 1973 the best directly linked to the disintegra- Conservatives in the region, no Liberal performances in the north- tion of the cotton industry. Much doubt reflecting the same social west were outside the region cov- of the old Liberal elite drawn from changes. Labour gained ground as ered in this article, in the newer the industry and its commercial the balance of the economy shifted Manchester suburbs of Cheadle, and small business offshoots disap- away from cotton. Hazel Grove, Prestwich and Altrin- peared. Deference and the influ- These trends were not much cham & Sale and in areas where ence in tightly knit communities affected by the Liberal revival they had previously been weak such of employers, philanthropists and under Jo Grimond. As Table 3 as Liverpool and Colne, Pendle and local notables faded away. The shows, only Bolton, Bury and Preston.98 In their old heartlands supply of active citizens in tradi- Stockport followed the national they did well in Darwen and picked tional fields – the foot soldiers of pattern of a surge in the early 1960s up seats in Royton, Saddleworth the party – dried up. Many Lib- followed by a rapid retreat and and Rochdale, but made little eral clubs closed or lost their active indeed collapse in the later 1960s. impact elsewhere. connection with the party in the But even here the gains were on The economic, social and com- 1950s and early 1960s. The salience a more modest scale than in the munity factors that had sustained of free trade as rallying cry finally newer suburbs of south-east Eng- a distinctive northern Liberalism ceased as foreign competition in the land and the commuter fringe of in the textile towns of East Lanca- domestic textile market became an Manchester around Cheadle and shire were severely weakened by increasing problem. Sale. Elsewhere in the region the the 1960s – a pattern also evident Where these processes devel- advance came early and then stalled in Halifax, Huddersfield and other oped more slowly, the Liberal with the Liberals actually suffer- Liberal strongholds in the West political culture persisted longer. ing a slight loss of seats in the early Riding of Yorkshire.99 The mod- In Rochdale the Liberals held their 1960s. Here however the party held ernised Liberal Party of that period position on the council up to the its position more firmly in the later was also becoming less congenial to end of the 1960s, although they 1960s and indeed made some gains traditional economic liberals who did not hold a majority after 1950. at the end of the decade when to a increasingly found a home in the The town’s official handbook of limited extent it shared with the Conservative Party of Heath and 1952, packed with adverts for local Tories the spoils of the big swing Thatcher. textile firms, gives special promi- against the Wilson Labour govern- Traces of the region’s old Liberal nence to Rochdale’s Liberal tradi- ment, which was particularly sharp allegiance have survived and resur- tion and pictures of Cobden and in the textile area.97 (See Table 3.) faced especially where assisted by Bright.92 In Mossley, traditional However, as the figures for 1972 local factors and charismatic can- deference seems to have contin- show, this only concealed tem- didates. But the former textile dis- ued after the war. When the mill porarily the collapse of Liberal tricts have not been in the forefront owner and former Liberal ‘boss’ strength in the region. The Liberals of the expansion of the Liberal/ of the town, James Bottomley, had by this stage been eliminated Liberal Democrat electoral base in died in 1957 an obituary claimed from six councils (Oldham, Bolton, recent decades. The strange sur- that he ‘was known affectionately Bury, Ashton-under-Lyne, Sta- vival of Liberal Lancashire in the throughout the town, particularly lybridge and Middleton) and had first half of the twentieth century by the many cotton workers who only a handful of representatives (at was followed by the curious col- had been employed at his mills, as most three) in eight others (Stock- lapse of its heartlands the 1960s and “James Alfred” … At his mills and port, Burnley, Accrington, Dukin- ’70s. Future articles will examine at clubs and business premises all field, Hyde, Haslingden, Bacup, this story in the Manchester area over the town flags were lowered Rawtenstall). In Rochdale and and the West Riding of Yorkshire to half-mast on Tuesday as news Heywood they had lost heavily and as well as the contrasting develop- of his death spread’. Nevertheless, only in Mossley and Darwen was ments on Merseyside and the West a few individuals, such as Alder- the party’s position still relatively Lancashire coast.100 man Jesse Crabtree (and his son strong and stable. The Conserva- John) in Bacup,93 Alderman Rob- tives had supplanted the Liberals in Jaime Reynolds has written numerous erts in Mossley,94 Alderman David- several of their traditional strong- contributions for the Journal of Lib- son in Darwen95 and Alderman holds. Bacup, a council which the eral History and other History Group Fearn in Rochdale,96 kept the flag Liberals had controlled in the early publications. He was awarded a PhD of a dogged and robust Liberalism 1960s, had become solidly Conserv- following studies at LSE and the Uni- flying. ative by the end of the decade. The versity of Warsaw, Poland. He worked Generally though, the Liberal Tories had also overtaken the Lib- in the UK civil service and since 2000 decline was more marked as cotton erals in Rochdale and Heywood. has been an official of the European

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 31 the strange survival of liberal lancashire

Commission working on interna- excellent analysis of Nelson’s candidate for Oldham 1929. Lib- Conservatives or Socialists, tional environmental issues. His economic and political culture. eral National MP for Oldham should such opportunities afford current research interests are the ‘Little Moscow’ was a misnomer 1935–45. themselves’. political parties and the expanding as communist influence was lim- 22 James Taylor Middleton (1887– 35 E. D. Smithies, ‘The Contrast role of women in local government ited and the local Labour tradi- 1957), solicitor, son of a Liberal Between North and South in politics in the 1920s and 1930s. tion owed more to Radical and mayor of Oldham. Councillor England 1918–39: A Study of ILP influences. Hill suggests that for Hollinwood ward 1936–48 Economic, Social and Political 1 M. Egan, Coming Into Focus – The ‘Red Nelson’ would be more apt. and numerous times Liberal Problems with particular refer- Transformation of the Liberal Party The large proportion of immi- candidate. Three times parlia- ence to the Experience of Burn- 1945–64 (Saarbrucken, 2009), p. grants especially from nearby mentary candidate. President ley, Halifax, Ipswich and Luton’ 168. Pennine weaving districts, the Oldham Liberal Association. (DPhil thesis, University of 2 P. F. Clarke, Lancashire and the absence of big employers to form President of NW Liberal Federa- Leeds, 1974), p. 287. New Liberalism (Cambridge, a patriarchal political class, and tion in 1950s. On executive of 36 For example in 1955 H. J. Hallam 1971), p. 397. the early development, large size Liberal Party Organisation. wrote of the very strong Liberal 3 Clarke, as above. and effective organisation of the 23 See D. Dutton, Liberals in Schism traditions in Radcliffe preserved 4 Especially the digital archives of Nelson Weavers’ Association – A History of the National Liberal by the Municipal Party, long The (Manchester) Guardian and were key factors in the excep- Party (London, 2008), pp. 91, 99. after Liberals had ceased to con- The Times, UK Data Service, the tional strength of Labour in 24 Manchester Guardian, 19 Oct. test local elections independently, British Newspaper Archive. The Nelson. 1936. see H. J. Hallam in D. Butler, family history site Ancestry UK 15 The Liberals began to gain seats 25 Enabling J. T. Middleton to gain The British General Election of 1955 is also useful for biographical in Colne in the early 1970s and Hollinwood ward in 1936 for (London, 1956), p. 145. material. became the largest party in the example. 37 Even in a town like Middleton 5 Clarke, Lancashire, p. 10. new Pendle District in 1973. 26 J. G. Bulpitt, Party Politics in Eng- where Lib–Con collaboration 6 Such as Birkenhead East (from the 16 S. Davies and B. Morley, County lish Local Government (London, was close, the Liberals fiercely Liberals) and Manchester Black- Borough Elections in England and 1967), pp. 22–39. defended their independence. In ley, Rusholme and Moss Side. Wales 1919–38: A Comparative 27 Cyril Smith (1928–2010), active 1951 a Liberal councillor pub- 7 Twenty-nine in 1923 and thirty- Analysis, vol. 2 (Aldershot, 2000) Liberal Rochdale, Stockport licly denounced what he claimed one in 1929. pp. 316, 333. The Tories had ten. 1945–50, on executive NLYL. were Conservative attempts to 8 Fifty-six in 1924 and fifty-nine Labour had nine aldermen, the Councillor Rochdale Labour force him to stand as a Tory and in 1935. Liberals two and the Conserva- 1952–66, Independent 1966–70. turn the council into a ‘closed 9 Calculated by the author. The tives one. Mayor. Rejoined Liberals 1970. shop’: Manchester Guardian, 2 data covers the total of council- 17 The Liberals only stood aside MP for Rochdale 1972–92. Nov. 1951. For more on Middle- lors and aldermen sitting on the at the 1951 and 1955 elections Unitarian. ton and on Rochdale, see Bul- councils in the years specified. when the Conservatives gained 28 In West Riding of Yorkshire. pitt, Party Politics, ch. 1 and 4. For a small number of coun- Rochdale. 29 Davies and Morley, County Bor- 38 Burnley Liberal Association cils, mostly in 1921, estimates 18 It was formed in August 1935 on ough Elections, vol. 1, pp. 463–542. affiliated to the Liberal Party have been used because of lack the initiative of the local Rector in 30 Thomas Connor (1896–1988), Organisation in June 1946. It of data. The total of seats in order ‘to eliminate political pas- commercial traveller. Labour had previously aligned with the 1921 was some 1,650 and in 1972 sions from local government’. See councillor Bolton 1929–38. Lib- Liberal Nationals without for- some 2,140. The region covered Manchester Guardian, 22 Aug. 1935. eral councillor 1938–61. Alder- mally affiliating to the Liberal is modern Lancashire, Greater 19 William Herbert Booth, a prom- man 1961–67. Mayor 1963–64. National organisation. See Man- Manchester and Merseyside, inent councillor and mayor in Leader Liberal group in 1960s. chester Guardian, 24 Jun. 1946. thus including some parts of pre- 1938, was described in the press Secretary Bolton Liberal Asso- 39 Unlike in Liverpool and Man- 1974 Cheshire. as a Liberal National. It was ciation and chairman from 1944. chester for instance where a 10 South-east Lancashire was one reported in 1937 that Middleton Failed to regain Smithills 1967. Liberal alderman survived in the of only two regions in the coun- & Prestwich Liberal Association Rejoined Labour Party 1967. 1950s only due to Conservative try that swung to the Labour had recently been re-formed: 31 B. J. Evans and A. J. Taylor, support. Party at the 1959 general elec- Manchester Guardian 2 Sept. 1937. ‘Rise and Fall of Two-party 40 E. J. Cleary and H. Pollins, ‘Lib- tion: D. E. Butler and R. Rose, 20 Mary Gertrude Emmott (neé Electoral Cooperation (Hud- eral Voting in the General Elec- The British General Election of 1959 Lees) (1866–1954), daughter of dersfield and Bolton)’,Political tion of 1951’, The Sociological (London, 1960), p. 236. cotton spinner, 1887 married Studies, xxxii (1984), pp. 257–272. Review, vol. 1, issue 2, Dec 1953, 11 M. Savage, The Dynamics of Alfred Emmott (1858–1926), cot- 32 In Cheshire, as were Dukinfield, p. 39. Working-Class Politics: the Labour ton manufacturer, Liberal MP Hyde and Stalybridge. 41 Arthur Douglas Worsley (1891– Movement in Preston 1880–1940 for Oldham 1899–1911, 1st Baron 33 Manchester Guardian, 6 May 1953. 1965), born Pendleton. Father (Cambridge, 1987) is useful. Emmott 1911. They were mayor 34 A resolution adopted at the 1958 was mayor of Salford. Organiser 12 S. Davies and B. Morley, County and mayoress of Oldham 1891. Liberal Assembly declared that for NW Liberal Federation from Borough Elections in England and She was Liberal candidate for the party ‘can, in no foreseeable 1927, secretary 1932–58. Wales 1919–38: A Comparative Oldham 1922. Vice-president circumstances, enter into pacts, 42 Clarke, Lancashire, pp. 272–3. Analysis, vol. 1 (Ashgate, 1999). of the Liberal Council 1929–31. with either the Conservative 43 M. Kinnear, The British Voter 13 Clitheroe elected a Labour MP in Prominent Liberal National in Party or the Labour Party on the – An Atlas and Survey since 1885 1918 and 1945 but otherwise has late 1930s. national or local level; whilst in (London, 1968), pp. 125–6. The always been Tory. Nelson and 21 John Samuel Dodd (1904–73), view of the undemocratic nature detailed figures are: Rochdale Colne was always Labour from engineer, director of family- of the present electoral system, 6.4 per cent; Heywood & Rad- 1918 to 1970, except in 1931. owned Sun Cotton Mill, one welcoming the opportunity of cliffe 6.2 per cent; Stalybridge & 14 J. Hill, Nelson: Politics, Economy, of largest in Oldham. Liberal presenting the Liberal case in Hyde 4.4 per cent; Mossley 4.6 Community (Keele, 1997) is an councillor and parliamentary a straight fight against either per cent; Darwen 10.0 per cent;

32 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 the strange survival of liberal lancashire

Burnley 10.1 per cent; Rossen- 56 Sarah Lees (neé Buckley) (1842– Federation, proposed the famous (1865–1950), born Colchester, dale 18.7 per cent. 1935), born Mossley. Widow of ‘trumpet call for Free Trade’ mill doctor. Liberal councillor 44 Prominent Labour Baptists wealthy Oldham cotton spinner. adopted at the 1953 Liberal Bolton 1925–40s. included the Rev. Gordon Lang, Co-opted to Oldham Education Assembly in Ilfracombe. 84 Jean Marion Farie Marshall Labour MP for Oldham 1929–31 Committee 1902. Member of 72 Davies and Morley, County Bor- (1876–1965), born Greenock, and Stalybridge & Hyde 1945– Oldham council 1907–19. Mayor ough Elections, vol. 2, pp. 434, general practitioner working in 51, and Clifford Kenyon, Labour 1910 (second female mayor in 437–9. Bolton from before 1914. Liberal MP for Chorley 1945–70, a lay UK) and Freeman of Oldham. 73 Bulpitt, Party Politics, p. 91. councillor Bolton 1935–40s. preacher and former mayor of DBE 1917. Congregationalist. 74 The terms left and right are used 85 Manchester Guardian, 17 Oct. 1934. Rawtenstall. 57 Friendly societies clubbed here for convenience only. Old 86 Davies and Morley, County Bor- 45 D. Butler and D. Stokes, Political together workers to offer basic radical Liberal thinking com- ough Elections, vol. 2, p. 427. Change in Britain – Forces Shaping health and unemployment ben- monly dubbed ‘right-wing’ 87 For example in Rochdale, Old- Electoral Change (Penguin, 1971), efits, savings banks, job referral shares much in common with ham, Bury and Rossendale Lib- p. 170. services, and burial plans. what today would be labelled as erals opposed Conservatives 46 P. Joyce, Work, Society and 58 S. Cordery, British Friendly Socie- ‘left libertarianism’. in almost every parliamentary Politics – the Culture of the Fac- ties, 1750–1914 (Houndmills and 75 E. D. Simon bowed out of Liberal election from 1918–50. tory in Later Victorian England New York, 2003); T. Cutler, politics in the 1930s. He stood as 88 The Liberals were also strong in (Brighton, 1980), pp. 170, 241. K. Williams and J. Williams, an Independent at the 1945 gen- Blackpool, and Southport. Joyce also suggests that racism Keynes, Beveridge and Beyond eral election and shortly after 89 Miles, Lancashire Textiles, pp. (i.e. anti-Irish feeling) was a sec- (London, 1986), pp. 42–4; J. joined the Labour Party. His wife 25–6, 38–41. ondary factor behind sectarian McNicol, The Politics of Retire- Shena, also a leading Manchester 90 See J. Rose, Intellectual Life, pp. behaviour. ment in Britain, 1878–1948 (Cam- housing reformer had joined the 296–7, 463. 47 See further: Hill, Nelson. bridge, 1998); D. Gladstone (ed.), Labour Party in 1935. 91 See Bulpitt, Party Politics, pp. 48 C. Miles, Lancashire Textiles – a Before Beveridge – Welfare before 76 Manchester Guardian, 25 Jan. 1950. 22–39. Case Study of Industrial Change the Welfare State (Civitas, 1999), 77 Manchester Guardian, 13 Dec. 92 The County Borough of Rochdale (Cambridge, 1968), p. 42. http://www.civitas.org.uk/pdf/ 1947, 29 Oct. 1948. – the Official Handbook (3rd edn, 49 Miles, Lancashire Textiles, pp. cw47.pdf 78 The Times, 28 Oct. 1930. 1952). It records that 26,000 peo- 114, 121. Overall 241,000 people 59 J. Rose, The Intellectual Life of the 79 Marjory Lees (1878–1970), ple were employed in the textile were still employed in the indus- British Working Classes (2nd edn, daughter of Sarah Lees. Liberal industry, 46 per cent of the total try in 1959 and 164,000 in 1964. Yale, 2010), ch. 2. councillor Oldham. Contin- workforce. 50 John Percy Taylor (1868–1945), 60 See the biographies on the excel- ued her mother’s philanthropic 93 Successively councillors for cotton spinning mill owner. A lent Links in the Chain (Bolton) work. Freedom of Oldham 1934. Broadclough ward, Bacup in late leading figure in Bolton Liberal- site for numerous examples: 80 Amy Jones (1883–?), daughter of 1950s and early ’60s. ism for over forty years, Presi- http://www.boltonsmayors.org. Sir James E Jones, wealthy cot- 94 Nelson Roberts, Liberal coun- dent of Liberal Association for uk/ ton merchant, philanthropist, cillor Mossley Cheshire ward fifteen years, vice-chair North- 61 Davies and Morley, County Bor- leading Rochdale Liberal, mayor during 1950s and early 1960s. western Liberal Federation. ough Elections, vol. 2, p. 425. 1905–7 and pillar of the United 95 David Davidson, Liberal coun- Parliamentary candidate 1924. 62 Hill, Nelson, pp. 123–4. Methodist Church. Amy was a cillor Darwen South-west in Bolton council 1900–3, 1914–42. 63 K. Burgess, The Challenge of Rochdale councillor for a short early 1960s. Mayor of Darwen Mayor 1934. Freeman of Bolton Labour – Reshaping British Society time. 1961–62. 1938. Unitarian. 1850–1930 (London, 1980), p. 208. 81 Ada Jane Summers (neé Broome) 96 Charles H. Fearn, Liberal coun- 51 C. Smith, Big Cyril (London, 64 Davies and Morley, County Bor- (1861–1944), daughter of Old- cillor and alderman, Rochdale, 1977), pp. 48–9. ough Elections, vol. 2, pp. 426–47. ham textile mill owner, wealthy 1945 to 1960s. Chair of Housing 52 Smithies, ‘Contrast Between 65 Ibid., pp. 216–7, quoting G. widow of John Summers of Committee. North and South’, p. 295. Trodd, ‘Political Change and the family firm of ironmasters in 97 The textile towns of Lancashire 53 Davies and Morley, County Working Class in Blackburn and Stalybridge which became one saw a swing of 7.4 per cent to the Borough Elections, vol. 2, p. 429. Burnley, 1880–1914’ (PhD thesis, of largest steel producers in the Conservatives at the 1970 gen- Oscar Standring Hall (1862– University of Lancaster, 1978). UK. Active Liberal and suffra- eral election, compared with the 1932). Power loom manufac- 66 The Conservatives were gist. Stalybridge councillor from national average of 4.7 per cent: turer. Bury Councillor to 1926. described as ‘the party of vested 1912. First woman mayor of Sta- D. Butler and M. Pinto-Duschin- 54 James Alfred Bottomley interests’ in The Liberal Way lybridge 1919. Alderman. Free- sky, The British General Election of (1874–1957), mill owner Moss- (National Liberal Federation, dom of Stalybridge 1939. Known 1970 (London, 1971), p. 394–5. ley. Mossley council 1909–30s. 1934), p. 114. as ‘Lady Bountiful’ for philan- 98 The Liberals also captured con- Seven times mayor of Mossley. 67 Othello Lord William White- thropic work. Her brother-in- trol of Kearsley Urban District 55 Holt family: prominent Liberal head (1866–1953), headmaster. law J. W. Summers was Liberal near Bolton in the late 1960s, a Congregationalist mill-owning Liberal councillor Bury 1926– MP for Flint 1910–13. mining town with little Liberal (Holt Hosiery) family in Bol- 1940s. Mayor 1937–38. 82 Mary Ellen Wild (1866–1945), tradition. ton. A. E. Holt (1872–?) was a 68 Davies and Morley, County Bor- born Rochdale, shop-assistant, 99 See J. Reynolds and P. Wrigley, councillor from 1911, President ough Elections, vol. 2, p. 427. later pawnbroker. Moved to ‘Liberal Roots – The Liberal of Bolton Liberal Association 69 Clarke, Lancashire, p. 398. Ashton under Lyne in 1898. Party in a West Yorkshire con- and parliamentary candidate for 70 F. Trentmann, Free Trade Nation Liberal councillor 1919–28 stituency 1920s–1970s’, Journal of Bolton in 1924. Arthur Frederick – Commerce, Consumption and and subsequently several times Liberal History 80 (Autumn 2013). Holt (1914–95) was Liberal MP Civil Society in Modern Britain candidate. Her husband James 100 Researchers interested in collabo- for Bolton West from 1951–64. (Oxford, 2008), pp. 5, 32. Albert was also an active Liberal rating in further research on this Chief Whip 1963–64. President 71 James T. Middleton, presi- and councillor in Ashton. topic are welcome to contact the of the Liberal Party 1974–75. dent of the North-west Liberal 83 Robert Deveraux Mothersole author [email protected]

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 33 Liberal Party Archives in the Welsh Political Archive at the National Library of Wales by Rob Phillips

he National Library of Liberal Democrat parties, but I have education and the investiture of the Wales was established by highlighted the main collections and Prince of Wales in 1911, as well as TRoyal Charter on 17 March give the NRA Code where available to the Irish Question and the First 1907. This was the culmination to aid further research. Full details World War. of many decades of work and fol- are available from the library’s David Lloyd George’s fam- lowed a commitment by the gov- online catalogue, or from the find- ily correspondence includes let- ernment in 1905 to provide funds ing aids noted below. ters between David Lloyd George for the library. Over the subsequent and his wife Margaret, from David century a wide-ranging and var- Lloyd George to his uncle Richard ied collection of published material David Lloyd George Lloyd and to David Lloyd George in the form of books, newspapers, The Welsh Political Archive holds from his brother William George. periodicals and maps has been cre- a significant collection of archi- Other family correspondence ated as a result of the library’s status val material relating to David includes letters to Margaret Lloyd as a legal deposit library, however Lloyd George, Liberal MP for George, from various correspond- the library also holds substantial the Caernarfon Boroughs, 1890– ents, and from Margaret Lloyd collections of non-published mate- 1945, Chancellor of the Excheq- George mainly to her daughter rial such as photographs, paintings, uer, 1908–15, and Prime Minister, Olwen Carey-Evans. manuscripts and archives. 1916–22. At the beginning of 1910, Megan Lloyd George’s cor- The papers of political figures after Lloyd George, as Chancel- respondence and papers include and organisations were of course lor of the Exchequer, had agreed letters to and from Labour politi- amongst those collected, but in 1983 to a government grant of £4,000 cian Philip Noel-Baker and from the Welsh Political Archive was to the National Library of Wales, other correspondents, including established to provide a focus for his close political associate Sir her parents, together with a tour the collection and promotion of this John Herbert Lewis, Liberal MP journal, and diary, 1947. Gwi- material, along with an advisory for Flintshire wrote to thank him lym Lloyd George’s correspond- committee comprised of representa- for this ‘courageous act’, adding, ence and papers include typescript tives from the main political parties ‘The Library will be at, I hope, draft of his (unpublished) in Wales, civic society and academ- a very distant date your literary autobiography. ics. This committee meets annually mausoleum’. David Lloyd George’s speech to review the work of the archive The Lloyd George Manu- notes, notebooks and miscellane- and make arrangements for the scripts GB 0210 MSLLOYD- ous papers, together with and cor- annual lecture. The members also GEORGE contain the papers of respondence and papers relating to act as ambassadors for the archive the Lloyd George family. The col- Mair Eluned Lloyd George are also and assist in attracting new material. lection is comprised mainly of cor- included. Much of the research behind respondence, the bulk of which is The William George Papers this article was undertaken by Dr addressed to David Lloyd George, GB 0210 WILGEORGE comprise John Graham Jones, who was for- mostly from contemporary politi- 3,292 letters from Lloyd George to merly the head of the Welsh Politi- cal figures and from members of William and ten pocket diaries kept cal Archive. It would be impossible his family. The political corre- by the young Lloyd George from to comprehensively cover all the spondence relates largely to Welsh 1878 to 1888. material held in the Welsh Political affairs, including disestablishment, The Olwen Carey-Evans Papers Archive relating to the Liberal and the Welsh Church Commission, GB 0210 CAREYEVANS mainly

34 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 comprise her correspondence, many prominent Liberal poli- Department, 1907. GB Government Board, 1916– notebooks, scrapbooks, other ticians of his generation. The 0210 OMELLYF 17; Food Controller, 1917– personal papers and papers, papers of Sir Samuel T. Evans • Thomas Edward Ellis 18. GB 0210 DATMAS press cuttings, memorabilia, include correspondence with (1859–99). MP for Merio- • H. D. Acland (1847–1926). diaries, notes, essays and other David Lloyd George. nethshire, 1886–99; second MP for Rotherham, 1885– items relating to members of Liberal whip under Glad- 99, and for the Chiltern her family but include a small stone, 1892; chief whip Hundreds, 1899–1919; cre- group of papers relating to Clement Davies under Rosebery, 1894. ated 13th Baronet in 1919. David Lloyd George. Lloyd George is not the only There is also a substantial • Sir Alfred T. Davies Albert James Sylvester Liberal Party leader whose group of papers relating to (1861–1949). Permanent was Lloyd George’s princi- papers are held at the National T. E. Ellis among those of Secretary to the Welsh pal private secretary. The A. J. Library of Wales: a substan- his close friend and confi- Department of the Board Sylvester Papers GB 0210 tial archive of the political and dant D. R. Daniel (1859– of Education, 1907–25. GB AJSYLTER include many files personal papers of E. Clem- 1931), and among those of 0210 ALFTDAVIES of correspondence and papers ent Davies GB 0210 CLEIES his son Dr T. I. Ellis (1899– • Sir Alun Talfan Davies (b. including shorthand diaries is also available to consult. 1970). GB 0210 TELLIS 1913). Independent can- and notebooks, files relating to Davies was the Liberal MP for • Sir Samuel T. Evans didate in the University the First World War, the Paris Montgomeryshire, 1929–62, (1859–1918). MP for of Wales by-election in Peace Conference, Germany and party leader, 1945–56. Mid-Glamorgan, 1890– 1943; stood as a Liberal in and the Second World War, The archive comprises Liberal 1910; Solicitor-General, the Carmarthenshire divi- material relating to the Liberal Party papers, papers relating to 1908–10; president of the sion in the general elec- Party, politics and elections, Davies’s political career, Welsh Divorce, Probate and tions of 1959 and 1964, and Lloyd George family letters affairs, peace movements, for- Admiralty Court, 1910–18. Denbighshire in 1966; an and papers. There is also a long eign affairs, constituency work GB 0210 SAMANS activist within the Welsh series of very detailed type- and home affairs. They also • Thomas Gee (1815–98). Liberal Party. GB 0210 script diaries which include contain the papers and corre- Liberal journalist, author ALUIES much important material spondence of Jano Clement- and publisher. Editor of the • Ellis W. Davies (1871– beyond that published by Colin Davies, 1873–1969, and papers highly influentialBaner ac 1939). MP for the Eifion Cross in 1975. of Stanley Clement-Davies, Amserau Cymru. GB 0210 division of Caernarfon- The Frances Stevenson Fam- 1920–1963. MSTGEE shire, 1906–18; unsuc- ily Papers GB 0210 FRASON Among the many promi- • Sir John Herbert Lewis cessfully contested are a more recent acquisition nent Liberals who feature in (1858–1933. MP for Flint Caernarfonshire in 1918; and were used by Ruth Long- the list of correspondents are Boroughs, 1892–1906, MP for the Denbigh ford used as the basis of her Lady Violet Bonham Carter, Flintshire, 1906–18, and division of Denbigh- graphic and vivid study of her Jo Grimond, Gilbert Mur- the University of Wales, shire, 1923–29. GB 0210 grandmother published in 1996. ray, Philip Rea, Sir Herbert 1918–22; Junior Lord of EWDAVIES Ruth Longford loaned addi- Samuel, Sir John Simon and the Treasury and a Liberal • Sir Joseph Davies. Com- tional material – including let- Sir Archibald Sinclair (Lord Party whip, 1905; parlia- mercial statistician; close ters, miscellaneous items and Thurso). mentary secretary to the associate of D. Lloyd photographs – which has been Local Government Board, George. digitised. 1909–15; parliamentary • Matthew L. Vaughan Also closely associated with Personal papers of other secretary to the Board of Davies (1840–1935). Unsuc- Lloyd George was Thomas Jones MPs and prominent Education, 1915–22. GB cessfully contested Cardi- (1870–1955), who was appointed Liberals 0210 HERBLEW ganshire as a Conservative Secretary to the National Health The library holds papers from • C. Humphreys-Owen in 1885; MP for Cardigan- Insurance Commissioners in many prominent Liberals, (1836–1905). MP for Mont- shire, 1895–1921; created 1910, and, largely through Lloyd including; gomeryshire, 1894–1906. Baron Ystwyth, 1921. George’s influence, became • David Davies, Llandinam • Stuart Rendel (1834–1913). • Sir E. Vincent Evans (1851– Deputy Secretary to the Cabinet (1880–1944). MP for Mont- MP for Montgomeryshire, 1934). Prominent Lon- in 1916. The Dr Thomas Jones gomeryshire, 1906–29; 1880–94, first chairman don Welshman, notable CH papers consist of 295 bound parliamentary private sec- of the Welsh Parliamen- eisteddfodwr, and presi- volumes and twenty-six boxes retary to D. Lloyd George tary Party from 1888; close dent of the Honourable of papers and volumes concern- when he was Minister of friend to W. E. Gladstone. Society of Cymmrodo- ing many aspects of governmen- Munitions and Prime Min- • J. Bryn Roberts (1847– rion. GB 0210 VINANS tal activity and Welsh life. ister, 1916–17; founder of 1931). MP for the Eifion • J. Victor Evans (1895–1957). The diaries of John Wil- the New Commonwealth division of Caernarfon- Liberal candidate for Pon- liam Morris, the Lord Morris Association; created the shire, 1906–18. GB 0210 typridd, 1929, and Mer- of Borth-y-Gest, also include first Baron Davies of Lla- JBROBERTS thyr Tydfil in the 1934 many revealing references to ndinam, 1932. GB 0210 • D. A. Thomas (1856–1918). by-election. GB 0210 David Lloyd George. There is LLANNAM MP for Merthyr Tydfil, VICANS some material relating to Lloyd • Sir Owen M. Edwards 1888 – January 1910, and • Sir Ellis Jones Ellis-Griffith George among the papers of (1858–1920). MP for Meri- for Cardiff, January– (1860–1926). Unsuccess- his early biographer W. Wat- onethshire, 1899–1900; December 1910; Baron fully contested the Tox- kin Davies (1895–1973) and in first chief inspector of Rhondda, January 1916; teth division of Liverpool, the papers of T. J. Evans (1863– schools in Wales under Viscount Rhondda, June 1892; MP for Anglesey, 1932), who corresponded with the new Welsh Education 1918; president of the Local 1895–1918; chairman of

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 35 Liberal Party Archives in the Welsh Political Archive at the National Library of Wales

the Welsh Parliamen- joined the Liberal Party in Henry Richard MP and Sir 1987–1991, the formation of the tary Liberal Party, 1912; 1959; Liberal Party presi- Henry Hussey Vivian MP. Social and Liberal Democrats, parliamentary secre- dent, 1963–64. GB 0210 The library has also pur- the Brecon and Radnor Liberal tary to the Home Office, LORORE chased complete microfilm Democrats, local elections, and 1912–15; unsuccessfully • Emrys O. Roberts (1910– copies of the most exten- application forms of prospec- contested the Univer- 90). MP for Merioneth- sive archives of the Glad- tive parliamentary candidates. sity of Wales, 1922; MP shire, 1945–51. GB 0210 stone Papers in the custody The story of the Welsh for the Carmarthen Dis- EMRRTS of St Deiniols Library, Liberal Democrats since the trict, 1923–24. GB 0210 • J. Herbert Roberts, Baron Hawarden, and the British merger can be found in the Lib- ELLITH Clwyd (1863–1951). MP for Library as published in the eral Democrats Wales Records • Professor W. J. Gruff- West Denbighshire, 1892– microfilm series The Papers GB 0210 LIBDEMS. These ydd (1881–1954). MP for 1918. ‘Some Memories of of the Prime Ministers of comprise minutes and agenda the University of Wales, my Life’ (1937 typescript) Great Britain (MFL 54). of the Liberal Democrats 1943–48; prominent Welsh (NLW MS 16861C). Wales meetings, constituency poet and literary critic. GB • Viscount Tenby (Gwi- papers, financial papers, corre- 0210 WJGRUFFYD lym Lloyd-George) Papers of parties, groups spondence, conference papers, • Emlyn Hooson (Lord – See Lloyd George and campaigns election material, party mem- Hooson). MP for Mont- Manuscripts GB 0210 The library is fortunate to have bership, press and media rela- gomeryshire, 1962–79. GB MSLLOYDGEORGE many records relating to the tions, party policy, published 0210 HOOSON • Arthur John Williams Welsh Liberal Party, Welsh materials and miscellaneous • Mrs Mary Garbett- (1830–1911), MP for South Liberal Democrats, the Social papers. Edwards (1893–1986). Local Glamorgan, 1885–95, and Democratic Party in Wales and Further papers relating to Liberal agent in Mont- Eliot Crawshay-Williams numerous local associations. the Welsh Liberal Democrats gomeryshire to Clement (1879–1962), assistant pri- Records of the Welsh Lib- can be found in the Peter Black Davies and Emlyn Hoo- vate secretary to Winston eral Party between 1966 and (Liberal Democrats Wales) son. GB 0210 MARRDS Churchill at the Colonial 1988 GB 0210 WELLIBPAR Papers GB 0210 PETBLA. • E. Morgan Humphreys Office, 1906–08, and MP comprise Executive Commit- The Library is also home to (1882–1955). Prominent for Leicester, 1910–13, tee and General Council min- a number of local party records, Liberal journalist and when he served as parlia- utes, Annual General Meeting and papers of a number of local author; corresponded mentary private secretary papers and correspondence, councillors and activists: regularly with many Lib- to David Lloyd George. correspondence and papers • Cardiganshire Liberal eral politicians. GB 0210 GB 0210 ELICRAAMS relating to local government Association GB 0210 EMHUMPH • Councillor Cecilia Bar- reform and electoral reform, CARLIB • E. T. John (1857–1931). ton Papers – Ceredigion transport, economic policy and • Montgomeryshire Lib- MP for East Denbigh- Councillor and prominent nationalisation, Welsh affairs, eral Association GB 0210 shire, 1910–18; introduced Liberal activist GB 0210 devolution, and Welsh Liberal MONTLA the Government of Wales BARTON Party structure and finance, • Monmouth Liberals and Bill in the House of Com- • Dr George Morrison GB papers relating to annual con- SDP Papers GB 0210 mons in 1914; joined the 0210 GEOSON ferences, papers relating to MONLIB Labour Party, 1918, and • Merfyn Jones GB 0210 parliamentary and other elec- • Vale of Glamorgan was defeated in East Den- MERNES tions, correspondence and SDP Records GB 0210 bighshire in the ‘coupon’ • Mr Gwyn Griffiths. The papers relating to individual VALSDP general election; stood in last chairman of the Welsh parliamentary constituencies, • Vale of Glamorgan Lib- Brecon & Radnor in the Liberal Party before it Local Government and Par- eral Association GB 0210 general elections of 1922 merged with the SDP in liamentary Boundary Com- VALEGLA and 1924 and in Anglesey 1988. GB 0210 GWYITH mission submissions, Standing • Ceredigion Lib Dem Asso- at a by-election in April • Mr Peter Sain ley Berry. Committee and Policy Direc- ciation Papers (including 1923. GB 0210 ETJOHN A former Liberal who torate papers, press releases, SDP) • Dr Ben G. Jones (1914–89). was a founder member of party publications, records of The library has also purchased Liberal candidate for Meri- the SDP in 1981, and who county Liberal Associations and from the Newport Library a onethshire, 1959. GB 0210 stood as the party’s can- records of Caernarfon Division photocopy of the minute book, BENJONES didate at Swansea West in Liberal Association. 1886–89, of meetings of the • Sir Henry Haydn Jones 1983, Pontypridd in 1987, The Welsh Liberal Dem- Welsh Liberal MPs (NLW Fac (1863–1950). MP for Meri- and Pembroke in 1992. GB ocrats papers GB 0210 627). NLW MS 21,171D is the onethshire, 1910–45. GB 0210 PETBER WELSHLIBS consists of minute book, 1886–91, of the 0210 HAYNES • Rev. Roger Roberts. Lib- material from the time of the North Wales Liberal Federa- • Sir Rhys Hopkin Morris eral candidate at Conwy SDP/Liberal merger and com- tion. The library also holds a (1888–1956). Independent in the general elections of prise papers from the Interim small group of records deriv- Liberal MP for Cardigan- 1987, 1992 and 1997. GB Federal Policy Committee, ing from the 1955 Liberal Party shire, 1923–32; MP for 0210 ROGROB the Association of Social and conference held at Llandudno Carmarthenshire, 1945–56. • There are also some letters Liberal Democrat Council- GB 0210 LIBABLY. GB 0210 RHYSRIS written by W. E. Gladstone lors, the Federal Executive of • Lord Ogmore (1903–76) (1809–98) in a number of the SLD, copies of the Federal (formerly David Rees archives including those of Green Papers, the Social and Ephemera collection Rees-Williams). A former Lewis Llewelyn Dillwyn Liberal Democrats, 1986–1989, The library holds a substan- Labour MP, 1945–50, he MP, Stuart Rendel MP, the Welsh Liberal Democrats, tial collection of electoral

36 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 Liberal Party Archives in the Welsh Political Archive at the National Library of Wales ephemera. Copies of election org.uk. The extension of legal archive for off-air broadcasts website. You will need two addresses and political leaf- deposit to cover websites means and concentrates on recording proofs of identification such as lets from parliamentary and that the library will be able to material of Welsh interest. The a passport, bank card or driving by-elections after 1945 may be collect more widely in future, entire programme archive of licence, one of which will need found among the papers of the but the websites will only ITV Wales, comprising 250,000 to show your address. Rev. Ivor T. Rees of Swansea be available to consult in the items including cans of film, It is also advisable to order GB 0210 IVTRES. library itself. tapes, etc. and dating back over material before you arrive, Since the 1983, the Welsh fifty years was recently added either by phone or through the Political Archive has collected to this collection. online catalogue. If you are a near complete set of the elec- Digitised material The library’s photographic visiting on a Saturday, you will tion addresses and leaflets The library has a large-scale and artwork collections include need to order material before issued by Liberal candidates in digitisation programme, portraits of Liberal politicians, 4 pm on Friday. Welsh constituencies, as well as designed to open up its collec- as well as events from Welsh Most archives are fully national literature in general, tions for wider use, much of political history. accessible, however some mate- Assembly and European elec- which is of interest to politi- rial remains under embargo tions and by-elections as well cal historians. The Campaign! under exemptions in the Free- as referenda on devolution in Exhibition has items relating to Welsh Political Archive dom of Information Act. You Wales GB 0210 EPHEMERA. the 1906 general election, when lectures are advised to check before vis- the Liberals almost swept the The Welsh Political Archive iting the library. Much mate- board in Wales, the 1921 Car- has held an annual lecture since rial has been catalogued and is Microfilms diganshire by-election fought 1987. The earlier lectures were available through the library’s Among the extensive micro- between Liberal and National published in printed form while online catalogue, however form holdings of the National Liberal candidates, and the more recent lectures are pub- some material may need to be Library which are of political 1985 Brecon and Radnor lished on the library’s website. traced through the library’s interest are: by-election. The following would be of par- Annual Reports which have • MFC 9–10 Archives of the The letters of David Lloyd ticular interest to students of been published ever since 1909, British Liberal Party (Har- George to his brother William the history of the Liberal Party: and which are now available for vester Microfilms) George have also been digit- • John Grigg, ‘Lloyd George searching on a free-text data • MFC 9 Pamphlets and ised, along with David Lloyd and Wales’ (1988) base. Some recent acquisitions Leaflets Parts 1–4 1885– George’s 1886 diary. The large • Lord Blake, ‘An Incon- may not yet have reached the 1974; four boxes of collection of Illingworth’s gruous Partnership: Lloyd catalogue. microfiche political cartoons from the George and Bonar Law’ The Welsh Political Archive • MFC 10 National Lib- Daily Mail, as well as images (1992) newsletter is available on the eral Federation Annual from the collection of the pho- • Lord Hooson, ‘Rebirth Welsh Political Archive pages Reports, 1877–1936; one tojournalist Geoff Charles can or Death?: Liberalism in of the library’s website, and lists box of microfiche also be viewed on the library’s Wales in the Second Half all major acquisitions. • MFL 36 British Political website. The above resources of the Twentieth Century’ We’re happy to help with Party General Election are all available at www.llgc. (1994) enquiries, which can be made Addresses org.uk. • Lord Prys Davies, ‘Welsh by letter, phone or email: • The National Liberal Club Another resource for politi- Political Developments in http://www.llgc.org.uk/welsh- Collection from Bristol cal historians is Welsh News- the Twentieth Century’ politicalarchive. Enquiries: University (Harvester papers online, which contains a (2000). [email protected]; +44 (0)1970 Microfilms): Part 1: Gen- large number of digitised news- 632800 eral Election Addresses, papers from 1804–1919 which 1892–1922 (twelve reels); are free-text searchable. The Using the archives Rob Phillips is Assistant Archivist Part 2: General Election collection is available at http:// All digitised materials are freely with responsibility for the Welsh Addresses, 1923–31 (sixteen welshnewspapers.llgc.org.uk. available via the library’s web- Political Archive at the National reels). The library has also con- site. To consult other material Library of Wales He graduated from tributed collections to the you will need to register with the University of Wales, Lampeter Cymru1914 digitisation pro- the library as a reader and visit in 1999 with a BA in Welsh, and in Electronic material ject of material relating to the us in Aberystwyth. 2008 with an MPhil in Welsh. He The library makes snapshot First World War. This material The library has a pay and has worked at the National Library archive copies of the websites can be found at http://www. display car park, and a frequent of Wales since 2001, on a number of of the main political parties cymru1914.org. bus service from Aberystwyth digitisation projects including a colin Wales, including the Welsh Town Centre and the bus and lection of political cartoons by Leslie Liberal Democrats on an ongo- railway stations. The reading Illingworth and letters from David ing basis. Copies are also made Film, sound and images rooms are open 9.30 am – 6.00 Lloyd George to his brother as well of the websites of MPs, AMs The National Screen and Sound pm Monday to Friday and 9.30 as acting as project manager for the and candidates and additional Archive of Wales, based at the am – 5.00 pm Saturdays. The Welsh Experience of World War 1 copies are taken in the run up to library, holds a substantial col- exhibition opening hours may Digitisation Project. He was head elections. This activity has been lection of video and audio tapes vary. There is also a café in the of the Official Publications Section dependent on securing permis- of programmes of Welsh politi- library serving drinks, sand- between 2006 and 2012, and was sion from the copyright holder, cal interest, including news bul- wiches, cakes and snacks. appointed to his current role in 2013. so the collection is incomplete letins, discussion programmes, You can register as a reader but the websites can be viewed debates and election broad- at the library when you arrive, remotely at www.webarchive. casts. The NLW is a designated or beforehand on the library’s

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 37 Reports

The man who made the weather: Joseph Chamberlain – imperial standard bearer, national leader, local icon Centenary conference, Birmingham 4–5 July 2014 Report by Tony Little

bout 100 people attended was compounded both by his crea- the special conference – tive vision of the post as prime Aheld in Birmingham and ministerial rather than merely an partly funded by the Liberal Demo- honoured chairman, and by his crat History Group – to mark the unexpected partnership with Sir centenary of the death of Joseph Richard Cross of Disraeli’s 1874– Chamberlain. Making the open- 1880 government.1 ing address at Newman University, The rest of the first day was Liberal Democrat MP, Sir Alan taken up with a series of papers cov- Beith, summed up Chamberlain as ering Chamberlain’s interactions a man whom Birmingham should with the wider world: Chamberlain thank but the Liberal and Con- and his rivals; Chamberlain’s post- a British South Africa or recog- servative parties probably wished home-rule career; and the repre- nise the British contribution to its they had never met. A pioneering sentation of Chamberlain in the rebuilding. There are no memorials executive mayor whose enterprise rich visual media of Victorian and to Chamberlain in South Africa. still shapes Birmingham, he was Edwardian Britain. These formed Relations with New Zealand’s also the figurehead, and more, for the real meat of the conference for charismatic, radical premier, Rich- the emergence of the Liberal Party historians. ard Seddon, were rather more cor- as an accountable, campaigning, dial, as Tom Brooking explained. national, mass-membership organi- Seddon was an autodidact – a self- sation. Yet his ‘morally ambiguous’ Chamberlain and the wider made mechanical engineer – and imperialism helped split the party world Popular Liberal. He introduced over devolution for Ireland, hur- Thomas Otte set out the commu- workmen’s compensation and old- tling him into a partnership with nity of interest between Chamber- age pensions, causes favoured by the Tories. His restless quest for lain’s imperialism and the outlook Chamberlain in Britain, and sup- policies that promoted working- of the Salisbury government, ported Chamberlain’s Imperial class welfare while reinforcing the which cemented the alliance with Preference scheme, as he saw the unity of the British Empire then the Liberal Unionists despite differ- advantages to a small distant col- split the Tories. As Sir Alan argued, ences in outlook between the two ony of a pact between the compo- in our own time only David men. Chamberlain and some of the nent nations of Britain’s empire. He Owen’s record is comparable. younger Conservatives preferred favoured an imperial council and Sir Alan was followed by Peter an Anglo-Saxon alliance on social- sent troops and horses to support Marsh, who has written the defini- Darwinist grounds, favouring Ger- the British in the Boer War – and tive Chamberlain biography and many over Salisbury’s preference was furious when Chamberlain edited for publication some of for France, and backed German resigned in 1903. the Chamberlain family corre- expansion in China and Africa, at spondence. Peter Marsh attributed least up until the Boer War. Chamberlain’s municipal success to Jackie Grobler reminded del- Chamberlain and his rivals his background as an entrepreneur- egates that Chamberlain was the Although politics is well known to ial businessman, a self-proclaimed only Victorian Colonial Secretary be competitive, Chamberlain had ‘Screw King’, who understood the to visit South Africa and took them a reputation for unusually sharp social impact of industrial busi- through the tangled and deceit- elbows that was both confirmed nesses on the city and the impor- ful manoeuvres which provoked and undermined at this confer- tance of finance in securing the the Boer War. He suggested that, ence. Many think of Chamberlain success of his renovation plans. By although Chamberlain worked well as the archetypal Victorian radi- persuading the council to take over with Milner, he was not a comfort- cal, but Eleanor Tench showed that the gas and water utilities, he cre- able ally of Rhodes. Chamberlain’s there were other, different radi- ated a revenue base on which the attempts at reconciliation, during cals even among those who sym- council was able to borrow the cap- his post-war visit, were unsuccess- pathised with Liberal Unionism ital for redevelopment. Chamber- ful because the Boer War lead- when she compared the career of lain’s unusual mayoral enterprise ers refused to accept his vision of Chamberlain with that of Leonard

38 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 report – Joseph Chamberlain: imperial standard bearer, national leader, local icon

Courtney. Elected to parliament views on the expansion of suffrage it were of Nonconformity. While in the same year as Chamberlain, and the obstructionism of the House Chamberlain was ‘on message’ over and like him a friend of John Mor- of Lords. Gladstone backed Cham- education and disestablishment, his ley, Courtney was associated with berlain’s National Board scheme style suggested pragmatism rather the Chamberlain and Dilke radi- for Ireland when it was believed than passion, and unlike Gladstone cals – though Ms Tench suggested it might defuse the drive to home he was unable to build confidence that even where they did agree it rule. Even when the pair parted over in his audiences by employing the was not for the same reasons. An home rule, Chamberlain refrained language of religion. Further he Anglican rather than Noncon- from hostile comment about the had differences with the Noncon- formist, Courtney still supported Grand Old Man; and while Glad- formists over temperance, and in temperance and disestablishment stone sought to reclaim Chamber- turn they rejected his utilitarian and put proportional representa- lain through the round table talks, defence of coercive measures in Ire- tion ahead of ministerial office. He he could not bridge the philosophi- land. While there is evidence that voted against Jesse Collings’ pro- cal gulf between them. While Glad- Methodists supported the Unionist posals for ‘Three Acres and a Cow’ stone thought Chamberlain ‘the government during the Boer War, and against home rule but was most remarkable man of his genera- Chamberlain lost substantial Non- notoriously anti-imperialist, losing tion’, Quinault did not believe that conformist support over the rates his seat for his pro-Boer stance in Chamberlain would ever have suc- funding of established faith schools Chamberlain’s war. ceeded to the Liberal leadership, as in the 1902 Education Act. James Dixon, the great-grand- he lacked the support to overcome His need to create or extend a son of George Dixon, elaborated on Hartington and he faced a substan- base of support after the Boer War the thesis of his recent biography of tial obstacle in Queen Victoria’s and the Education Act, argued his ancestor. Both Chamberlain and hostility. Oliver Betts, was the cause of Dixon had been committed, active Chamberlain’s miscalculation in Liberals, both had been council- embracing tariff reform. Mis- lors for Birmingham and both rep- The context of pre-war politics taken conclusions were drawn resented the city in parliament. Separation from the Liberals in 1886 from by-elections at Dulwich and Chamberlain and Dixon cooper- opened a new phase in Chamber- Lewisham, which the Conserva- ated to promote free primary edu- lain’s career. Naomi Lloyd-Jones tives held on to not because of the cation in Birmingham and to win explored the battle for constitu- popularity of tariffs but because elections. Yet Chamberlain acted encies occasioned by home rule. of the rising gentility of the area. to undermine Dixon’s leadership She aimed to undermine Jonathan Chamberlain was appealing to the of the national education campaign Parry’s view that grass roots Lib- electorate over the heads of fellow and pressured him to allow Cham- eral support for was for Gladstone ministers, but it was an elector- berlain to succeed him at Westmin- personally rather than for Irish ate that was more concerned with ster. Despite which, Dixon stuck devolution itself. Her work, which immigration than the threat of with Chamberlain when he split is not yet complete, has mapped the imports: the Conservatives did well from Gladstone over home rule. 1,500 meetings that occurred in the at Bethnal Green, for example, on However, Roland Quinault’s Although aftermath of Gladstone’s embrace an anti-Jewish immigrant ticket. survey of the relationship between of home rule and the resolutions Evidence from Booth’s surveys of Chamberlain and Gladstone sought politics is that were discussed at these meet- the working class showed some to overthrow the orthodox view ings, where they were contested trades would gain from import pro- that they had always been uneasy well known within a local party and where par- tection but others would lose from colleagues and that Chamberlain ties competed to test local opinion. retaliation. sought to be Gladstone’s succes- to be com- Meetings were particularly likely sor, views propounded in particular in areas where the MP was likely by Chamberlain’s early biographer petitive, to oppose home rule, which led to A magnificent ego or just J. L. Garvin. Prior to his election criticisms that the NLF’s Schnad- political nous? to Westminster, Chamberlain had Chamberlain horst was ‘wire-pulling’ to coerce It is hard to do justice to the final campaigned against the education MPs towards the official party view. sessions of the first day, as so much policy of Gladstone’s first govern- had a reputa- Efforts to secure a unanimous vote of the material was pictorial, illus- ment as insufficiently radical, but dictated the form of the resolution trating how Chamberlain was por- was reconciled after Gladstone’s tion for unu- and in particular the inclusion of trayed in the local and national 1874 defeat. In opposition, he praised support for the Grand Old Man. press. Coming to fame before the Gladstone for taking up the cause of sually sharp Cut off from much of his tradi- development of moving pictures the Bulgarians and sided with the elbows that tional support, Chamberlain did and sound recordings, Chamber- older man over the Tories’ Afghan his best to retain the affection of lain’s image was predominately and Zulu wars, seeing no alterna- was both Nonconformists and to bring them formed in caricature and reinforced tive for the leadership. Gladstone into sympathy with the Unionist by other visual media such as post recognised Chamberlain’s organisa- confirmed alliance. Graham Goodlad argued card sets and cigarette cards. While tional skills, seeking to harness the that, as a Unitarian, Chamberlain much was made of the feminis- Birmingham-based National Lib- and under- was from a denomination that was ing of Chamberlain in cartoons eral Federation (NLF) to the main- a tiny minority but nevertheless that portrayed him as Old Mother stream. He brought Chamberlain mined at this one that was commercially suc- Hubbard or as a voluptuously into his 1880 Cabinet despite his lack cessful and provided leadership for shaped orchid, perhaps not enough of experience, and the two shared conference. many campaigns – the Brahmins as was made of the way in which

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 39 report – Joseph Chamberlain: imperial standard bearer, national leader, local icon

Chamberlain cultivated his image. Carrington, as representatives of Always a sharp dresser, Cham- the three main political parties, berlain’s orchid in the buttonhole, each claimed some of Chamber- changed daily, became a trademark lain’s legacy for their own and all that helped the artists give him a argued for a return to greater ini- recognisable persona. Most of the tiative, autonomy and responsi- illustrations given in the presenta- bility for local authorities. After tions came from the Chamberlain a century of increasing Whitehall papers, which also included a sam- centralisation, patience may be ple of his correspondence with a required, though the Scottish ref- well-known cartoonist. erendum has opened a window of opportunity.

An evening at Highbury Those conference goers who paid Chamberlain’s duchy the necessary supplement had the Even so, time was found for the pleasure of dinner at Chamberlain’s social culture of Joseph Chamber- home, Highbury, followed by a talk lain’s Birmingham. Andrew Vail from Stephen Roberts. Highbury spoke of Chamberlain’s relation- is a large, but by no means grand, ships with the leading Noncon- Ruskin-influenced house which formist ministers, Dawson, Dale served as much as a political head- and Vince. The anti-Catholic quarters as domestic residence. In Murphy riots of 1868 were excep- Chamberlain’s time, the house had tional; much more usual was the twelve bedrooms and thirty-four cooperation between the differ- staff, of whom twenty were gar- ent denominations. Not only did deners. The staff were mostly in the Unitarians and Quakers (such their twenties and the policy was as Cadbury) exert influence out of to recruit strangers to Birmingham proportion to their number but, to minimise the passing on of gos- in addition, over the course of the sip. Annual garden parties for the century, Nonconformists became party faithful could lead to speeches a majority of church goers. Their to (a tightly packed) crowd of six political influence came from their hundred in the hall if it rained. Inti- development of the ‘Civic Gospel’, Conference union representation were those mate dinners were given to small which preached the care of the poor speakers: most threatened by an increasingly groups of political allies and rivals, not just through charity but also Alan Beith competitive world trade and the while private meetings in a smoke- through the utilisation of munici- MP, Michael imposition of tariffs in Germany wreathed library plotted progress. pal authority. The Civic Gospel Meadowcroft and America. Birmingham had Highbury was so much identified was enthusiastically embraced by (photos © long been renowned for its politi- with Joe that after his death the disciples such as Chamberlain. In Graham cal organisation and this was not family moved away, and the build- addition, the involvement of bud- CopeKoga) neglected by Chamberlain, who ing has now come into the keeping ding leaders such as Chamberlain in maintained trusted allies in key of Birmingham Council, though Sunday school teaching strength- positions and ensured that loyalty minus the extensive greenhouses ened and informed their partici- was rewarded. Labour was politi- that furnished those orchids for the pation in the campaign for state cally poorly organised and Cham- Chamberlain image. Currently used education. berlain even refused to share his as a wedding venue, the council Andrew Reekes revisited the duchy with his Tory allies. He plans a closer association between exceptionalism of Birmingham understood the needs of the media, the home and its former owner. in the 1906 general election. In did not hesitate to employ female that landslide, Liberals gained canvassers and dominated the pub- forty seats in Lancashire and simi- lic space by intimidation if neces- A fanfare for Birmingham larly recovered ground in Lon- sary, as the riot occasioned by Lloyd The second day’s proceedings don, but Birmingham remained George’s visit in 1901 demonstrated. opened with a newly composed true to Chamberlain and, unlike Again the lessons of Chamberlain’s Fanfare for Birmingham played in the the rest of the country, true to his business life were reinforced. This theatre of the city’s recently opened fair trade vision. Only Sheffield was an executive who never forgot central library and a speech from and Liverpool showed compa- his home market, fostering good the council leader, Albert Bore.2 He rable, though patchier, Unionist relations with his party workers and was followed by Greg Clark, the strength. Reekes argued that Bir- working-class voters. Cities Minister, a post unheard of in mingham had sympathised with The final academic paper, by Gladstone’s time when cities were fair trade since the mid-1880s and Peter Bounous, drew attention to largely left to govern themselves. this was reinforced in a 1902 work- the construction dates of the vari- The focus of the day was much ing men’s petition. Chamberlain ous monuments to Chamberlain in more on the local context and cur- understood the nature of Birming- the city and asked the question why rent relevance. Michael Meadow- ham businesses; its small-scale, they were all erected during his croft, Gisela Stuart MP and Lord craft-based organisations with weak lifetime rather than in his memory.

40 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 report – liberal thinkers

Was such ‘pre-membering’ public Liberal Thinkers adoration, politics or ego? While Bounous conceded that there may Conference fringe meeting, 5 October 2014, with Alan have been an element of personal Beith, John Pugh, Liz Barker and Mark Pack; chair: Malcolm vanity, for example in the corner stone of the Council House, Bruce the timing of the monuments was Report by Douglas Oliver much more suggestive of politically motivated public demonstration. The clock tower in the Jewellery he Liberal Democrat His- twentieth century: Foreign Sec- Quarter was timed in relation to tory Group met on the retary Edward Grey and the man his resignation from government TSunday night of the Octo- often credited with designing the and renewed his links to small busi- ber Federal Conference to dis- modern welfare state, Sir William nessmen. ‘Old Joe’, the tower at the cuss ‘Liberal Thinkers’ in an event Beveridge. Beith recalled that when university of which Chamberlain scheduled to tie in with the pam- he arrived in the area in the early was a principal sponsor, served to phlet of the same name released for 1970s, Beveridge’s ‘first-principles’ distract from the Boer War but also the first time in Glasgow. approach and reflective poise was reminded the community of his Musing upon his long involve- still widely remembered by locals commitment to promoting educa- ment with the party, the discus- in their mutual corner of north-east tion. There are more – and more In his book sion’s chair Malcolm Bruce – the England. Beveridge was known in prominent – monuments to Cham- outgoing MP for Gordon, appear- the area for his sometimes philo- berlain than to John Bright or Tory of essays, ing at his last autumn conference sophical village hall discursives; hero Colonel Burnaby, each popu- as a Westminster representative and whilst he did occasionally lar in his time. Great Con- before his scheduled 2015 retire- contribute to canvassing and leaf- The second day also included ment – remarked that he was both leting efforts locally, he was unen- a short film covering Chamber- temporaries, an aficionado of liberal history as thusiastic about the micro-level of lain’s career and an introduction to well as a living example of it. The politics, which likely contributed some of the library’s Chamberlain Winston fact that the Great Welsh Wizard, to his electoral defeat to the Con- archives, including correspond- David Lloyd George, had lived for a servatives in May 1945. Given his ence, photographs, posters and the Churchill few months after he was born was a deeply academic and cerebral out- local architect’s original plans for useful reminder to himself that the look, Beveridge was best suited to Highbury. It ended with a tour of portrayed present and past ultimately always looking at the big issues of poli- Birmingham’s magnificent Council fade in to one. tics: Beith’s agent in the 1970s, Mrs House led by some of the leading Joseph The Liberal Democrat His- Gregson, reported that Beveridge members of the current administra- Chamberlain tory Group is always proud to laud had confided in her, ‘If they want tion who showed some of the relics the august partisan history of the to know what I think, they should and artwork associated with Cham- as a politi- Whig and Liberal Party, but also read my books.’ berlain and the council chamber in seeks, more widely, to highlight the His most famous publication, which he established his reputation. cal weather breadth of thought and ideas rep- Social Insurance and Allied Services, In his book of essays, Great Con- resented by political thinkers of a better known as 1942’s ‘Beveridge temporaries, Winston Churchill maker, a man liberal or liberal-minded disposi- Report’, is often considered the portrayed Joseph Chamberlain as tion throughout time. With this in blueprint for the welfare state, an a political weather maker, a man who created mind, Liberal Thinkers was conceived assessment that Beith resiled from who created the agenda with which as a pamphlet intended to provide because of its simplicity. Whilst allies and foes were forced to com- the agenda an accessible introduction to writ- Beveridge’s ideas had been appro- ply – and this was the verdict most ers including John Locke, Adam priated by social democrats and frequently repeated during the with which Smith, Mary Wollstonecraft, Rich- socialists, the man himself was conference. Where delegates prof- ard Cobden, John Stuart Mill, L. T. definitively a liberal, being a prag- ited was in a greater understand- allies and Hobhouse, John Maynard Keynes, matist with an aversion to a top- ing of the entrepreneurial spirit he William Beveridge, and many more. down command structures. The employed to achieve his ends and foes were The four speakers introduced by Beveridge version of welfare, Beith the political culture of Victorian Bruce were asked not only to dis- felt, included a flavour of the mixed Birmingham which both shaped forced to cuss the works of the thinkers from economy, as well as provision for and sustained his endeavours. the pamphlet that they found most input from the voluntary sector and comply – and impressive, but also to highlight friendly societies. The late twen- Tony Little is the Chair of the Liberal this was the the enduring legacy of the cho- tieth-century welfare system that Democrat History Group. sen writers’ work and to delineate the Labour government designed verdict most their relevance to liberalism and the was less diverse in approach, and 1 Peter Marsh’s speech is available at domestic and international political was consequently more prone to http://www.newman.ac.uk/files/ frequently struggle of today. bureaucracy and sclerosis. w3/media-centre/pdf/Peter%20 Inspired by his own long service The key hallmark of Beveridge’s Marsh.pdf?q=95 repeated as MP for Berwick Upon Tweed, method was, according to Beith, 2 Available at http://www.newman. the opening speaker, Alan Beith, careful study and empirical analy- ac.uk/media-centre/3596/confer- during the noted two other illustrious Liberals sis. If Beveridge had reflected today ence-joseph-chamberlain-imperial- who had represented the constitu- on such issues as the controversial standard-bearer-national-leader-lo conference. ency at Westminster within the ‘Bedroom Tax’, he would have

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 41 report – liberal thinkers felt it necessary to study its costs and, in this light, it was no coinci- Liberal Think- famous ‘harm principle’. Accord- and benefits before deciding on dence that he spent so much of his ing to Green though, and Pugh, an approach, as opposed to being life as an advocate for it in his role ers was con- government cannot view human tied to dogma. In his own time, as director of the LSE. Meanwhile, activity with complete detachment. for instance, Beveridge was will- although he was an instinctive civil ceived as a Occasionally, though not necessar- ing to accept private relationship of libertarian, Beveridge was nuanced ily often, it must act and Green felt GPs to the NHS, because it seemed enough to appreciate the potent pamphlet that consequently certain points like an effective way to deliver threat that crime could inflict on made by Mill about human conduct results, rather than because of any personal freedom. intended to were left unresolved. rigid position. Beith remarked, in Beveridge remarked on his Nonetheless, Green was often a response to the audience, that it deathbed in 1963 that he had ‘still provide an ambivalent in his approach to the is likely that Beveridge would feel so much to do’ and would doubtless accessible state and so, in Pugh’s mind, should today that the twenty-first-century have been fascinated as well as tor- be considered ‘liberal’ in his flex- NHS – afflicted by all the con- tured by the problems of the mod- introduc- ibility. Green felt the state should straints of an ageing population – ern day. With that in mind, Beith be circumspect about exerting should, in turn, evolve to survive. believed the lessons of Beveridge’s tion to writ- any influence which might upset Whilst Beveridge sought to con- life and thought – that an actively the rights of individuals; he felt sider issues on a case-by-case basis, developed state can play a useful ers including government power should only he was adamant about the need to role in preserving and enhancing be deployed when clear threats to defend liberal principles when they individual freedom, though only John Locke, human liberty were apparent. were clearly under threat. Though when public policy is rationally Pugh explained that, for much he was a close friend and associ- conceived and dextrously imple- Adam Smith, of the twentieth century, Green ate of Beatrice and Sidney Webb, mented – were useful for the party was an unpopular figure and that and saw some common cause with in coalition and beyond. Mary Wol- this was due to the central Euro- a centrist Fabian approach to public Liberal Democrat MP for South- pean flavour of his work. Though policy, he was appalled by their dal- port, John Pugh, followed Beith lstonecraft, Green was famous during his life- liance with the Soviet Union and with a discussion of Thomas Hill time and even to the end of the Vic- Stalin in the latter part of the 1930s. Green, who had been important Richard Cob- torian era, his recognition faded He felt the threat of Communism figure in his own political develop- as the First World War made the to individual freedom to be clear ment. A Balliol academic, Green den, John central-European tenor of his work and visceral: ‘it represents savagery was a leading radical reformer unfashionable. In the 1920s, Hob- … it means the devil’. and proponent of the temperance Stuart Mill, house criticised Green and explic- Meanwhile, whilst he identi- movement in the mid-Victorian L. T. Hob- itly referred to his work as being fied ‘Want’ as one of society’s great period (he lived between 1836 and unpatriotic. Nonetheless, in the domestic social ills – along with 1882). A leading figure in the ‘Brit- house, John era of coalition, when the strains of disease, ignorance and squalor – ish Idealist’ movement and influ- government have encouraged cer- he specified idleness as the great- enced by continental thinkers such Maynard tain wings of the party to express est evil: ‘idleness alone will suffer as Hegel, Green has grown in rec- themselves more than in former want’. It was this belief that drove ognition in very recent years, and Keynes, Wil- times of placidity, Pugh felt that him to focus on the importance of is sometimes seen as a precursor of Green was an increasingly impor- tackling unemployment: though the ‘social liberal’ strand of thought liam Bev- tant symbol of the social liberal he favoured countercyclical or within the Liberal Democrats. roots within the party, albeit one ‘Keynesian’ economic policy, he Pugh outlined the seeming eridge, and that provided a sympathetic juxta- regarded it as a tool for encouraging irony of the contrast between position to the great J. S. Mill. people to make the most of their Green’s apparently established Eng- many more. Baroness Liz Barker followed as capabilities, rather than out of a lish life and academic background, the third speaker on the panel by more doctrinaire conception of the and the thinkers that had influenced highlighting the influence of Mill’s state’s leadership in the economy. him most in terms of his broader spouse, Harriet Taylor Mill. As Despite the tumultuous times of philosophical approach. In the mid- Barker explained, the early roots his own political career, Beveridge’s nineteenth century, Green was a of their relationship were contro- politics are undoubtedly contempo- leading disciple of enlightenment versial and – by the standards of the rary and relevant. Beith made clear thinkers Hegel and Kant. In Pugh’s time – scandalous. Their liaison had that he was a passionate internation- mind, this gave Green the necessary begun several years before Harriet’s alist, and would have been exercised latitude to critique not just David first marriage had ended, and had by the dangerous eccentricity of the Hume but even the man voted been tacitly accepted by her then modern Tory attitude to Europe. by the Liberal Democrat History husband, John Taylor, so long as he Domestically, he was also a great Group in 2007 to be the greatest and his wife could maintain super- believer in housing construction as Liberal in history, John Stuart Mill. ficial unity. Mill went on to marry a means of supporting people’s liv- According to Pugh, Green took Harriet in 1851, two years after ing standards and opportunities: in issue with Mill’s philosophy of gov- Taylor’s death. the 1930s he moved to the north- ernment outlined in On Liberty. In Despite their contravention of east, to live in a housing project he this, as Pugh put it, the latter con- Victorian mores, the strength of had helped bring forward, as he felt ceived of ‘government as a thing their marriage and the endurance of it was important to show that it was which occurs as ringmaster; as long their mutual affection were felt by good enough to be lived in. He was as people don’t hurt each other, that most who knew them – including also a great supporter of education is fine’ – falling in line with the Thomas Carlyle – to be a reflection,

42 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 report – liberal thinkers above all, of their shared sense that a precise delineation of Har- Democrats: Charles Kennedy and of intellectual respect. As Barker riet’s work within the scope of Nick Clegg. Fox’s reputation was noted, the two first met at a dis- Mill’s broader opus was impossible. associated with ardent support cussion on the rights of women in Nonetheless, their collective impact for civil liberties in the face of the society. Whilst the besotted Mill was huge, and their relevance and harsh conservatism represented declared Harriet a critical influence impact endures in a very potent by those, like his rival Pitt, who on all of his later work, including manner and neither’s legacy can be would exploit domestic fear of for- On Liberty, the impact that Harriet understood without the other. eign spectres such as Robespierre had on his work was perhaps most Mill’s legacy is often considered to reduce individual liberty on the clear with regards to his deeply in Westminster today, but Barker British side of the Channel; the influential contribution to the felt that this influence extends also comparison with New Labour’s fledging feminist movement. to his spouse. Barker felt that, were exploitation of the image of Mill credited Harriet as co- she alive today, Harriet Taylor Mill Saddam Hussein is clear. author of his seminal 1869 pub- would have been very proud of the Whilst this, combined with his lication, The Subjection of Women, party’s stance on gay marriage and famous proclivity for alcohol con- which showed remarkable simi- its very obvious derivation from sumption, might encourage com- larities to and bore the influence of Millian liberal first principles. parisons with Kennedy, Pack also her 1851 work, The Enfranchisement Meanwhile, Barker concluded, highlighted the similarity of his of Women. Their work in this area Harriet would have been a power- controversial 1783 pact with the showed that they were particularly ful critic of contemporary global Conservative Lord North, with the exercised by the effect of mid-Vic- religions and their attitude to mar- position and principle of the cur- torian marriage arrangements on riage and individual rights, as rent leader of the Liberal Demo- the curtailment of female liberty; well as also having a view of indi- crats, Nick Clegg. Like Clegg, Fox however, their work was of partic- vidual responsibility within such put aside his own animosity to a ular importance and inspiration to arrangements. Conservative foe in the name of a the incipient suffragist movement. The final member of the panel broader political goal and national Whilst Mill is most remembered to draw inspiration from the pam- good. In the case of Fox, however, for his work on personal liberty phlet was Liberal Democrat blog- his unlikely coalition was aimed at in general, he was a supporter of ger and author, Mark Pack. Whilst reducing the harm to the political female suffrage and, as an MP, pro- cognisant of the paradox of choice, system caused by a volatile king and posed votes for women in 1867 as an Pack decided to focus on two fig- the attempted restriction of habeas amendment to the Second Reform ures above all other because of corpus. Whilst Clegg’s position Act. When women first won the their enduring legacy for the Lib- might seem sui generis, together vote in 1918, the first act of Mili- eral Democrats: Charles James Fox with the example of Fox it illus- cent Fawcett and the NUWSS was and, like Alan Beith, Sir William trates, in Pack’s opinion, the nim- to convene in celebration at Mill’s Beveridge. bleness of liberal politics to face up statue in Temple Gardens. For Pack, smilarities can be to practical circumstances, uncon- In response to a question from drawn between and Fox and strained by the straitjacket of the the audience, Barker did accept two recent leaders of the Liberal left–right dogma of other parties. Liberal Thinkers Liberalism has been built on more than three centuries’ work of political thinkers and writers, and the aspirations of countless human beings who have fought for freedom, democracy, the rule of law and open and tolerant societies. This booklet is an accessible guide to the key thinkers associated with British Liberalism –including John Locke, Adam Smith, Mary Wollstonecraft, Richard Cobden, John Stuart Mill, L. T. Hobhouse, John Maynard Keynes, William Beveridge and many more. Essential reading for every thinking Liberal. Liberal Thinkers is available at a special discounted price for subscribers to the Journal of Liberal History: £5 instead of the normal £6.00. To order, please send a cheque (made out to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to LDHG, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN. Postage and packing is included.

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 43 report – liberal thinkers

Pack pointed out that, despite Malcolm than the circumstances of serving liberalism was one of the nation’s only brief stints in government, MPs, bogged down with constitu- most potent and valuable gifts to Fox was notable not only as the per- Bruce fin- ency casework and the demands wider humanity – with British lib- son who created the role of leader of an active media. Nonetheless, eral principles recited frequently of the Opposition, but also as the ished the Barker felt there was a potential for from North America, to South first ever Foreign Secretary. Mean- synthesis between data and inno- Africa to Hong Kong. Nonethe- while, from a position outside of meeting vative political thought which had less, at home as well as abroad, lib- government, his strong personal- as yet remained unexploited and eralism is still worth defending as ity and eloquence helped crystallise with a reflec- which would be an emerging chal- a partisan as well as a philosophical liberalism and Whiggery in British lenge and area of interest. concept: the other two parties have politics. Whilst, before, liberalism tion that Pack said that he was encour- not absorbed it simply because they had only been nebulously associ- liberalism aged by the work of thinkers like cannot. For this reason, Bruce con- ated with opposition to such forces the occupational psychologist cluded with the hope that there will as the monarchy, under his leader- was one of John Seddon, who had come to not too many people in the party ship, they gained a wider appeal prominence through ideas such with time left for political philoso- linked to a clear delineation of prin- the nation’s as the notion of ‘failure demand’. phy in the autumn of 2015, because ciple, which proved enduring. However, Pack felt that he also they will instead be actively legis- Nonetheless, upon summation, most potent sometimes lacks the necessary com- lating for it within Westminster. Pack emphasised that Fox’s career municative power to disseminate should be judged a failure in a polit- and valuable his ideas more widely into broader Douglas Oliver is Secretary of the Lib- ical sense, because he spent such a political life. eral Democrat History Group. tiny proportion of it in a position gifts to wider Malcolm Bruce finished the to exert direct influence over peo- meeting with a reflection that ple’s lives in government. In this humanity – context, Pack compared Fox to William Beveridge. Echoing many with British of the initial points made by Alan Beith, Pack emphasised Beveridge’s liberal prin- heterodox and flexible approach, which could only be understood ciples recited within the liberal tradition and was Reviews not recognisable in the way social- frequently ists and the modern Labour Party from North built the welfare state. However, ‘Unquestionably a remarkable woman’1 Beveridge was not a political victor America, to and this affected his ability to dis- Janet Hilderley, Mrs Catherine Gladstone (The Alpha Press, seminate his principle further. South Africa Whilst Fox was a great person- 2013) ality, rhetorician and bon vivant of to Hong Review by Tony Little his age, Beveridge was a considered thinker who left a great legacy of Kong. thought. Fox was not original but he Suffragettes – and the voters to campaigning for property he was a good adaptor of other peo- Pankhursts, in particular – rights or against state regulation of ple’s thoughts and this was a very Thave much to answer for. prostitution. important political skill. None- Not only have they helped estab- Consequently, it is important to theless in Pack’s view, the lack of lish the myth that their early-twen- be reminded that behind the stereo- political success that both experi- tieth-century campaign with its types were real people with their enced was a reminder that, without petty violence was responsible for own personalities and idiosyncra- campaigning nous and consequent women gaining the vote, but also sies, with their own achievements political success, it is difficult for that until that event in 1918 women and errors. Liberals in particular Liberals to improve people’s lives – were not involved in politics. Not need to rescue the positive role although this is ultimately the pur- only have they eclipsed the role of played by women associated with pose of the creed. the constitutional suffragists but by the party, since some of the men The discussion concluded with a contrast have reinforced the view in the Edwardian Liberal Party, question from an audience member that Victorian women were sub- such as Asquith, have been estab- asking whether it was possible for missive, confined to home man- lished as the chief obstacle to female an active political personality in the agement and therefore without progress. modern age to devote the necessary involvement in public affairs. Catherine Gladstone was the intellectual effort to bring forward In reality, Victorian women wife of William Ewart Gladstone. advances in philosophical or politi- were involved in politics at all lev- Their marriage lasted well beyond cal thought. els: from working-class participa- its golden anniversary and for vir- Barker felt that the rise of social tion in Chartist demonstrations to tually the whole of that time Glad- enterprise organisations like Nesta elite participation in the formation stone was a frontbench spokesman, was exciting and provided a more of Cabinets and the details of for- party leader, Prime Minister or likely avenue for emerging thought eign policy; from the canvassing of Chancellor of the Exchequer. On

44 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 reviews the basis alone that ‘behind every pursue in depth the complexities of great man …’, Catherine deserves the marriage that arise from Glad- the attention of biographers. But stone’s frequent absences and the that would be to short-change the risky friendships that developed out reader. Catherine’s life offers so of his mission for rescuing fallen much more. women. Neither does she penetrate In the style of Victorians, the very deeply into the relationships Gladstones were a prolific family with the Gladstone children, par- producing a mass of diaries, letters ticularly the girls, whose interests and memos and, more importantly, were subordinated to their parents’ conserving them. Catherine and needs well into adulthood. William were almost archetypal But women deserve to be seen but still unconventional elite Vic- as more than ‘wife of’ and ‘mother torians. He was the son of a self- of’ and Catherine Gladstone, par- made capitalist, who was educated ticularly, deserves attention in her at Eton and Oxford before being own right. She was the first presi- guided by his domineering father dent of the Women’s Liberal Fed- to a career in politics. She was the eration (WLF). William Gladstone daughter of a baronet who mar- was such a dominant figure in Vic- ried into the aristocracy. He domi- torian politics that we can build our nated the Commons and from the image of the political era around platform, inspiring hate and fear him but he was extremely untypi- in his opponents, but encouraged cal. He accepted leadership both his children to challenge or con- as attribute to his capacity and as tradict him during dining table a God-given responsibility, but arguments and was happy to romp he did not seek to build a follow- with them on the floor of his study. ing in the manner typical of the Not formally educated, Catherine leading aristocratic families. Con- never contemplated employment; sequently, Mrs Gladstone did not she was graceful and charming entertain in the aristocratic style of but essentially a ‘Grande Dame’2 a Lady Palmerston or a Lady Wal- whose ‘first consideration was her degrave and indeed was sufficiently Her involvement in charity ranged husband’3. Yet her daughters were wayward to be considered almost a from the organising of soup kitch- independent-minded women, liability in that respect. It was with ens for the Lancashire unemployed one of whom became a pioneer of reluctance that she accepted the displaced by the US civil war, to women’s university education and role at the WLF and abandoned it employment opportunities for another worked in the male envi- when her hostility to women’s suf- women rescued from prostitution; ronment of Downing Street as one frage was challenged. But that does from the organisation of schools of her father’s patronage secretaries. not mean that she had no political in Hawarden to the nursing of Beautiful in her youth, Catherine influence. It was her resolve which patients in a cholera epidemic, the remained handsome into old age kept her husband in politics until provision of a free convalescent but rarely fussed about her appear- an advanced old age, her support home and the housing and educa- ance. Accustomed to wealth, she on his speaking tours which made tion for cholera orphans on her lived in a remarkably Spartan fash- them a practical possibility and her family estate. No detail was too ion though occasionally chafing at image which helped solidify his small to escape Catherine, whether Gladstonian penny-pinching. As a place in the affections of the widen- it was providing food for a waif well-documented Victorian mater- ing electorate. watching her and the other ‘great familias, there is much in her life to One aspect of Mrs Gladstone’s and good’ attending a banquet or confound our unthinking memory waywardness comprises perhaps ensuring that the patients of her of the archetypal Victorian. her most important claim to a convalescent home enjoyed morale- Janet Hilderley’s biography is good biography. It is alleged that raising entertainment. anecdotal rather than an analytical. she never missed the chance to With her background in the It is at its strongest in its descrip- importune her husband’s impor- voluntary sector, Janet Hilderley tion of the courtship, marriage and tant visitors for a donation to her devotes more space to Mrs Glad- development of family life. With latest charity. This was not the stone’s charitable activity than a personality as significant as Wil- token ‘do-gooding’ of the lady some previous biographies, but I liam Gladstone’s, there is a danger of the manor, though Catherine confess that, again, I had hoped that that any biography of Catherine never neglected her poorer neigh- the approach would have been more will be overwhelmed by the doings bours, but fundraising on a sub- comprehensive. An idea of how of her husband. This risk is avoided. stantial scale. She is reputed to have individual projects worked is given, Despite her previous experience returned a cheque for £500, sub- the nature of Catherine’s very as a biographer of Disraeli’s wife, stantially more than the cost of a hands-on involvement outlined and Hilderley treats the politics as back- suburban semi, to a donor on the the range of her activities is illus- ground to the marriage rather than basis that she had asked for £1000. trated. What is missing is an idea at its centre. She raises but does not The higher amount was produced. of the full scale of these projects,

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 45 reviews how far they overlapped and the rather than a manufacturer. Cath- Janet Hilder- two leaders, as well as their politi- degree to which they survived ini- erine is described as making a trip cal careers. Dick Leonard consid- tial enthusiasm. One at least is still to Dalmeny in 1837 to the ‘home ley has ers the impact of religion on the in operation today. To what extent of the Jewish Lord and Lady Rose- two men, their contrasting ora- was Catherine the prime mover? bery’ where ‘no mention is made written a torical skills, their attitudes to Did she work with a regular band of the heir, Archibald Primrose’ (p. political and social reform, foreign of helpers or create teams for each 10). The Roseberys were a Scot- gossipy, even affairs and imperialism as well as project? tish family but not Jewish, though their relationship over the decades Janet Hilderley has written a Archibald married a Rothschild. It ‘noveletish’ with Queen Victoria. gossipy, even ‘noveletish’ intro- is not surprising Archibald was not The author has clearly fully duction to Catherine Gladstone, mentioned as he was not born until introduction immersed himself in the extensive rather than the more academic 1847: in 1837 Archibald’s father to Catherine scholarly literature on both politi- analytical biography that Mrs G was the heir. The well-known City cians, but has kept clear of manu- deserves and still awaits. Ordinar- solicitors, Freshfields, are described Gladstone, script and documentary source ily, that should not be seen as an as bankers (p. 59), and John Bright materials. He has made full use obstacle to recommending a book, is described as a ‘Chartist politi- rather than of the published diaries of W. E. but in this case I hesitate to do so cian’ (p. 132). It would be unfair Gladstone edited by Colin Mat- out of concern over the weak edit- but not difficult to continue. This the more thew (witness the multitude of ing and fact checking. On the back book would best appeal to those references to ‘GD’ in the endnote cover of the book and in the text, new to its subject, but these are the academic references). Catherine is described as an earl’s readers who should be most pro- The volume is an unfailingly daughter. But her father was a bar- tected from such confidence-sap- analytical engrossing read from cover to onet and her mother the daughter ping errors. cover – although it contains little of a baron. Gladstone’s father, Sir biography that is really new. We read of Dis- John, is described as ‘used to work- Tony Little is Chair of the Liberal raeli’s lack of a formal education ing among belching fires while Democrat History Group. that Mrs G (he had attended neither public children crawled under whirl- school nor university), of his first ing machines’ (p. 19). Sir John 1 Sir Edward Hamilton, quoted in Mrs deserves and meeting with Gladstone in about was originally a corn merchant Catherine Gladstone, p. 237. 1835, and (reflecting his fondness who succeeded as a trader with 2 The Times obituary, 15 June 1900. still awaits. for more mature women) of his the Americas and became a West 3 Sir Edward Hamilton, quoted in Mrs marriage to Mary Anne Lewis, Indian plantation (and slave) owner Catherine Gladstone, p. 237. fully twelve years his senior, in August 1839. The love-match was to prove durable until her death nine years before her husband. He apparently succeeded almost com- The Grand Old Man and Dizzy re-examined pletely in concealing the existence of his two illegitimate children. Dick Leonard, The Great Rivalry: Gladstone & Disraeli (I. B. Gladstone, in striking contrast, Tauris, 2013) received a gentleman’s education at Eton, where he initiated Reviewed by Dr J. Graham Jones the life-long practice of keeping an immensely detailed diary, and n academic circles, Dick trilogy, describes the political Christ Church, Oxford, where Leonard is best known as the drama of what was probably the he achieved a celebrated ‘Double Iauthor of an authoritative tril- most fascinating personal rivalry First’ in classics and mathematics ogy of the lives of British prime in the whole span of British politi- in 1831 (see p. 29). ministers from the eighteenth cal history, between the magiste- The main themes of both lives century almost to the present rial William Ewart Gladstone and are most competently and vigor- day. Leonard is a leading, widely the eclectic, mercurial Benjamin ously dissected. Gladstone’s pur- published authority on politics Disraeli, an unlikely Victorian as suit, and attempted rescuing, of and elections in the UK and the we imagine them today, but unex- numerous ‘fallen women’ was European Union. His respected pectedly a favourite (and flatterer) apparently in full swing early in volume Elections in Britain, first of Queen Victoria. Although his career and continued una- published way back in 1968, is now there are already several authorita- bated at least until his final retire- in its fifth, completely revised edi- tive biographies of both men and ment as prime minister in 1894 (see tion. He was assistant editor and many specialised studies on cer- pp. 72 and 195). The main steps then Brussels correspondent of tain aspects of their careers, the in his political career are clearly The Economist after a term as an author rightly felt the need ‘for a explained here, including the independent-minded Labour MP single volume, of moderate length, preparation and contents of his himself. He has also worked for which would constitute a compara- various budgets, especially the cel- the BBC and contributed to many tive biography of the two men’ (pp. ebrated 1853 budget speech which leading newspapers across the ix–x). This book provides the full continued for four hours and 45 globe. story of their rivalry and its ori- minutes. Earlier in his parliamen- The Great Rivalry, building on gins, comparing the upbringing, tary career he had been viewed ‘as the individual biographies in the education and personalities of the something of a maverick whose

46 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 reviews heart was not really in the politi- down her throat’, but she was dis- Two Nations, ‘which gave him the cal game’ (p. 91). When he received suaded from pursuing such a strat- reputation for being sympathetic the queen’s (reluctant) offer of the egy (p. 189). There was never any to the poor and the working class’ premiership for the first time in reconciliation between these two (p. 204). 1868, he was at his Hawarden Cas- headstrong figures. Gladstone was to survive Dis- tle home indulging in his second Disraeli’s political career, too, raeli by a little over seventeen favourite pastime of tree-felling is outlined competently and with years. In the penultimate chapter on the estate. The account of conviction. As Tory leader in the which examines this final period the impressive welter of reform- early years, he was, apparently, (1881–98), the most evocative image ing legislation passed during his ‘far more single-mindedly com- is that of the still vigorous, elderly first administration of 1868–74 is mitted to his political career than man transporting in a wheelbar- comprehensive. Even so, its pas- Gladstone’, fully mastering gov- row some 32,000 volumes from sage did not endear him to the ernment blue books and other offi- his Hawarden home to the newly queen whose heart – unlike Dis- cial documentation, and spending established St Deiniol’s Library raeli – he certainly never won. many long hours in the chamber which he had recently founded Gladstone’s efforts to cajole her each day, partly as the result of the with a huge pecuniary donation of out of her inordinately lengthy ineptitude of his colleagues (see p. £40,000. Recently rechristened the period of reclusiveness follow- 73). His detailed daily reports to the Gladstone Library in 2010, it still ing the tragic, premature death of queen on the proceedings of parlia- serves its purpose well to this very the prince consort in 1861, and to ment much impressed her, she fully day, preserving and honouring its bestow upon the Prince of Wales supported his proposal that his founder’s ambitious ideals for its a far more extensive role in public elderly, ailing wife might become purpose. A final, brief section con- life, met with an icy response from Viscountess Beaconsfield in her trasts the roles and contributions the monarch. When Gladstone own right in 1868, and he, in turn, of the two politicians and points returned to power for the second was instrumental in ensuring that up their continuing influence – time in 1880, the queen wrote to the queen should become Empress extending even to the present day her daughter Vicky that the expe- of India in 1876 – to the intense coalition government. rience was ‘a bitter trial for there is annoyance of the Prince of Wales At some points, the author, no more disagreeable Minister to (p. 164). When Disraeli died in 1881, clearly the victim of a tight word have to deal with’ (p. 178). As late the queen was most anxious for her limit, is compelled to simplify and as 1892, when Gladstone’s fourth old friend to be given a grand state generalise. But he has still suc- and last ministry was formed, funeral at Westminster Abbey, an ceeded in producing eminently Queen Victoria had seriously con- ambition, however, thwarted by readable and valuable mini-biog- sidered an attempt to avoid having the terms of his will. raphies of these two outstanding ‘that dangerous old fanatic thrust The evolving, ongoing relation- political figures. Throughout, the ship between Gladstone and Dis- text is penned in a lively, personal, raeli is carefully noted at various compelling writing style, sure to points in the narrative. Gladstone captivate the reader. The book also was certainly sympathetic when includes some nice, evocative pho- Mary Anne Disraeli suffered seri- tographs. It should certainly be ous illness and when she died, aged read alongside Richard Aldous’s 80, in 1872, but thereafter, gener- The Lion and the Unicorn: Glad- ally, ‘their relationship descended stone vs Disraeli (Hutchinson, 2006), into one of pure hatred’ (p. 135). reviewed by the present reviewer Disraeli, we are told, proved sup- in a previous issue of this journal,1 portive of the passage of the Secret to which it is an admirable com- Ballot Act of 1872 – although it panion volume. Both books have had been introduced by Glad- succeeded in providing significant stone’s first administration. Leon- new perspectives on the two pre- ard is especially competent on the eminent political figures of the political significance of Benjamin Victorian age and will surely prove Disraeli’s many, highly regarded durable and influential. My advice novels. Some of his Conservative would be to digest and appreciate colleagues ‘took a dim view of his the contents of both. literary activities, believing that he pursued them at the expense of Dr J. Graham Jones was formerly Sen- his parliamentary work’, so that, ior Archivist and Head of the Welsh in consequence, ‘he had failed to Political Archive at the National mount an effective challenge to Library of Wales, Aberystwyth. Gladstone’ (p. 150). Furthermore, in the opinion of the author, he 1 Dr J. Graham Jones, ‘Dizzy and the was really ‘not much of a social Grand Old Man’, Journal of Liberal reformer himself’, other ministers History, 58 (Spring 2008), pp. 40–1. being responsible for the framing of social legislation. It was, rather, his novels, pre-eminently Sybil or the

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 47 reviews

Michael Freeden’s Liberalism socialist ideas, as promoted within the trade unions and cooperative Ben Jackson and Marc Stears (eds.), Liberalism as Ideology: movement, and as formulated by Essays in Honour of Michael Freeden (OUP, 2012) Fabian socialists, syndicalists and guild socialists, upon the new lib- Reviewed by Tudor Jones eralism by examining in particular the attitudes of new liberal think- his collection of essays by significance of ideology and ideo- ers towards the central socialist an international group of logical debate for ‘concrete’, action- policy idea of the public owner- Tpolitical theorists, politi- related political thinking developed ship and control of industry. He cal philosophers, historians and in the face of public debate by some points out that in the first half of the political scientists seeks to assess the politicians and political activists twentieth century the British new/ impact of Michael Freeden’s wide- and by social reformers, rather than social liberal programme was not ranging analyses of liberal ideol- just by professional political theo- This col- just focused on fiscal policy, social ogy, history and theory that have rists or political philosophers. policy and labour market reform. It been developed over the course Among the essayists’ own con- lection of also included advocacy of a limited of more than thirty years. He has tributions to the scholarly exami- but significant measure of public been engaged in that project as a nation of the development of essays by ownership of productive resources. Professor of Politics at the Univer- liberalism, David Leopold pro- This was evident in works of politi- sity of Oxford, editor of the Journal vides some interesting reflections an interna- cal theory produced by Hobson and of Political Ideologies since 1996, and on the place of utopian theorising, Hobhouse before 1914, in the debate as the founder, too, in 2002, of the that is, of detailed descriptions tional group surrounding the future of the coal related Centre for Political Ideolo- of an ideal society, within West- industry after 1918, and in Sir Wil- gies at Oxford. ern liberalism in the early and late of political liam Beveridge’s views on socialist The book’s editors, Ben Jack- twentieth century – specifically, planning during the 1930s and 1940s. son and Marc Stears, state that in the work of J. A. Hobson, the theorists, Jackson makes these points effec- it provides ‘a broad and critical British new liberal thinker, and in tively, but not in such a way as to examination of the key themes in that of John Rawls, the American political phi- undermine Freeden’s earlier conten- Freeden’s work’, covering the two political philosopher. In another tion in 1979, in The New Liberalism, general debates most associated essay by Ben Jackson, more overtly losophers, that ‘intellectually and ideologically, with him, concerning, first, the historical in its approach, and liberalism itself was fully responsible historical development of British which, among the book’s thirteen historians for, and capable of, transforming its liberalism in the late nineteenth essays, may be the one of great- political doctrines’. and early twentieth centuries, est interest to readers of this jour- and politi- Other essays in the first sec- notably in his two important his- nal, another key theme in Michael cal scien- tion of Liberalism as Ideology pro- torical studies, The New Liberal- Freeden’s early academic work is vide studies of American, Indian ism (1978) and Liberalism Divided explored – namely, the relation- tists seeks and European liberalism. The (1986), and, second, the methods ship between the new liberalism book’s second section is much more to be deployed in the study of both and socialism in early twentieth- to assess theoretical and methodological political theory and ideology, century Britain. Jackson here in its approach and focus, dealing the latter being viewed as a cen- emphasises the mutual influence the impact throughout mainly with Michael tral aspect of that academic disci- and intellectual interdependence Freeden’s more recent concern with pline. These two areas of scholarly of those two ideological traditions. of Michael the study of ideology and the role debate are explored in Part 1 of But he argues, too, that ‘the intel- of ideological analysis within polit- Liberalism as Ideology, on ‘Liberal lectual influence of socialism on Freeden’s ical theory. Languages’, and in its Part II, on the new liberalism has been under- In an essay that draws a clear ‘Ideologies and Political Theory’. stated’ by both historians and wide-rang- distinction between, on the one In the first of those areas, some political theorists. Freeden’s early hand, a historically informed of the book’s contributors observe historical works had meticulously ing analyses study of political ideologies and, that Freeden has sought to under- documented, he recognises, the on the other, the philosophical line the internal diversity of lib- extent to which British socialists of liberal investigation provided by analyti- eralism as an ideology, and hence had been influenced by the ideas of cal, normative political philoso- the need to avoid confining it to new liberal theorists such as J. A. ideology, his- phy, as practised by John Rawls, one doctrinal strand – for exam- Hobson and L. T. Hobhouse. Jack- Robert Nozick, Ronald Dwor- ple, to an economic liberal one that son maintains, however, that new tory and the- kin and others, Andrew Vincent, emphasises the asocial individual, liberal theorists also drew on argu- ory that have while recognising that each is of property rights, economic freedom ments and ideas that were ‘socialist scholarly value, argues for a ‘posi- and the limited state to the exclu- in their intellectual provenance’, been devel- tive segregation’ between the two sion of a social liberal strand that whereas Freeden had contended modes of intellectual enquiry. emphasises social welfare, commu- that: ‘Liberal influences among oped over Vincent notes, too, that, as nal responsibility, positive freedom many socialist leaders and intellec- Freeden has also argued, the ‘over- and state intervention. tuals seem to have been stronger the course of emphasis, in much recent politi- Freeden’s second main area of than the reverse’. cal philosophy, on synchronic academic concern, at least since the In offering his revised account more than abstracted reasoning can lead to a late 1990s, has lain, other essay- of the British progressive tradi- virtually semi-private professional ists point out, in stressing the tion, Jackson traces the influence of thirty years. academic language, which bears

48 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 reviews

As set out clearly by Humphrey, ideological analysis for political that critique has focused on three theory, notably in his Ideologies and major alleged shortcomings of ana- Political Theory (1996), and in his sub- lytical political philosophy: first, its sequent work, Freeden has devel- severe and unjustified abstraction; oped a morphological theory of second, its lack of historical aware- ideology which examines the com- ness and hence its lack of attention plex structures in which the core and to the temporal and spatial contexts adjacent concepts of particular ide- of political action and thought; ologies are configured. and third, its application of norma- In the final essay of the volume, tive models, stressing standards of entitled ‘The Professional Respon- logical consistency and argumenta- sibilities of a Political Theorist’, tive coherence, and derived from Freeden himself engages with most moral philosophy, to the distinctive of its themes, and, in addressing political realm. With regard to the one of the most prominent of these, second shortcoming, according to restates his belief that ‘the colo- this ‘realist’ critique, ‘ideal’ politi- nization of political theory… by cal philosophers tend to ‘freeze’ analytical and ethical philosophers historical time so that the principles over the past forty years ‘ has been they formulate (for example, Rawls ‘a rearguard intellectual diversion on justice) appear timeless and uni- from what we should be investigat- versally valid. ing in our role as students of society With regard to the third short- and of the thought that societies coming, their application of the nor- host’. mative models of moral philosophy Liberalism as Ideology is a volume to the political realm thereby misses, that contains many such percep- so ‘realist’ political theorists also tive observations and interesting maintain, questions fundamental reflections. On the debit side, while to political activity such as political this tribute to Freeden’s innovative disagreement and conflict (a central and stimulating work in political point that the philosopher Bernard theory is well merited, the perva- little or no relation to the reali- Williams had earlier recognised). sive mutually congratulatory tone ties of politics, as perceived by the Humphrey notes, too, other ques- of the volume tends at times to be mass of ordinary citizens.’ Ana- tions that tend to be sidelined in this wearing. In addition, some of its lytical political philosophy (which way, questions that pervade the his- contributions, as has been noted, Freeden usually refers to as ‘philo- tory of modern political thought are presented in a highly abstract sophical liberalism’ or ‘Anglo- such as the exercise of political manner that engages with an inter- American political philosophy’) is power, the development of institu- nal debate of greatest interest to the thus portrayed, in my view with a tions with sovereign authority, the academic practitioners of politi- significant degree of justification, need for collective decision-making, cal theory and political philoso- as, in spite of its various intellec- and a Hobbesian concern with the phy rather to the general reader tual insights, largely out of touch establishment of political and social interested in the ‘stuff’ of politics, not only with both the constrained order. namely, political ideas. realities and the fray of political The subject-matter of politi- Finally, this reviewer remains practice but also with academic cal theory, which Michael Freeden unconvinced that the methods of disciplines other than philosophy. views, in Andrew Vincent’s words, political theory offer a more fruit- Other essayists in the book make as ‘a capacious category containing ful approach, rather than a com- similar critical observations about both political philosophy and ideol- plementary one, compared with analytical political philosophy, ogy as subcategories’, should there- that of intellectual history, and although Gerald Gaus does offer fore be ‘concrete political thinking’, specifically the history of political a defence. It has to be said, how- the product of, in the broad sense of thought, for charting the develop- ever, that some of these criticisms the term, ideologists, in all its var- ment of British, and Western, lib- are pitched at a level of abstrac- ied manifestations – for instance, eralism, an undertaking to which tion reminiscent of their target. as embodied in influential political Michael Freeden has made such a Nonetheless, in one of the volume’s treatises, in pamphlets, manifestos, distinguished contribution. more accessible contributions to periodicals, speeches, etc., rather this debate, Mathew Humphrey, in than merely in the work of profes- Dr Tudor Jones is Senior Lecturer in an essay entitled, ‘Getting “Real” sional political philosophers. Political Studies at Coventry Uni- About Political Ideas’, presents it The task of political theory versity. His most recent book is The within the broader context of the should consequently, in Freeden’s Revival of British Liberalism: ‘realist’ critique, as developed by view, be to decode, understand and From Grimond to Clegg (Palgrave Raymond Geuss and others, and as interpret these forms of ‘concrete’ Macmillan, 2011). prefigured in Freeden’s later work political thought, these political in political theory, of the ‘ideal’ ideas flowing through the social mode of Anglo-American political order. To that end, in his attempt philosophy. to recapture the importance of

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 49 reviews The Liberals in Hampshire: Martin Kyrle’s reminiscences Martin Kyrle, The Liberals in Hampshire – a Part(l)y History Part 1: Southampton 1958–65 (Sarsen Press, 2013) Review by Mark Pack

here has been a recent an evening once a month debat- and very welcome burst ing the finer points of party Tof histories of Liberal policy when there was no possi- (Democrat) activism being pub- bility of any of their ideas being lished, such as Graham Tope’s A implemented, and saw no reason Life in Politics, recording the con- to complement their debates by tributions of people whose names undertaking practical activity would otherwise slip by the his- which might make implementa- tory books. In doing so, they paint tion possible, e.g. by standing for a picture of what grassroots poli- election’. Many of the obstacles to tics is actually like, often rather political activity that Martin Kyrle different from the sort of politics encountered are all too familiar recorded in the memoirs of former even now, such as an Executive ministers or analysed by politi- meeting getting completely hung cal scientists. Martin Kyrle, a Lib- up on ticket pricing for a fundrais- eral activist for over fifty years, is ing event, to the extent that the the latest to join this trend with meeting descended into a shout- a sixty-nine-page volume of his ing match. Though it is not only in reminiscences and anecdotes, politics that meetings have a ten- intended as the first volume in a dency to spend huge amounts of through, but these are only small series. time generating large volumes of blemishes in what is a light, quick The collection tells the reader heat over minor details. and enjoyable read. much about Martin, but this is not One part of the historic record The Liberals in Hampshire – a really an autobiography, for the that the book preserves is the con- Part(l)y History Part 1: Southampton tales jump about from one inter- tribution to Liberal Party cam- 1958–65 by Martin Kyrle is priced esting event to another, giving a paigning techniques of John at £5 plus two first class stamps. sense of what a small, often dys- Wallbridge and his THOR organi- Orders should be emailed to mar- functional, political party organisa- sation system. (Alas, even Martin [email protected]. tion was like back in the 1950s and cannot recall the origin of the name 1960s, rather than telling a continu- THOR itself.) The book also repro- Dr Mark Pack worked at Liberal Dem- ous tale of his life. duces several election leaflets from ocrat HQ from 2000 to 2009, and prior to He started off in Southamp- the time, showing how not every- that was frequently a volunteer member ton, where ‘attending the Execu- thing has changed – education, hos- of the Parliamentary By-Election team. tive Committee was seen [by other pitals and being local featured just He is co-author of 101 Ways To Win members] as an end in itself, not as strongly then. An Election and of the party’s General the means to one … They saw At times the semi-professional Election Agents Manual. nothing incongruous in spending nature of the publication shows

Letters

Party colours I was fascinated by Graham Lippi- connected to the rise of colour tel- colour scheme is more mixed. The att’s article on the history of party evision, on to which to project a official colours of the ALDE party colours (Journal of Liberal History national party identity, seems likely are blue and yellow. In my experi- 84, autumn 2014). The suggestion to be correct. ence, the media tend to use the yel- that a movement from extremely However, the article only con- low more often (such as in graphics diverse local choices of party col- cerned Liberals in Britain. In a showing seats held in the European our to the present uniformity is European context the Liberal Parliament) – although, on the

50 Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 letters

Colours used by Liberal parties in Europe sorted and counted by candidate Colour scheme Number of member States in which those parties campaign – hence the votes by candidate in parties which use it each burgh and rural polling district were known. The implication Blue 6 Belgium, Bulgaria, Denmark, France, Luxembourg was that the returning officer was Green 4 Netherlands, Croatia, Estonia, Sweden inexperienced. Orange 3 Croatia, Lithuania, France I also recall John Bannerman saying that at the general elec- Yellow 2 Sweden, UK tion count in Inverness in 1955, he Blue and yellow 2 Estonia, Germany thought he had won until the postal Blue and orange 2 Netherlands, Sweden votes were counted – so the postal Blue and white 2 Lithuania, Catalonia papers must have been counted separately, Magenta 2 Austria, Denmark Incidentally, as from the recent Blue and green 2 Slovakia, Slovenia Scottish Independence Referen- Yellow, red and green 1 Cyprus dum, there is an ongoing investigation as to how it was possible to get some idea of total YES and NO ALDE website, at ALDE Congress Unionist) who then defeated the votes from batches of postal votes and in other promotional materials incumbent Liberal MP. Wason, while they were being verified. blue is usually predominant. having departed from the Lib- Prior to the 1872 Ballot Act, Looking at parties that have eral Unionists, then successfully with open voting, things were seats in the ALDE Group in the sought re-election, with Liberal very different. Thus, for exam- 2014–19 European Parliament, the and Liberal Unionist opposition, ple, I have a note of the votes – for party colours are varied. In the fol- as an Independent Liberal at a by- Ramsay and for Campbell (the lowing table, it should be remem- election in 1902. Having then taken future Sir Henry CB) – in each of bered that many member states the Liberal Whip, he was re-elected the five burghs in Stirling Burghs at have more than one liberal party as a Liberal in 1906 and in January both the by-election in April 1868 which may compete or collaborate and December 1910 and as a Coali- and, on an extended franchise, at at a domestic level, and may have tion Liberal in 1918. After Wason’s the general election in November the same or different colours, while death in 1921, the constituency was 1868. I also have a note of the votes working together in Brussels. I represented, as from an uncontested as between different categories of have included two French parties by-election, by another Coalition graduates in the two Scottish Uni- which sit as part of the ALDE group Liberal who, as a National Liberal, versity constituencies at the 1868 in Parliament but are not part of the was defeated by Sir Robert Wil- general election. wider ALDE Party. liam Hamilton (Liberal) in 1922. Dr Sandy S. Waugh The choice of official Liberal An interesting coincidence is colour, reflecting state-level tra- that one of the pre-Reform MPs ditions and political history, thus for Orkney & Shetland was Rob- 1872 Ballot Act (2) varies across Europe, as Graham ert Baikie of Tankerness in Ork- Michael Meadowcroft (in Letters, Lippiatt records that it once did ney, who was elected in 1780 but Journal of Liberal History 84, autumn across the UK. Blue is clearly the unseated on petition in 1781. When 2014) asks why, after the 1872 Ballot favourite and red almost entirely Jim Wallace, Liberal/Liberal Dem- Act, it could be ‘officially known’ excluded. No doubt the wide vari- ocrat MP for the constituency in how individual votes had been ation will continue for some time 1983–2001 and Liberal Democrat cast, and wonders whether this yet. MSP for Orkney in 1999–2007, was something peculiar to Wales. I Antony Hook (MEP Candidate, was created a life peer in 2007, he think the answer to both questions Liberal Democrat, South East England, took the title of Lord Wallace of may be: it wasn’t, no. 2014) Tankerness. In researching the Westmorland I would also comment on one election of 1880 (‘Ice in the centre of Michael Meadowcroft’s queries of a glowing fire’,Transactions of the Orkney & Shetland; 1872 about election counts in the same Cumberland & Westmorland Antiquar- Ballot Act (1) issue of the Journal. ian & Archaeological Society, 2008, pp. Michael Steed was, of course, cor- At every count I have ever been 219–40), I encountered local bigwig rect in writing that Orkney and at, from the Paisley by-election activists who claimed to have the Shetland was won by a Conserva- in April 1961 onwards, the papers exact figures for the distribution tive in 1935 and 1945 (Letters, Jour- from all the ballot boxes have been of votes at their particular poll- nal of Liberal History 84, autumn mixed before being sorted and ing station. These claims were, I 2014). However, the constituency counted by candidate. However, think, based on intensive canvass- also departed from its post-Reform I recall that, after the Dumfries ing and telling, coupled with some- Whig/Radical/Liberal tradition by-election in December 1963, it one’s desire to appear omniscient when it was won by a Tory in 1835 was reported at the next Scottish and important, rather than on illicit who served until 1837. Further, in Liberal Party Council meeting by scrutiny of ballot papers. 1900, Orkney & Shetland was won David Steel that in Dumfries the Andy Connell by John Cathcart Wason (Liberal papers in each ballot box had been

Journal of Liberal History 85 Winter 2014–15 51 A Liberal Democrat History Group evening meeting The Liberal-Tory Coalition of 1915 In May 1915, following political and military setbacks, Liberal Prime Minister H H Asquith brought senior figures from the opposition parties into his government. This meeting, held jointly with the Conservative History Group, will look in detail at the background to the formation of the coalition and consider its performance in government before its dramatic fall in December 1916.

Speakers: Dr Ian Packer (Acting Head of the School of History and Heritage at Lincoln University, author of a number of books on Edwardian and Liberal politics) will look at the coalition from the Liberal side; Dr Nigel Keohane (Social Market Foundation, author of The Conservative Party and the First World War) will consider the coalition from a Conservative perspective. Chair: Earl of Oxford and Asquith (Raymond Asquith), the great-grandson of H H Asquith and the newest member of the Liberal Democrat team in the House of Lords.

7.00pm, Monday 26 January 2015 (after the Liberal Democrat History Group AGM at 6.30pm) David Lloyd George Room, National Liberal Club, 1 Whitehall Place, London SW1

A Liberal Democrat History Group / Association of Liberal Democrat Councillors fringe meeting community politics and the liberal revival The famous community politics resolution, adopted by the Liberal Party at its 1970 Assembly, helped to lay the foundations for revival after the party’s loss of half its seats in the 1970 election. Discuss the community politics approach, what it meant and how it can help the Liberal Democrats in the future, with Gordon Lishman (co-author, The Theory and Practice of Community Politics) and Mike Storey (former leader of Liverpool council).

8.15pm, Friday 13 March 2015 Room 13, Arena & Convention Centre, Kings Dock, Liverpool (conference pass needed for entry)