THE GILDED COAST: CALIFORNIA AND THE AMERICAN WEST DURING

THE CIVIL WAR

A University Thesis Presented to the Gradate Faculty

of

California State University, East Bay

In Partial Fulfillment

Ofthe Requirements for the Degree

Master ofArts in History

By

Heidi C. Schave

December 17, 2007 Heidi C. Schave © 2007

11 THE GILDED COAST: CALIFORNIA AND THE AMEMERICAN WEST

DURING THE CIVIL WAR

by

Heidi C. Schave

Approved: Date:

-----,-J_-~-

pro~e~rR.. obert....PhelPs :'" _. ~ ( / _ . CI~-~-{ 1- 7 \.. Professor Bridget-I Ford '

111 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the History Department for all oftheir continual support during this endeavor. Also I would like dedicate this project to my personal mentor. Mathew Modine. The words ofLeonard Cohen can only express my appreciation for all of your help.

The reason I write is to make something as beautiful as you

When I'm with you I want to be the kind ofhero I wanted to be when I was seven years old a perfect man who kills

~ Leonard Cohen

IV TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 1

CHAPTER I. FOR I COME FROM ALABAMA 5

CHAPTER II. FOR LINCOLN AND LIBERTY, TOO 19

CHAPTER III. JOHNNY HAS GONE FOR A SOLIDIER 41

CHAPTER IV. SOUNDING THE BATTLE CRY OF FREEDOM 67

CONCLUSION MY EYES HATH SEEN THE COMING 84

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 89

v LIST OF ILLUSTRAnONS

1. Photograph, Nevada City Mine 16

2. Photograph, California Miners 17

3. Drawing, California Miners 18

4. Drawing, Albert Johnson 37

5. Drawing, Map ofSea Routes 38

6. Photograph, San Francisco 1865 39

7. Photograph, Union Loyalty Oath 40

8. Photograph, Alcatraz Guns 60

9. Photograph, Alcatraz Guards 61

10. Photograph, The Camanche, Post-Launch 62

11. Photograph, Daily Alta California 63

12. Photograph, California Union Soldier 64

13. Photograph, Drum Barracks Officers 65

14. Photograph, Fort Point 66

15. Drawing, Colorado Mining Town 84

VI 1

INTRODUCTION

On April 9, 1861, the newly formed Confederate States ofAmerica fired their infamous cannons on Fort Swnter and launched the United States into the bloodiest period in American history. The attack on Fort Sumter marked the first strike ofthe

American Civil War, which pitted the industrial North against the agrarian South. The rift between the North and South was felt throughout the country as brothers and comrades quickly became enemies.

Although the major campaigns ofthe war were fought on the Eastern front, a patriotic call to arms quickly moved west and the Western states eagerly prepared their defense against the rebel army. California, the legendary "land ofwealth," instantly felt threatened by Confederate forces. This abrupt shift from California's "wild frontier" mentality to extensive wartime preparation is an intriguing phenomenon that accelerated throughout the war. For the duration ofthe conflict, the Western states methodically shed their frontier past and began to exhibit the characteristics of powerful democratic ones. This was in part due to the fact that unlike the Eastern states, many ofwhich were eventually scarred on the front lines, California and its neighboring states had to prove their worth to the Union.

Between 1860 and 1865, the rugged Western frontier mentality was progressively exchanged for a more nationalistic attitude as a result ofthe heightened patriotism created by the war. Indeed, the desire ofthe Western states to defend the

Pacific Coast from hostile enemies was so transformative that it forces us to look anew at the very notion ofthe American frontier, and more specifically, how, when and why it was finally "closed." 2

Introduced in 1893, Fredrick Jackson Turner's The Frontier Thesis has been the primary influence on the historical study ofthe American West. 1 For Turner, the

American expansion into the West represented the inevitable progress ofAmerican democracy and growth. Turner's frontier was the land ofthe rugged individual who rejected government interference, but would eventually assimilate into "civilized society" as the frontier reached its closure and urbanization came to settle the land.

Yet in some ways, the Union Army's Pacific Coast Campaign is not only a tale of lavish military preparation by the West, but also a direct and early transformative influence on the eternal spirit ofTurner's noble frontiersman.

The Frontier Thesis is based on the idea that the West was an isolated occurrence that could have only evolved in America due to its unique qualities. Turner viewed the population ofthe East as much more refined than the West, while the individuals migrating to the West were much more adventurous in nature. The pioneers challenged governmental authority and they made the West a place ofunique spirit and expression. Turner views the closure ofthe frontier with the arrival of industrialization and urbanization, and actually sets a "closing date" at 1890.

Turner saw the settlement ofthe West as a model to glorify American progress. He himselfnoted how this process evolved, writing that "The exploitation of the beasts took hunter and trader to the west, and the exploitation ofthe virgin soil of the rivers and prairies attracted the farmer. Good soils have been the most continuous attraction to the farmer's frontier.,,2 Ultimately, Turner's thesis follows the

I Fredrick Jackson Turner, Rereading Frederick Jackson Turner. with a commentary by John Mack Faragher (New York: Holt and CO 1994), 31. 2Ibid., 44. 3 transformation ofthe American frontier from an agrarian society to one ofurban and industrial growth, and that is clearly the path upon which he focused.

However, it is clear that The Civil War itselfalso greatly impacted the West by accelerating the transformation ofTurner's "free land" into powerful nationalistic states that would spare no expense in defending its territory from the threat of succession. In fact, the protection ofNorthern California became imperative to the

Union as it meant control ofSan Francisco's gold reserves, which dated back to the original gold rush of 1849, and the state's subsequent explosion in growth. The Union feared that ifthe Confederacy gained California's allegiance, and thus access to her vast mineral and agricultural wealth, the rebel forces would forge an alliance with foreign powers that could supply them with military aid.

Clearly the stakes were high, which explains why the extensive military organization ofthe West was a critical factor in the closing ofthe American frontier.

The outbreak ofthe War, and California's determination to play an honorable role in it, created a patriotic fever which transformed the frontier into a vital and integrated part ofthe expanding American nation.

While California's infantry involvement in the War was relatively insignificant, the San Francisco Bay Area and the rest ofthe Pacific Coast region were classified by the Union as being "vulnerable" to foreign and Confederate attack.

California's role in the Civil War was to protect the West coast from the Confederacy as well as a possible Mexican alliance with the South. The Pacific Campaign was an expensive project that was financed through the War Department and the California

State Treasury. 4

The campaign called for manning and arming forts around the Bay Area and raising troops to help protect the coast. Thanks in part to the enormous military preparations ofthe Union and California to quell any Confederate threat, the golden shores ofthe Pacific were never stained with blood. Still, and contrary to The Frontier

Thesis as expounded by Turner, the history ofCalifornia and the West during the

American Civil War played a definitive role in the closing ofthe American frontier.

Ofcourse, without the initiative ofthe adventurous American pioneer, the

Western states may not have reacted so diligently to the threat ofsuccession. Looked at another way, ifthe American West signified the last frontier ofindividualistic freedom, then it is not surprising that the very men who chose to migrate towards freedom would also be eager to defend it. Turner's "rugged individuals," whose colorful personalities are cemented in Western folklore, both accelerated the growth of the American nation and the closure ofthe Western frontier. The Civil War accelerated the course ofWestern development, by reconnecting the isolated frontier to the omnipotent federal government. They did so by eagerly taking up arms to help defend and preserve the growing and ever more integrated dynamic American union. 5

CHAPTER I

FOR I COME FROM ALABAMA WITH A BANJO ON MY KNEE

Until 1861, California was a land ofgreat individualistic expression and adventure. The 1815 Encyclopedia noted that "California produces one ofthe most beautiful lawns, as well as many ofthe most inhospitable deserts in

America.,,1 The state's admission into the Union was as unique as its involvement in the Civil War itself. As noted earlier, Turner proposed that the close ofthe frontier is most directly lined to the emergence ofindustry and democracy. While these were certainly huge factors, it can also be forcefully argued that the social and economic conditions surrounding California in the

18505 not only foreshadow the end ofthe American frontier, but also illustrate how the reality ofa Confederate invasion altered the "Wild West" mentality forever.

The aftennath ofthe 1849 Gold Rush shaped the demographics and personality of California in its first years as a full-fledged American state. For its first decade, it was a state in name, but also dramatically independent and

Western in outlook. The arrival ofthe Civil War, however, awakened a sense of patriotic obligation that strengthened local and state governments. In addition, the organization ofmilitary units rallied the frontiersmen together, producing dedicated American citizens, loyal to the growing transcontinental Union.

1 Encyclopedia Britannica 1815, California History to 1850, Box P243 Loose Collections, Bancroft Library, University ofCalifomia, Berkeley California. 6

The Western reaches ofthat union had deep roots; The discovery ofCalifornia is credited to Spanish explorer Heman Cortez, who reached Lower California in 1533 while searching for the Aztec Indian's "seven cities ofgold.,,2 From the start,

California held the promise ofparadise and reinvention for the men who sought her shores. In 1848, the Treaty ofGuadalupe Hidalg03 ended America's war with Mexico and gave California and other Mexican territories to the United States. In the same year, James Marshall discovered gold in the American River. The Gold Rush increased the population ofSan Francisco from 1,000 to 30,000 people.4 Hubert

Bancroft best characterized the allure ofthe Gold Rush, noting that "The strongest human appetite was aroused- the sum ofappetites- this yellow dirt embodying the means for gratifying love, hate, lust and domination."s

The population growth and wealth gained through mining served as a foundation for the nationalistic pride that California exhibited during the Civil War.

California became a "distinct place" because it held the promise ofwealth and new beginnings, and this encouraged its citizens to acquire an elitist attitude towards other states. Written on a late 1940s map ofCalifornia is the following description: "Such is

California-the richest, most picturesque and beautiful region, for its extent, upon the face ofthe earth.,,6 The outbreak ofthe Civil War panicked California residents because they were now forced to defend their "private paradise" against foreign and rebel armies who could potentially destroy their hard won wealth.

2 James J. Rawls and Walton Bean, California: An Interpretive History, 8d ed., (New York: McGraw Hill Book Company, 2003), 21. 3 Ibid., 95. 4 Kerri O'Donnell, The Gold Rush: A Primary Source History ofThe Search For Gold In California: (New York: The Rosen Publishing Group Inc., 2003), 26. 5 Hubert Howe Bancroft, The Works ofHubert Howe Bancroft Volume XX/II: History of California Vol. VI. 1848-1859: (San Francisco: The History Company Publishers, 1888),52. 6 Ibid., 26. 7

The men who enlisted in California's infantry during the Civil War were all first-generation Californians. The population was a mix ofvaried nationalities and social backgrounds that distinguished the state. Similar to other western territories, the drive to settle California's golden shores was the allure ofextreme wealth. During the

Gold Rush, men from allover the world swamped the Pacific's shores, each ofthem sharing the same individualistic agenda. Historian Elijah R. Kennedy comments on this distinct California personality:

The California pioneer was experienced and developed in adventure. If a man had been "queer" or eccentric in the East, his peculiarity was apt to run wild in the new community. The spirit ofthe country washed by the Mississippi was industry and contentment. The essence of California was a combination ofmutability and recklessness. 7

The social atmosphere ofCalifornia in the late 1840s was marked by a certain lawlessness and unbridled personal ambition. As industry and commerce began to develop in the 1850s, this frontier mentality became more subdued, but it would take the outbreak ofthe Civil War to truly tame the inhabitants ofCalifornia. Ofcourse, if this "Western mentality" had not existed, the Western states would not have reacted to the outbreak ofwar the same way. Indeed, the reaction ofthe West to the war was a watershed in the closing ofTumer's frontier, for suddenly, en masse, it transformed individualistic agendas into organized, strong patriotic fronts.

Western Civil War history has its immediate roots in the Gold Rush because it acts as a precursor to the larger national interpretation ofCalifornia's social and political atmosphere during the war years of 1861-1865. With the mass migration west, the power and influence ofthe Pacific Coast became a significant force in

7 Elijah R. Kennedy, The Contest For California In 1861: How Colonel E. D. Baker Saved The Pacific States To The Union (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1912),3. 8

American politics by providing the United States with a California treasury rich in gold reserves. The frontier first played host to fleets ofwagon trains which encouraged the development ofmining camps and early California cities.

By 1865, California's yearly gold revenue was estimated to be around 17 million dollars.8 This number had significantly fallen since the start ofthe Gold Rush in 1848, but it was still much greater than any other area ofthe country. The maintenance ofthe state's large gold reserves played a major role in the history ofthe

West during the Civil War period because it provided the Union with due cause for the fortification and military protection ofthe West coast. Prior to 1849, the pioneer defined California. The Gold Rush changed the demographics by flooding California's shores with men who thirsted for gold.

The society that flourished during the Gold Rush was unlike any in

American history. California held the promise ofpersonal wealth and offered a very welcoming climate that was ideal for ranching and agricultural growth. IfTurner's pioneer was rugged in nature and eager for adventure, then California provided him with an ideal home. The success ofthe Gold Rush created a surge in social change and industry in the West. Just like California, New Mexico and Arizona also experienced a change in their economies due to the discovery ofsilver mines. In 1828, gold and silver were discovered in the Ortiz Mountains in New Mexico.9 The conditions of these mines were primitive. But as the "'forty-niners" immigrated westward, the mining communities ofNew Mexico and Arizona developed along the Colorado

River.

8 Rawls, California: An Interpretive History, III. 9 Rodman Wilson Paul, Mining Frontiers ofThe Far West: 1848-1880 (Albuquerque: University ofNew Mexico Press, 1963), 157. 9

The allure ofthe West was almost overwhelming in the eyes ofEastern

Americans. California became famous throughout the world because ofher acclaimed wealth and beauty. Bancroft describes this phenomena, noting that "The name of

California was in every mouth; it was the current theme for conversation and song, for plays and sermons."JO Ofcourse Western society prior to the outbreak ofthe Civil War was as infamous as it was alluring. True to its stereotype, Westerners evolved from a

unique mixture ofnationalities and colorful personalities. San Francisco, the great

"crown city" ofthe Gold Rush era, began purely as a mining campll and held very little resemblance to the later powerhouse that helped finance the Union's Pacific

Campaign.

Throughout the war, it was a city filled with the spirit ofthe frontier. The mining communities ofthe West were comprised mostly ofmen, and this testosterone- filled environment heightened the sense ofdanger and adventure. In the years before the Pacific Railroad connected the East and West, the journey to reach California's shores was extremely difficult and perilous. Turner saw this treacherous migration as key to understanding the American frontiersman.

In June of 1850, Californian miner Chauncey L. Canfield reflected on early mining towns, noting that "The town is full ofdrunken miners. Have kept my promise to mother and have not touched a drop since I have started.,,12 Indeed, the mentality of the Californian miner was overwhelmingly self-indulgent, for the perilous conditions ofthe Gold Rush attracted unique individuals to the Frontier who exhibited truculent

10 Bancroft, History ofCalifornia: Vol. VII, 117. 11 Ibid., 221. 12 James Ladd Delkin, The Diary ofA Forty-Niner, ed. Chauncey L. Canfield, (New York: Stratford Press, 1947),6. 10 traits. The outbreak ofwar, however, created a radical shift from an opportunist mentality to a more refined national spirit. Early Californian Walter Colton reflects on the conditions ofthe communities during this period in his memoir:

All the secular professions and more privileged or prescribed pursuits in California are crowded to overflowing. Physicians are without patients; lawyers without clients; surveyors without lands; hydro painters without pupils; financiers without funds; minters without metals; printers without presses; hunters without hounds, and fiddlers without fools. And all must take to the plough, the pickaxe, and spade. Even California, with all her treasured hills and streams, fell under that primal medication which threw its death-shade on the infant world. 13

Early Californian society, then, was composed ofa variety ofindividuals who brought different skills to the Western territories. However, their abilities could not be utilized in an environment lacking structure and political unity. The Civil War, however, quelled the "Wild West" because it ignited a nationalistic spark that helped tame

Western society.

The California Gold Rush not only changed the demographics ofthe frontier, but it also introduced a capitalist agenda to the territory. The newly discovered wealth encouraged the growth ofcorporations, which would spark federal interest for the duration ofthe Civil War. Western historian Leonard L. Richards provided commentary on this transformation:

Nonetheless, the corporations soon came. Within months ofthe state constitutional convention, the nature ofmining in California began to change radically. Today, all ofthe towns along Route 49, the road that takes thousands oftourists each year through the gold country, tell much ofthe same story. They all sell replicas ofa grizzly old miner panning gold. They all sell books detailing the tools he used, the hard life he lived. They all pretend that he was the key to their existence. He was, wasn't he? Yes, but only for a short period oftime. By late 1849, as the men in Monterey were singing his praises, he was on the

13 Walter Colton, Three Years in California (New York: Arno Press, 1976),396. 11

way out. Despite all the delegate's fine talk about keeping "capitalists out ofthe mines," the capitalists came, and they came in a rush. 14

The transformation ofthe frontier was greatly accelerated between the years of 1861 and 1865. However, the 1848 Gold Rush was the original catalyst for this change because it provided the early ingredients necessary for the West's capitalist development, bi-coastal nation building and the rise offederal power.

The social environments resulting from the American migration west are crucial in understanding the relationship between the Western states and the civil war.

As noted earlier, a significant portion ofCalifornia's population was comprised offirst generation Californians. This statistic makes the overall enthusiasm generated to preserve the Union by early Californians intriguing because their residency was of relatively new origin. As per Turner's depiction, the men who inhabited the land were reckless adventurers who had become immune to a refined gentile lifestyle. In particular, the mining camps ofthe late 1840s reflected the spirit ofindividuality and defined California's early social order, for the life ofa miner was often nomadic as well as far removed from the familiarity ofthe city. IS As California approached statehood, industry and commerce developed swiftly, but the spirit ofthe frontier never completely vanished from the land.

Early San Francisco was a city whose residents shared the same preoccupation with accumulating power and wealth. Like the frontier itself, California held the promise ofreinvention and this notion was supported by its material abundance. This backdrop produced an environment rich in crime and danger. San Francisco hosted

14 Leonard L. Richards, The California GoldRush and the Coming ofthe Civil War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2007), 83. 15 Bancroft, History OfCalifornia Vol. VII, 230. 12 numerous "red light" districts that were well known for its slew ofnightly drunken brawls and gambling houses. In newspapers from the 1850s, reports ofmurder and theft filled the daily headlines. A common crime report read like this article., published in September of 1852:

The San Joaquin Republican says that one day last week, three scroundals, an American, Mexican, and an Indian went to Mr. Charles Worden's ranch on the San Joaquin and drove offhis entire stock of horses. Mr. Worden pursed them to Mt. Diablo when he discovered the Indian guarding the two men then awoke and Mr. Worden succeeded in killing them both. He selected his own horses and drove them back, and on his way found the body ofa murdered American. 16

Crime in California was not isolated to San Francisco, but was a common characteristic ofmany western towns. For example, another newspaper report from the

Sacramento Bee illustrates the effects that the frontier mentality created when fused with industrial progress:

Thursday night a man named Joseph Byer went into the house ofa French woman named Marie, who lives on K street, and remained there over-night being intoxicated, and in the morning discovered that he had been robbed of$600 in gold, which he had with him when he went in. He immediately had the woman arrested on a search warrant, and the entire amount ofmoney was found in the ticking ofthe bed. I7

These articles exemplify the social environment that dominated the early years of

California's statehood. However, with the coming ofthe Civil War, California would begin to show signs ofa state diligently committed to the preservation ofthe Union.

In November of 1849, California began to organize politically as it petitioned for admittance into the Union. I8 During this period, the process for admitting new states had become more difficult due to the explosive issue ofslavery. The Missouri

16 San Francisco Daily Alta California, 13 September 1852. (Hereafter cited as the Alta). 17 Sacramento Daily Bee, 7 February 1857. 18 Rawls, California: An Interpretive History, 124. 13

Compromise of 1848 allowed for California to join as a free state, provided that other

Western territories such as New Mexico and Utah agreed to not ban slavery. 19 Of course many Eastern politicians disregarded the significance ofWestern territories.

They felt that the frontier region would better serve the United States if it remained a territory. This mentality would later be challenged during the war, especially as the

Confederacy began to recognize the economic potential ofWestern silver and gold.

California's government during the 1850s was predominately controlled by the

Democratic Party. One interesting political development that started in San Francisco is the formation ofthe "Know Nothing" Party, organized in May of 1854.20 This political party demonstrates the volatile nature ofearly California society, because it illustrates the shifting mentality encouraged by the growing economy. The Know

Nothing Party was partially hostile to any foreign presence competing for gold.

Xenophobia was not uncommon in early San Francisco. California had become a legend to the world, so it was no surprise that a large immigrant population also joined the Western migration in hopes ofstriking it rich. This hostile attitude was especially focused on the Chinese community.

The Sacramento Bee ran a publication in July of 1857 that illuminates this racist attitude. The article was entitled "What is to be Done?" and boldly prompted,

"At this rate, they very properly infer that the Chinese will soon exceed, in numbers, our own population, and overrun the state.,,21 Western hostility towards foreign members ofthe community is an example ofhow the accumulation ofwealth changed the individual spirit ofthe American pioneer. The growth ofurban centers and

19 Ibid., 123. 20 Ibid,. 124. 21 Sacramento Daily Bee, 9 July 1854. 14 industry made one's personal ambition more "sacred" than the allure ofthe frontier.

Ironically, this mental shift is one ofthe last stages that Turner discusses in the

Frontier Thesis, and California's new occupation with growth and progress fits perfectly into the equation.

The growth ofCalifornia's urban centers in the 1850s is captured by the journal ofColonel Daniel Cooledge Fletcher, as he recalls his mining experiences. As

Fletcher first arrives in the San Francisco Bay, he describes his first impressions of early San Francisco:

Soon after passing through the Golden Gate we came insight ofan island, Angel Island, I think it was. A fort had been built on it to defend the entrance ofthe harbor. After passing the island the steamer turned to the right, and the city ofSan Francisco was in sight. Looking across the Bay to the North we could see Oakland, fifteen miles distant. To the left ofOakland was the entrance to the Sacramento River. Looking down the harbor, we could not see land. This is the largest and best harbor in the world.22

San Francisco's development during the 1850s contributed greatly to

California's rapid economic growth, and it also reflected the changing demographics ofthe American West. The harbor that existed in the mid I850s was a far cry from the early tent cities that lined the early streets ofSan Francisco. The wealth and intrigue of the West attracted the American pioneer but in doing so, they also brought the swift industry and commerce that Turner saw as leading to the eventual demise ofthe frontier itself.

Ofcourse, and as we'll soon see, it was the outbreak ofthe war which most dramatically expedited this process. Before 1861, the Union army had 70% oftheir infantry stationed in the Western states and territories, for the defense ofthe American

22 Daniel Cooledge Fletcher, Reminiscences ofCalifornia And The Civil War (Massachusetts: Huntley Turner Press, 1894),29. 15 frontier. 23 But when war came, this division oftroops panicked the Union War

Department because a complete Eastern and Western coastal defense was an impossible goal due to the shortage ofmanpower. Moreover, the secession ofthe

Southern states cut the number ofenlisted men in half, as thousands ofUnion soldiers deserted their posts to enlist in the Confederate armies. Not surprisingly, the troops stationed in the frontier lands were ordered east, where the most immediate

Confederate threat existed. Fortunately for the Union, men who had migrated west for profit were now eager to defend their home as a patriotic unit. This shift in mentality accelerated the growth ofa true and cohesive bicoastal nation, but in so doing, it marks the true beginning ofthe end ofthe Western frontier.

23 Aurora Hunt, The Army Of The Pacific: 1860-1866: (Glendale: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1950), 19. 16

,. to II .• I II'•• "• II .t'l . ..

Illustration # 1 A mining camp located in Nevada City around 1865. Reprintedjrom Rodman Wilson Paul, Mining Frontiers ofthe Far West 1848­ 1880 (Albuquerque, 1963), appendix. 17

Illustration # 2 Men working in a California mining camp in 1850. Reprintedfrom Rodman Wilson Paul, Mining Frontiers ofthe Far West 1848~1880 (Albuquerque, 1963), appendix 18

Illustration # 3 The daily operational ofan Californian mining camp in 1849. Reprintedfrom Rodman Wilson Paul, Mining Frontiers ofthe Far West 1848~1880(Albuquerque, 1963), appendix 19

CHAPTER II

FOR LINCOLN AND LIBERTY, TOO

The political conditions surrounding California's statehood played a significant role in the state's preparation for war. In fact, one could argue that California's reaction to the immediate threat ofsecession from the Union was the most important characteristic in determining how the American Civil War triggered the process of nation building. The crisis ofsecession triggered a nationalistic fever which helped quell any reality ofa western movement in favor ofthe Confederacy, as seen by the organization offrontier communities into strong, democratic states. California's reaction to the threat ofsecession is a reflection ofher frontier heritage, for as the

Western political landscape adjusted for war, the taming offrontiersmen and the closing ofthe frontier would shortly follow. It's also worth noting that California was unique because so many ofits Anglo residents, heralded from so many different states in the Union.

As a result ofthe Mexican-American War, on February 2, 1848, the United

States annexed California.' As the common fate ofmost Western territories,

Washington largely ignored California as the territory quickly evolved toward statehood. One ofthe most frustrating aspects to the new California pioneers was the federal government's reluctance to hastily distribute land recently acquired from the

Mexican government. For the individualistic pioneers, any hindering ofpersonal

1 Elijah R. Kennedy, The Contest For California In 1861: How Colonel E. D. Baker Saved The Pacific States To The Union (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1912),24. 20 achievement only resulted in mistrust ofEastern politicians, who seemingly turned a blind eye towards the new Western states.

The consistent lack offederal assistance offered to California before statehood was a common frustration for her pioneer residents. The Civil War helped remedy this nuisance, iffor no the reason that California and the West now became an asset to the Union. Historian Robert Chandler identified California's struggle for federal support during the period ofearly settlement:

During the pioneer period, when residents quickly needed the most rudimentary federal services, the national government did not provide. Through the nineteenth century, in fact, the federal government acted more happenstance than activist in California, but growing more sure ofitself, it gradually laid the foundation for a dominant role building the West in the twentieth century. 2

The changing demographics ofthe frontier demanded more federal aid as growth and development transformed the land. Ifnothing else, the Civil War provided the necessary geopolitical context to strengthen the American West by sculpting a solid national identity.

California petitioned for statehood during one ofthe most turbulent times in nineteenth century politics. When President Zachary Taylor assumed office in March,

1849, he was determined not to isolate the West.3 Most Eastern politicians appreciated the value and potential in California They also feared the possibility that the Pacific Coast, geographically isolated from the rest ofthe nation, might break with the Union ifWashington refused statehood.4 When California was admitted into the

2 Robert Chandler, "An Uncertain Influence: The Role ofthe Federal Government in California, 1846-1880," California History 81 (2003): 224-225. 3Ibid.,26. 4Ibid.,29. 21

Union as a free state, on September 9, 1850, the delicate balance ofpower maintained since the Missouri Compromise, became jeopardized as free states now outnumbered slave states by sixteen to fifteen. 5 Thus California quickly became a significant presence in Eastern politics, thanks largely to the efforts ofSenator David Colbirth

Broderick, a former Tammany-hall Easterner. Broderick helped cement California's influence in the United States Senate.6

California's leading political party in the late 1850s was the Democratic Party.

Moreover, nearly forty percent ofCalifomia's population had originally hailed from slave states, which was clearly a source ofgreat concern to the Union as the Civil War broke out.7 Ofcourse, slavery was as weighty a political issue in California as it was in any Eastern state. Because so many Californians originated from Southern states, the possibility ofCalifornia's secession was a logical concern for the Lincoln

Administration.

Slavery was also a concern for Westerners, as forty-niners, accustomed to extracting gold in horrendous conditions, already displayed animosity towards foreigners who were willing to work for cheaper pay. Broderick himself illustrated the political divisions ofhis adopted state in his stance on the Kansas-Nebraska Bill of

1854. As the California Senator remarked in a speech made on March 2, 1860:

Slavery is old, decrepit, and consumptive; Freedom is young, strong, and vigorous. The one is naturally stationary and loves ease; the other is migratory and enterprising. There are six million people interested in the extension ofslavery; there are twenty million freeman to carve for themselves homes where labor is honorable.8

5 Ibid. 6 Ibid., 38. 7 Ibid., 29. th K Cong. Globe, vol. 36, lSI Session, 35 Congress, p. 193. 22

California's political divisions reflected how politics and war helped organize and accelerate the process ofnation building. In the state election of 1859, the division between the Democratic Party and Broderick's anti-slavery Republican Party came to light as Californians elected its new governor, Democrat Milton S. Lathom, a known

Southern sympathizer who publicly advocated the idea ofdividing California into two states, one slave, one free. 9

As the outbreak ofwar neared, California's political environment was marked by the same bitter divisions over slavery that scarred the rest ofthe nation. After the outbreak ofwar in April 1861, control ofthe Pacific Coast was crucial to both

Confederate and Union strategies. For the Confederacy, the whole allure ofthe West was the valuable mineral wealth ofCalifornia's gold fields and the silver mines of

New Mexico and Arizona. Almost immediately, Confederate President Jefferson

Davis recognized the importance ofthe region's mineral wealth and began to develop a strategy to secure the Southwest. 10 Naturally the Union sought to prevent this, for if the West's mineral wealth fell into Southern hands, the Confederacy could rally

Britain or Mexico to its cause.

As Confederate Colonel John R. Baylor stated, "The vast mineral resources of

Arizona, in addition to its affording an outlet to the Pacific, makes its acquisition a matter ofsome importance to our government."II A successful offensive from Texas into the New Mexico territory offered the possibility that Confederate forces could then seize sparsely populated California. As President Davis knew, ofcourse, this task

9 Kennedy, The Conquest For California In 1861, 46. 10 Ray C. Colton, The Civil War in the Western Territories: Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah (Oklahoma: University ofOklahoma Press, 1959),3. \I Ibid,. 4. 23 would be perilous, and thus all hope for the South centered on California's voluntary secession from the Union.

The contentious political conditions in California encouraged Confederate plans, as secessionists expected that California and other Western territories would leave the Union on their own accord. In March of 1858, South Carolina Senator James

Henry Hammond offered his opinion about the possible outcome ofa war between the

North and the South, noting that "I do not speak ofCalifornia and Oregon; there is no antagonism between the South and those countries and never will be.,,12Clearly, the fact that forty percent ofCalifornia's newly formed residency was of Southern origin and that the pro-Southern Democratic Party received high support seemed to set the stage for voluntary secession.

Yet after the Civil War broke out, any plans for secession within California were conducted almost entirely in secret, since the threat ofa Confederate invasion created a widespread patriotic fervor that favored the Union. The constant pressure to defend

California from the danger ofsecessionists is illustrated in an article in The California

Daily Alta, in January of 1861 :

And more- I say that while the 30,000 Secessionists ofthis state intend no outbreak now, perhaps the sight oftheir flag would rouse to frenzy the fancy ofits followers, and excite so sudden and violent a revolution that in a week our fatal response might be broken by the confusion ofwar. 13

The urgency to rally for local defense was not a mere exaggeration by the local press.

Due to the fact that California's political arena was composed ofa southern

12 Kennedy, The Conquest For California In 1861,69. 13 San Francisco Daily Alta California. 26 January 1861, (hereafter cited as the Alta). 24

Democratic majority, the idea that Confederate loyalists lay dormant in Western cities awaiting for their chance to surface presented a real threat for the Union.

The possibility ofa Mexican-Confederate alliance was also fueled by the fact that the agrarian South lacked the industrial capacity to produce adequate munitions.

California gold could therefore be a vital component in the purchase ofarms from foreign sources. The Union, anticipating this possibility, made preparations for a

Pacific Coast defense. The call for coastal protection was formally discussed by G.

White, Brigadier-General ofthe Union Army, in correspondence sent to the engineering department ofthe Pacific in San Francisco. "COLONEL" White wrote,

"The Governor ofthe State, with the chairman ofthe military committee, has just called to see me on the subject ofcoast defenses. A bill is now being matured in the

Legislature making appropriations, and these gentlemen are extremely anxious to have something tangible to base their calculations on.,,14 The defense ofthe California shoreline became a major priority for the War Department; No expense was to be spared in organizing and fortifying the Pacific Coast.

Confederate naval power was at first insufficient to defeat any Union-imposed blockade since the majority ofFederal warships remained in Northern hands. Still,

Confederate leaders hoped to gain diplomatic recognition from England and use

British shipyards to construct a fleet and funnel supplies through Europe. Hence, an alliance between Great Britain and the Confederacy was a dire threat to the Union because ifthe Confederacy could acquire a strong naval fleet, an attack on the Pacific

Coast was inevitable.

14 U.S. Department OfWar, War ofthe Rebellion: Operations on the Pacific Coast, p. 86l. CD-ROM. H-BAR Enterprises, 1996. 25

The combination ofGreat Britain and Mexico aiding the Confederacy with their navies was not a possibility that California Unionists took lightly. During the course ofthe War, many local newspapers devoted special sections for intelligence reports pertaining to the developments oversees. An example ofthis heightened concern is found in the Daily Alta in January of 1863, in a special caption entitled

"European Intelligence." The article reads as follows:

It is again reported that the Confederates have appointed an agent in England to obtain loans. The London Times, in referring to rumors ofSeward's resignation, thinks the federals begin to the see the hopelessness? Oftheir cause. The same paper editorially hopes that the projected Negro emancipation from America to the West Indies may be ultimately carried out. IS

The Confederate government dispatched diplomats to England in the hopes ofgaining the recognition ofthe British government. Several Confederate raiders, such as the

CSS Alabama and the CSS Florida, were constructed in British shipyards.16 Although the Royal Navy never joined forces with the Confederacy, the existence ofthe

Confederacy's newly armed ships fueled California's beliefthat a coastal skirmish between the North and South in the Pacific was inevitable. These public reports of foreign threats increased the feeling ofurgency and the local desire for additional protection.

There is also evidence to suggest that Confederate leaders were well aware of the possibility ofWestern support for the Southern cause, and were prepared to utilize these hopeful but scattered sympathizers. In a telegram to Confederate Lieutenant-

15 Alta, 4 January 1863. 16 Frank J. Merli, Great Britain And The Confederate Navy (London: Indiana University Press, 1970),65. 26

Colonel Commander John R. Baylor, Confederate Major S. B. Davis discussed the potential ofCalifornia's numerous Southern sympathizers:

SIR: I beg to call your attention to some matter ofinformation that may be ofservice to the Government ofthis time. California is on the eve of revolution. There are many Southern men there who would cheerfully join us, ifthey could get to us, and they could come well armed and mounted. I would ask permission to get all such men as choose to join us, and would further ask that some arrangements for the purchasing of horses in California be made. I could now buy the best ofhorses there for less than $50 per head, and there are many Southern men who would sell them for Confederate bonds. 17

While Confederate leaders were initially confident that there existed sufficient support in the Western states and territories to fund a military insurrection, the reality is that the appearance ofa cultural "other" in the form ofthe secessionist actually accelerated the process ofturning most Californians into patriotic Americans. Indeed, the secessionist was the embodiment ofeverything "anti-pioneer." Unlike the brave, rugged individualist ofWestern lore, the secessionist would trade frontier democracy for a government that would destroy the community that the Western frontiersman had painstakingly built with his own hands. It was the fear oflosing this legacy that helped organize California's population into eager defenders ofthe Pacific Coast.

The secret secessionist group, The Knights ofthe Golden Circle, which planned to miraculously deliver "Golden" California to the Confederacy, contributed to the atmosphere ofalarm in the Bay Area. 18 One ofthe War Department's main fears was that the Confederacy would be able to seize the Benicia arsenal, the largest ammunition depot on the West coast. Immediately after the defeat ofFort Sumter, the

17U.S. Department OfWar, War ofthe Rebellion: Operations on the Pacific Coast, p.1S. CD­ ROM. H-BAR Enterprises, 1996. 18 John Arturo Martini, Fortress Alcatraz: Guardian OF The Golden Gate (Berkeley: Ten Speed Press, 1990),37. 27

Union army moved 30,000 weapons from Benicia to help protect Washington, DC. 19

As recorded in a War Department official letter:

These men are never without arms, have wholly laid aside their business, and are devoting their time to plotting, scheming and organizing. Our advices, obtained with great prudence and care, show us that there are upward of 16,000 "Knights ofthe Golden Circle" in this State, and that they are still organizing even in our most loyal district.20

The unique position ofthe San Francisco Bay presented an opportunity for secessionists to organize. Prior to the Civil War, 75% ofthe Union army was stationed throughout the Western states and territories.21 Immediately following the attack on

Fort Sumter, a majority ofthese forces were sent to the Eastern Theater where the fighting actually took place. The West was left with little defense, and thus it was largely up to Californians themselves to recruit and fortify the Pacific Coast. The

Coast was ofgreat interest to the Union because its ports served as advanced highways connecting trade with several different countries, including Mexico and Great Britain.

Historian Aurora Hunt explained the initial demand for defense in regards to the

Benicia arsenal in particular:

From the arsenal at Benicia 30,000 stand ofarms were shipped. Guard ofthirty men accompanied the shipment as far as Panama. Extra guards were stationed at the depleted arsenal and at Mare island navy base in San Francisco bay.22

Such defensive preparations transformed the pioneer mentality from one of individualism to patriotism. Every Californian now became vulnerable to the

19 Aurora Hunt, The Army Of The Pacific: /860-/866: (Glendale: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1950),20. 20 U.S. Department ofWar, War ofthe Rebellion: Operations on the Pacific Coast, p.590. CD­ ROM. H·Bar Enterprises, 1996. 21 Hunt, The Army Of The Pacific, 19. 22 Ibid., 20. 28 possibility oflosing something sacred. The manifestation ofa Confederate threat helped unify the Western States because it presented its citizens with a common enemy, which could only be disarmed through unity and patriotic service.

Prior to the War, Eastern Americans viewed the Western frontier as rugged and wild, but also filled with great wealth. This convinced the Eastern states that a

Confederate threat to the West was plausible. To be sure, California was a lavish and extraordinary realm and thus it was reasonable to assume that the Confederacy, possibly allied with Mexico, would stop at nothing to seize it.

The impact ofsuch Confederate minacity were most strongly felt by the residents ofSan Francisco. The reality ofa revolution perpetrated by the secessionists spread panic and fear throughout the Bay Area. To control the fate ofCalifornia, residents demanded that the military take the threat ofinvasion seriously. In the article below, published in the California Daily Alta on July 10, 1863, California's desire for protection is conveyed:

Among the fancies suggested by the listless appearance ofour military affairs, and the totally inefficient character ofour harbor defenses, is, that it is not impossible or improbable, but that we may be shortly visited by some ofthose gentlemen, upon whom we have heretofore made war, after the manner ofthe Chinese, with hard names, such as pirates, buccaneers, etc., ...but whom we might as well commerce at once with regard as powerful men-of-war, commanded by bold and skillful officers ofthe Confederate persuasion. Are we prepared for such a visit, and how will it be made? When will it come, and how can we prevent it? The government has neglected us. Let us put our shoulders to the wheel. At Washington we are either not appreciated or they treat us with a studied indifference, that other attention may not be called to our value-a weak imitation ofthe ancient general, placing his choicest treasure in leaden images, and without a guard, while his more worthless were protected with such care as to deceive his captors.23

23 Alta, 10 July 1863. 29

The shared mentality ofCalifornians was that their state was indeed the most important in the Union. The demand for protection was relentless. The War

Department continued to finance and update the fortifications surrounding the Bay

Area, even when the War had turned in the Union's favor and the reality ofa Pacific

Coastal invasion was diminished. Still, the overwhelming majority ofCalifornia's residents continued to demand more protection for the Pacific Coast.

The potential ofan internal Confederate invasion came closer to reality as a secret secessionist group began to organize shortly after the outbreak ofwar. To be sure, the rise ofthe Knights ofthe Golden Circle serves as an example ofthe heated political differences between California's citizens. As we'll soon see, though, the response to the Knights is also a reflection ofhow old, individualistic frontier values were molded into national interests.

The attack on Fort Sumter unleashed a nationalistic spirit that captivated the entire country. Southern sympathy was no longer an expression ofpolitical disagreement. It became the view oftraitors and hostile enemies. In the beginning of the War, California's loss ofDemocratic voters to the Republican Party was almost identical to that ofthe national split.24 In September of 1861, newly elected

Republican governor Leland Stanford joined California with the Union and shattered the initial Southern hopes that the West would eagerly follow the CSA.25 As the possibility ofa Confederate invasion grew stronger, so did the fear and suspicion of pro-Union Westerners who learned to develop a watchful eye.

24George A. Buckingham, California 1860-1861: An Ambiguous Reaction To The Secession Crisis (master's thesis, California State University, Hayward, 1977.), 15. 25Ibid., 14. 30

In Washington, the War Department also knew the importance ofdefending the

Pacific Coast from potential secessionist assaults. In a telegram sent from Union headquarters to the East in January of 1861, the importance ofsecuring California for the Union is discussed by the War Department:

Loyalty and patriotism embrace within their firm grasp the body ofthe wealth and intelligence ofCalifornia, and an attempt at a severance will be contested with inflexible determination. We need not remind you ofthe vast importance ofpreserving California to the Union. Its great geographical extent, its mineral and agricultural wealth, the fact that it is our chiefseat ofempire upon the Pacific, and that its political action will exercise a powerful, ifnot controlling, influence upon its neighbors at the North, imperatively demand that no precaution should be neglected to insure its fidelity.

We need only appeal to the examples furnished by Missouri, and even Virginia, to show that the efforts ofa comparatively small number of audacious and unscrupulous men are sufficient to precipitate an unwilling population into disunion, or at least to inaugurate civil war. If, unfortunately, from the causes we have mentioned, the secession minority in this State should obtain control, you will at once perceive with what power for mischiefit would be armed and how imminent is our danger. To retain a State in its allegiance is a thousand fold more easily done than to overcome disloyalty affecting to act under State authority. 26

The main objective ofthe Pacific Coast operation was to keep California firmly cemented to the Union. Like the Confederacy, the Union was well aware ofthe existence ofthe Knights ofThe Golden Circle and other secret organizations which held the potential to upset California's political fate.

The rumor ofa Confederate conspiracy to overtake Alcatraz Island and turn her guns onto the peaceful shores ofthe San Francisco Bay was centered on

California's early commander ofthe Army ofthe Pacific, Colonel Albert Sidney

26 U.S. Department ofWar, War ofthe Rebellion: Operations on the Pacific Coast, p.591. CD­ ROM. H-Bar Enterprises, 1996. 31

Johnston.27 Johnston was originally from Kentucky and when rumors ofthe South's desire for secession from the Union first filled the political atmosphere, his allegiance to the South was questioned. The thought ofa man loyal to the South in control of

California's impressive and state-of-the-art forts raised suspicion.

The people ofSan Francisco became convinced that the Knights ofthe Golden

Circle had placed Colonel Johnston in charge ofAlcatraz so they could control the

Fort. Johnston was replaced by Brigadier- General Edwin V. Sumner in April of

1861,28 and Johnston did eventually offer his services to the Confederate Army.

Although no elaborate hostile attack on Alcatraz Island occurred during his command, the fact that his very presence rallied so many residents ofCalifornia together provides strong evidence that a Confederate threat was very real in their minds.

On March 15, 1863,29 California's fears were realized in the highly publicized seizure ofthe JM Chapmen. A group ofConfederate secessionists, organized by

Southern sympathizer Ridley Greathouse, planned to convert the Chapmen into a pirate vessel with the intent to capture more elaborate ships that could be armed in

Mexico.30 The intended destination for "CSA Chapman" was Guadalupe Island, where they would set up their chain ofcommand and strengthen their fleet. 31 Greathouse and

Company overtook and armed the small schooner in the name ofthe Confederate

Navy, officially sanctioned by a letter ofauthorization from Confederate President

Jefferson Davis.

27 Martini, Fortress Alcatraz, 36. 28 Ibid., 39. 29Alta, 16 March 1863. 30 Martini, Fortress Alcatraz, 39. 31 United States v. Ridgeley Greathouse 23 September 1863. Records ofDistrict Courts, Box I, The National Archives Pacific Region, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 32

Asbury Harpending, one ofthe instigators, received the letter directly from

Davis, guaranteeing him the support ofthe Confederate Navy. Together, the treacherous men gathered funds and ammunition for their attack and even purchased several Confederate uniforms.32 The plans ofthis secessionist's plot were foiled when crew from the USS Cayane boarded the Chapmen and discovered what her cargo deck was holding. Immediately, the schooner was seized and all members were held prisoner at Fort Alcatraz, pending trail for treason.

The findings onboard the ship created panic throughout the San Francisco Bay

Area. The military and local papers used this incident to strengthen the argument for further fortifications. Fueled by the media, the climate ofCalifornia was charged with excitement. The reaction to this plot is presented below in an article from the Alta

California:

Yesterday morning, at an early hour, the schooner JM Chapmen which had cleared ostensibly for Manzanillo, Mexico, on Saturday afternoon, was seized by federal authorities, Army, Navy, and Customs, joining aided by ChiefBurke and Captain Lees. Ofthe City Police. The fact created some excitement in the city, and hosts of rumor were afloat tending to create considerable alarm.33

The media attention on this secessionist plot showed how quickly the citizens of

California were developing a national identity. Through the heightened media response to an impending Confederate threat, it was clear that the South perceived

California as a valuable commodity. This realization helped transform the local

Western communities into strong pro-Union fronts.

The court documents pertaining to the Chapmen incident illustrate how the secessionist threat helped strengthen the local governments ofthe West. The charges

32 Hunt, The Army ofthe Pacific. 306. 33 Alta, 16 March 1863. 33 filed against Ridgeley Greathouse, Asbury Harpending and Alfred Rubery, all involved in the failed Confederate plot, were documented as "assisting, aiding and comforting the existing Rebellion against the United States.,,34 This case became one ofthe most infamous treason trials conducted in the West during the Civil War. The trial lasted eight days and was overseen by Judge Steven J. Fields. All the defendants were found guilty oftreason, and as they were sentenced, not one offered to give a closing remark or statement ofcontrition.35

Perhaps the most important result ofthe Chapmen trial is that California had finally shown that its legal system could rival the East. Indeed, the publicity ofthis court case shattered the illusion that the West was only composed oflawless saloon towns. In reality, it had become a progressive land with established law and order.

The residents ofthe San Francisco Bay Area diligently prepared to quell any other Confederate plots by fortifying the surrounding coast. However, it was Southern

California that played host to the most significant number ofConfederate loyalists.36

The political atmosphere in Los Angles and the surrounding area mirrored the South more than the North because its political leaders remained mostly Democratic. Henry

Hamilton, editor ofthe Los Angles Star, was never shy in publishing his views supporting the Confederacy's decision to secede. Hamilton increasingly voiced his opinion regarding the federal tax bracket burdening the Western states and gave a litany ofreasons for supporting secession.

34 United States v. Ridgeley Greathouse 23 September 1863. Records ofDistrict Courts, Box I, The National Archives Pacific Region, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 35 United States v. Ridgeley Greathouse 23 September 1863. Records ofDistrict Courts, Box I, The National Archives Pacific Region, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 36 Buckingham, California 1860-1861: An Ambiguous Reaction To The Secession Crisis, 62. 34

In a letter sent in September of 1862 to Union Brigadier General James Brown from the commander ofFort Drum, the following is conveyed:

I have arrived at the following with reference to a secret organization in this state that there does exist an organization ofdemocrats a certain essence secret- but it is for political purposes finally fallen like the union lea~ue ofunionist, there object is to try to carry this state by election.3

Once again, the differences between the political parties gave testament to the changing platforms ofthe developing West. Unlike the wild frontier towns birthed from the Gold Rush, a new political society developed within the demands ofa patriotic wartime America. Ironically, Southern California became a secessionist

"hot-spot" for these very reasons.

Just as a strong sympathetic Southern underbelly existed in California, so did an emerging loyalist organization. As Californian society began to organize into stronger local governments, a newly channeled patriotic spirit began to possess

Western residents. Prior to the War, the Democratic Party dominated California's political atmosphere. As the Republican Party rose to power, Unionist men began to form organizations dedicated to protecting California from Confederate uprisings.

Unionists believed that California would benefit under the Union because the North had more military support and wealth. Historian George A. Buckingham discusses this fact below:

Each year, the federal expenditure for the defense ofCalifornia approximated $ 2,000~OOO. In addition, the federal government absorbed an annual loss of$931 ,000 for the mail services to and from California and an annual loss of$150,000 for the maintenance ofthe mint at San Francisco. Ifa Pacific Republic arose out ofwestem

37 Brown to Seobey, 2 September 1864, Records ofthe Provost Marshall, General's Bureau (Civil War) California, Entry 6722. The National Archives Pacific Region, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno California. 35

states, as Burch suggested, anti-secessionists predicted that California would carry the financial and labor burden. Out of602,000 people in the western states, 500,000 inhabited California, and that bulk ofthe population would have to protect the republic's boundaries as well as pay the republic's taxes. 3

The politics ofthe West had now become burdened with fmancial hardships. The frontier began to transform into patriotic national entities because the realities ofwar introduced the desire to think and act as a collective unity, not as a wild territory.

These loyalist organizations were first formed by the local clergy and other offices. After the firing on Fort Sumter, the local churches in San Francisco were the first to raise the American flag. 39 The most influential leader ofthe Unionist sector was Reverend Thomas Starr King, who rallied support for the Union for the duration ofthe War. Reverend King was a pastor ofthe First Unitarian Church ofSan

Francisco. He hadjoumeyed to California from Boston in 1860 and brought with him strong Republican ideologies that were always present in his services.4o As a fierce loyalist to the Union, Reverend King played a key role in organizing support for

Lincoln throughout the West. On August 19, 1862 the California Alta printed the following commentary on King's lectures:

An immense concourse ofladies and gentlemen assembled at Platt's Hall last evening to listen to the address ofThomas Starr King on the subject ofthe rebellion. It was one ofhis ablest and most effective productions, abounding in passage offorce and beauty.... The address was continually applauded, and the delivery ofthe more sublime passages elicited boisterous demonstrations ofapproval.41

These public rallies designated San Francisco as the strongest Union-supporting city.

It played host to many military parades and hosted pro-Union balls and events.

38 Buckingham, California 1860: An Ambiguous Reaction To The Secession Crisis, 39. 39 Kennedy, The Conquest For California In 1861,242. 40 Ibid. 41 Alta, 19 August 1862. 36

Inevitably, this growth in patriotic interest encouraged a more nationalistic attitude in the West.

California's reaction to the secessionist crisis reflects the earliest manifestation ofTurner's Frontier Thesis, precisely because it illustrates the initial closing ofthe frontier. The attack on Fort Sumter immediately divided the Eastern states in half. Westerners also felt the backlash ofSumter as they were overcome with patriotic sentiments. However, this patriotic fever was not limited to the western territories, but became a national collaboration. As noted Civil War historian Melinda

Lawson concluded, "Together, the efforts ofthese agents constituted a process by which the Civil War produced a transcendent American nationalism.',42 The political atmosphere created by the Civil War tamed the "frontier spirit" as citizens ofthe west prepared their defenses against the Rebel Army.

Just as the cannons ofFort Sumter had instantly ripped apart a country, the

Civil War's influence in the West silenced the rugged pioneer spirit. The Western preparation for war and the endeavors ofthe Union to subdue any threats ofsecession along the Pacific Coast also succeeded in creating a climate offierce patriotic unionism, encouraging the growth ofCalifornia as a vital part ofthe American nation.

42 Melinds Lawson, Patriot Fires: Forging a New American Nationalism in the Civil War North (Lawrence: University Press ofKansas, 2002), 13. 37

Illustration # 4 This drawing is a portrait ofAlbertSidney Johnston. Although loyal to the Union in 1861 Sibley would later meet his demise as a Confederate General at the Battle ofShiloh. Reprintedfrom John Arturo Martini, Fortress Alcatraz: Guardian of the Golden Gate (Berkeley, 1990), 36. 38

}~ G;/~

Il1ustration # 5 Map ofsea routes to San Francisco. Reprintedfrom Leonard L. Richards, The California Gold Rush and the Coming ifthe Civil War (New York, 2007), 15. 39

Illustration # 6 Union men andresidents ofSan Francisco mourn the death of President Lincoln in 1865. Reprintedfrom Andrew E. Masich, The Civil War In Arizona: The Story ofthe California Volunteers, 1861-1865 (Norman, 2004), appendix. 40

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

:~lod~mt !listrid of

Franci~co, within Itlll} for the Di~trict aforesaid, -::'~/ on the .,,:' / day of ~~~.'# ..-. in the year of our Lord one thousaud eight hundred antl AAy(7'~f ~ the Grand Jurol'~ in anti lor the said District brought into the sailf Court a true Bill of Indictment against h:;7"--:~ c ~ fV .. .-v" . • < PC;, , y;.£~.c4...u./(:/

Illustration # 7 Photograph ofCalifornia Loyalty Oath. Photo courtesy of The National Archives, San Bruno, Ca. 41

CHAPTER III

JOHNNY HAS GONE FOR A SOLIDIER

Ifthis nation is one for which we should pour out our savings, postpone our differences, go hungry, and even give up life itself, it is not because it is a rich, extensive, well-fed and populous nation; it is because from its early days America has pressed onwards toward a goal ofits own; that it has followed an ideal, the ideal ofdemocracy developing under conditions unlike those ofany other age or country.l -Fredrick Jackson Turner

As the Civil War progressed in the Eastern states, Westerners prepared for

their defense ofthe Pacific Coast. With the realization that a Confederate invasion was plausible, Californians responded by mobilizing troops and building defenses for war.

Although Turner might have credited the "frontier experience" as the fountain of

American nationalism, the collective act ofwar-making was probably more important

in reintroducing the West's isolated frontier communities to the national fabric.

Mineral strikes and wagon trains brought people to the territories gained in the

Mexican Cession, but it was California's enthusiasm for defending the Union that helped "close the frontier" long before 1890. The Civil War in the West, personified by the Union's Pacific Coast Campaign, and not the arbitrary declarations ofthe

United States Census Bureau, marked the frontier's close, as the conflict strengthened

IFredrick Jackson Turner, Rereading Frederick Jackson Turner, with a commentary by John Mack Faragher (New York: Holt and CO 1994), 159. 42 state and local governments while transforming Western residents into national citizens.

The crisis ofsecession alarmed the residents ofCalifornia. Local media coverage ofthe war in the Eastern states introduced many Westerners to a rekindled sense ofnational pride and loyalty, and California's organization and fiscal endeavors during the Civil War were a reflection ofthis growing nationalism. As stated earlier, local plots by Confederate loyalists were combated with fierce resistance, and only succeeded in creating a heightened sense ofalarm that rallied the general population.

As Henry Bancroft observed:

With military encampments on every hand for the training ofthe state and volunteer troops, California developed a readiness in the pursuit of war which could not have been expected ofa community seemingly devoted to mining, commerce, and agriculture. That portion ofthe people heretofore engaged in managing the politics ofthe state found their occupation gone and their power passed away.2

Mining was the most common occupation found in the enrollment records taken from a group ofCalifornia's volunteers. Western occupations ranged anywhere from blacksmith to waiter.3 However, the Civil War helped transform the Western pioneer, as Californians were no longer defined by the pursuit ofindividual gain, but rather as part ofa national movement dedicated to the preservation ofthe Union.

Californians took their preparations for war very seriously. As Eastern states organized regiments, the call to arms was also answered in the West. The fear ofa

Confederate alliance with Mexico began immediately as Washington ordered the

2Hubert Howe Bancroft, The Works ofHubert Howe Bancroft Volume XXIV: History of California Vol. VII. 1860-1890: (San Francisco: The History Company Publishers, 1888),290. 3 California Mustering Department Records, May 1863-ApriI1864, RG 110. Records ofthe Provost Marshal, General's Bureau, California (Civil War) Entry 6728. The National Archives Pacific Region, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 43

Mexican border defended and declared the shipment ofammunition to Mexico illega1. 4 At the start ofthe war, Congress also took measures to monitor immigration to the Western states. To avoid rebel aid, passports were required by Eastern residents to travel west.s Similarly, San Francisco's local media warned readers to heed any foreign vessels. As the California Daily Alta noted on January 18, 1863, "It is reported that the Confederates have appointed an agent in England to obtain 10ans.,,6

Public support for the war effort was elevated through the use ofthe military and the media. With patriotic zeal, the state government began to organize its troops and volunteers into regiments that were mustered by the War Department.

The number ofmen willing to enlist was remarkable. Nearly four percent of

California's male population volunteered for the infantry.7 In April of 1861, Brigadier-

General Edwin V. Sumter took command ofthe Pacific. The California 9th Infantry was officially incorporated into the Army ofthe Pacific on January 15, 1861.8 In his letter to California Governor John G. Downey on August 14, 1861, Secretary ofWar

Simon Cameron made clear how seriously the federal government itselftook the threat in the West:

Please organize, equip, and have mustered into service at the earliest date possible four regiments ofinfantry and one regiment ofCalvary, to be placed at the disposal ofGeneral Sumner.9

4Aurora Hunt, The Army Of The Pacific: 1860-1866: (Glendale: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1950),20. 5 Bancroft, History OfCalifornia: Vol. VII. 1860-1890,289. 6San Francisco Daily Alta California, 18 January 1863, (hereafter cited as the Alta). 7Hunt, The Army Of The Pacific: 1860-1861,25. 8 U.S. Department ofWar, War ofthe Rebellion: Operations on the Pacific Coast, p 2. CD­ ROM. H-Bar Enterprises, 1996. 9 Richard H. Orton, Records OfCalifornia Men In The War OfThe Rebellion: 1861-1867 (Sacramento: J.D. Young State Printing, 1890), 12. 44

The California men who enlisted in the volunteer regiments came from a variety of different economic backgrounds, but all were eager to help defend their homes and participate in what was still largely an "Eastern War."

When the Civil War first erupted, a majority oftroops stationed in the West were immediately relocated to the Eastern front. This created a dilemma for the War

Department because the Pacific Coast was now short ofmanpower. With the realization that a Confederate assault was possible, it quickly became imperative to raise more troops. In July of 1861, Congress passed the "Voluntary Employment Act," which allowed Washington to form new regiments throughout the Western states.

These volunteers would be trained and expected to follow the same guidelines as

0 enlisted men. I

The enlistment rate for California and neighboring Western states was extremely high. Between 1861 and 1865, the boundaries ofthe Union's Pacific Coast

Campaign stretched from the Pacific Coast to the Rocky MountainS. 11 In order for the

War Department to defend such a vast territory, it needed a significant number oflocal volunteers. By the end of 1861, the War Department had successfully recruited 16,231 men into service. 12 This was noteworthy because mining companies offered ten times more pay and posted their competing ads next to almost every recruiting notice. 13

Regardless ofthe small pay, men were still willing to enlist. In 1860,44.46% of

California's population was ofmilitary age, and ofthis group, 10% volunteered to take

10 Hunt, The Army Of The Pacific: 1860-1866, 24. II Ibid., 27. 12 Ibid., 26. 13 Ibid., 227. 45

up arms for the Union. 14 The popularity ofenrollment is conveyed in a letter to

General Sumner from Joseph Atwill, on June 5, 1861:

MY DEAR SIR: The Union men ofthis portion ofour beloved country are very anxious to have aid from the United States representative on the Pacific coast, around which we can rally and protect this territory from the sympathizers ofdisunion. Cannot something be done for us? We are eleven-twelfths Union men, but we are without arms or organization, While the rebels have control ofall the public or private arms here. Our hearts ache on beholding the vile secession flag floating in our midst, and we unable to destroy it. A single file of soldiers with a commander is all we want, provided they bring arms for us to use. IS

The high number ofvolunteers was a result ofthe patriotic obligation felt by

Westerners to defend their state. Even though there was no great financial reward for them, men who had journeyed to California to strike it rich now traded in their pick

forks for Union-issued rifles.

The men who joined California regiments represented the eccentric and wild

frontiersmen who populated the West. A variety ofbackgrounds are revealed in the records ofthe Californian volunteers. Out ofthe seventy-eight men who joined

Company C, only three were born in California; forty-four originated from the New

England region, nine from the Southern states, two from the Midwest, six from

Germany, eight from Ireland, three from Prussia, one from Sweden, one from

England, one from Mexico and one was born at sea. 16 The makeup ofthis single regiment demonstrates how the experience ofthe Civil War transformed a disparate

14 Ibid., 26. ISU.S. Department ofWar, War ofthe Rebellion: OperatiOns on the Pacific Coast, P 595. CD­ ROM. H-Bar Enterprises, 1996. 16 Register ofCalifornia Veterans Mustered into Service May 1864-1865, RG 110. Records of the Provost Marshal, General's Bureau California (Civil War), En1Jy 6722.The National Archives Pacific Region, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 46 collection ofindividuals into the singular identity of"Californians," a phenomenon that facilitated state efforts to organize for the duration ofthe war.

The rapid rise in enlistment numbers also created a fiscal crisis for both the federal and state governments. Troop mobility was limited in the West because ofthe region's underdeveloped railroad system. Moving troops and supplies to the first established boot camps was achieved by wagons or horseback. Remarkably, most of the men reached these remote locations on foot. The largest camp was located in

Sacramento. Training was a tedious task and the tents often flooded due to the overflows ofthe Sacramento River. I7 Despite the harsh conditions, though,

California's enlistment records remained high throughout the war.

Similarly, the substantial cost offinancing regiments also showed a steady rise.

In November of 1864, the Provost Marshal discussed the cost ofthe recruits in a letter to Brigadier General James:

Please find enclosed the estimates for fund pay ofbounty $200,000. It is necessary that I should have the funds immediately. Recruits for the new regiment are coming in much more rapidly than I have expected.I8

The enlisted men endured conditions that were both difficult and perilous. However, their devotion and ability to work as a unit are further examples ofthe transformation ofWestern mentality.

The most prominent and experienced men enlisted in the volunteer regiments were the California Lancers, who made up the First Battalion ofthe Native Californian

Cavalry. This faction ofthe army consisted ofMexican-American residents who had

17 Hoot, The Army OfThe Pacific: 1860-1861,37. IS Fleming to James, 14 November 1864, RG 110 Records ofthe Provost Marshal, General's Bureau California (Civil War) Entry 6714.The National Archives Pacific Region, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 47 served and aided America prior to California's statehood in 1851. The former Mexican residents were willing to defend their new home due to their extreme loyalty and patriotism. Historian Tom Prezelski commented on California's uniqueness:

It was immediately obvious to the casual observer that these troopers were different from the thousands ofother loyal Californians who had joined volunteer units ofthe union army since the beginning ofthe war- more than halfthe horsemen carried lances, a throwback ofsorts to the proud Hispanic heritage ofCalifornian. 19

The California Lancer's loyalty to the Union Army represents California's distinct culture. California was a place ofopportunity and wealth and almost everyone who resided on her soil were now united as one.

The influential Daily California Alta encouraged Californians to participate in the Civil War. Patriotism spread throughout San Francisco. and the local newspapers began to run advertisements encouraging men to enlist in the First California Calvary.

In one recruitment ad, the caption read, "A Chance to Go East on Service! Calvary

Recruits Wanted for the First California Calvary, now on service on the borders of

Texas.,,2o Unfortunately for California, the War Department only dispensed one

California Calvary Unit to the Eastern front, and it was later integrated into the 2nd

Massachusetts Cavalry.21 Most ofCalifornia's troops were stationed on Western soil as a result ofthe desire to increase the defense along the Pacific shores. Still, reports oftheir fighting on the Eastern fronts circulated throughout the Bay Area. California had now achieved a small but visible role in the Civil War.

19 Tom Prezelski, "Lives ofthe California Lancers: The First Battalion ofNative California Cavalry, 1863-1866, Journal ofArizona History 40 (spring, 1992),29. 20 Alta, 12 January 1863. 21Thomas E. Parson, Bear Flag andBay State in the Civil War: The Californians ofthe Second Massachusetts Cavalry (Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 1960), p 10. 48

The 2nd Massachusetts Calvary was the only California regiment to serve in the Eastern theater ofthe war. Fonner Massachusetts resident James Sewall Reed, who had journeyed to California during the Gold Rush, fonned the unifl on October

28, 1861, shortly after a recruiting station was established in San Francisco. The regiment only had room for one hundred men, but to Reed's surprise, more than five hundred prospective soldiers stood in line to enlist. 23

The men who passed the rigorous physical examination were sent to the East to merge with the existing Massachusetts regiment. For the duration ofthe war,

California residents eagerly followed their activities. The local newspapers ran weekly updates oftheir "tales ofvalor," as the publication ofa letter in the California Alta, on

June 17, 1863, by a 2nd Massachusetts volunteer demonstrates:

On the 10TH inst...while yet at Meadville Mass., we received orders to march, and accordingly on the lih, in high spirits and with brave hearts, we left Massachusetts and turned our faces southward and now, we are at the Capital ofthe Nation. Land within a short distance ofthe enemy we all are so eager to meet, and from present indications we will soon have an opportunity to do SO.24

As the war progressed, the public's admiration for the 2nd Massachusetts regiment demonstrated the growing patriotism ofWestern residents. The Western states were preparing for war, but now they had representation in the East. On some level,

California could now be regarded as an equal to the Union's Eastern states. The threat ofa Western attack had been addressed, an army recruited and the desire for increased defenses recognized by the War Department.

22 Ibid., 20. 23 Ibid. 24 Alta, 17 June 1863. 49

As California quickly prepared for defense against invasion, the reality ofa

Confederate advance remained a concern, and as a result, Congress passed a bill on

July 2, 1862 that called for residents and enlisted men to sign an oath ofloyalty.25 The oath, which also applied to men who had already served in the Union army, stated the following:

I do solemnly swear that I have never voluntarily given no aid, countenance, counsel, or encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility thereto; that I have neither sought, nor accepted, nor attempted to exercise the functions ofant office whatever under any authority or pretended authority in hostility to the United States...26

This renewed pledge ofloyalty allowed the state ofCalifornia to receive additional funding from the United States Treasury in support ofthe war effort. Indeed, the Civil

War strengthened California's government by increasing the state's revenue through taxation.27 For the first time in California's history, citizens were subjected to a war tax. The war itselfnourished the local economy and the Federal Government aided

California with its financial endeavors. Once again, the Civil War stimulated the economic growth ofthe frontier.

Now that California had mustered into service a number ofvolunteer regiments, the War Department, like the state, was also faced with the difficult task of funding the Pacific Coast Campaign. The cost ofoutfitting troops and building fortifications along the Pacific Coast would prove to be an expensive endeavor.

Although the average income for a California enlisted man was a mere twenty-five

25 Federal California Loyalty Oath February 1865. RG 110. Records ofthe Provost Marshal, General's Bureau (Civil War), Entry 6739.The National Archives Pacific Region, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 26 Federal California Loyalty Oath February 1865. RG 110. Records ofthe Provost Marshal, General's Bureau (Civil War), Entry 6739. The National Archives Pacific Region, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 27 Bancroft, History ofCalifornia: VOL. VII. 1860-1890. 294. 50 dollars a year, the cost ofammunition and weaponry, largely imported from Eastern states, was extremely high.28

Medical supplies were an expensive but necessary burden for the Army as well. The treatment ofcombat wounds were not the primary medical expense, as the medical records offresh recruits indicate that over fifty percent suffered from syphilis,z9 Thus it's not surprising that the majority ofletters sent to Washington from the Provost Marshal requested more funding for one thing or another. In one letter sent to Washington from Fort Drum in April of 1864, the monthly expenses ofthe operation are recorded in detail. The total equated to $12,003.69 and are broken down into the following:

Purchases: $392.53 Contingencies: $794.56 Transportations: $752.48 Salaries: $968.69 Subsistence: $725.35 Bounty Fund: $5,525.00 Communication Fund: $2,845.00 30

In order to maintain coastal defensives, the War Department had to appropriate the necessary funds from Washington. In efforts to help finance the war, California's legislature passed additional bills in order to secure more funding. In 1862, the state set aside $700,000 to be used in conjunction with a Soldiers' ReliefFund.31 By

28 Register ofCalifornia Veterans Mustered into Service May 1864-1865, RG 110. Records of the Provost Marshal, General's Bureau California (Civil War), Entry 6725. The National Archives Pacific Region, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 29 Register ofCalifornia Veterans Mustered into Service: Medical Records May 1864-1865, RG 110. Records ofthe Provost Marshal, General's Bureau California (Civil War), Entry 6749.The National Archives Pacific Region San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 30 Provost Marshal Field Report April 1864, RG 110. Records ofthe Provost Marshal, General's Bureau California (Civil War), Entry 6739. The National Archives Pacific Region, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 31 Bancroft, History OfCalifornia: Vol. VI. 1860-1890,297. 51 cooperating fiscally with the Union, the government ofCalifornia began to transcend into a more organized and stronger entity.

An efficient defense ofthe Pacific Coast required massive funding from

Washington. The construction ofSouthern California's Fort Drum is an example of the exorbitant expenses for the campaign. When Fort Drum was completed in 1862~ the entire estimated cost was close to one million dollars.32 A significant part ofthis was lumber. Most ofthe lumber and artillery was sent west by ship via Cape Hom, and moreover, the pay for experienced labor was now close to five dollars a day. Of course, as compared to California's other boot camps, Fort Drum was a state-of-the art military garrison, as conveyed by California volunteer Captain E.C. Ledyard in 1861:

We were astonished to find Drum Barracks one ofthe fmest we have ever seen. Some ofthe men in our company who have seen service in the East said that they had never seen anything like it. The camp is bountifully supplied with clear, cool water for camp purposes and a large surplus for irrigating the gardens and orchards. It runs in small ditches in front ifall our quarters and through and around parade grounds.33

Beyond encouraging residents to unite as Californians, the construction ofFort Drum strengthened the economy ofthe area surrounding the fort in particular, and Los

Angles County in general.

The Civil War also provided the incentive for the War Department to update and expand the two pre-existing military garrison defenses that guarded the San

Francisco Bay Area. These two forts were Alcatraz Island, which was the only pre-

Civil War military fort on the Pacific, and the newly constructed Fort Point. Prior to the war, the Pacific Fleet only consisted ofsix wooden sloops whose guns and

32 Hunt, The Army a/The Pacific: 1860-1866,43. 33 Ibid., 45. 52 manpower were quite limited.34 When Union military chiefs realized this, massive expansions ofAlcatraz and Fort Point ensued.

In late 1861, Captain J. Steward sent orders from Washington to Alcatraz

Island, noting that "'Brigadier-General Johnston directs me to say that he expects and orders you to maintain your post and defend Alcatraz Island against all efforts to seize it, from whatever direction such efforts may be made.,,35 The main purpose ofthese forts was to regulate the ships that sailed into San Francisco's harbor, providing a sense ofsecurity for the civilian population.

The construction ofFort Point originally began in 1853.36 The outbreak: ofthe war accelerated the completion and additional costly defenses were added to the existing structure. Fort Point became home to sixty-nine canons and five hundred men.37 The revolutionary design ofthe fort allowed for the canons to easily target ships at sea level. It is apparent how much time and revenue went into the fortifications ofthe Pacific in viewing the extensive correspondences between the

Engineering Department and the War Department. Fort Point's ChiefofEngineering,

Colonel De Bussy, made regular requests for additional budget and weaponry.38

The financing ofthe fort continued throughout the duration ofthe war and most small details proved to be expensive, as seen in a letter written on February 9,

1864, which stated that "'The fortifications ofthis point have been increased and the

34 Ibid., 305. 35 U.S, Department ofWar, War ofthe Rebellion: Operations on the Pacific Coast, 448. CD­ ROM. H-Bar Enterprises, 1996. 36 Freeman, Haller, Hansen, Martini, and Weitze. Seacoast Fortifications Preservation Manual. Golden Gate National Recreation Area, July 1999. 37 Ibid. 38 De Russy to Tutten, 19 October 1863, Letters Sent Relating To Fortifications, 1861-64, Box 80A, The National Archives Pacific Region, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 53 work is progressing at such a rate that I find it necessary to fmance more men.,,39 The

War Department's continual funding ofthe Pacific defenses created a nationalistic sense ofpride for the residents ofthe Bay Area that strengthened the local government.

Another San Francisco Bay Area military fortification, Mare Island Naval

Base, was used to defend the Pacific Coast from a rebel assault. In 1861, the Union's entire Pacific Fleet was stationed at Mare Island and responsible for patrolling and securing the Bay. The six wooden sloops ofwar that called Mare Island home were the U.S.S. Lancaster, U.S.S Saranac, U.S.S. Wyoming, U.S.S. Narragansett, U.S.S. St.

Mary and the U.S.S. Cyane.40 Mare Island ship records during this period show that the fleet encountered little action, but routinely patrolled the Coasts ofMexico and the

United States in search ofenemy vessels.41 The War Department continually funded repairs for this small fleet, just as it was increasing funds for the outfitting ofthe infantry.

In 1848, Alcatraz Island became property ofthe United States government after the Mexican-American War, when John Charles Fremont purchased the land from Mexico.42 The fortification ofAlcatraz Island began during the late 1840s and early 1850s. The California Gold Rush provided the necessary funds to embark on such an expensive endeavor. Alcatraz Island was equipped with three heavily armed batteries and, in correlation with the construction ofFort Point, all ofthe Bay could be

39 De Russy to Tutten, 9 February 1864, Letters Sent Relating To Fortifications, 1861-64, Box 80A, The National Archives Pacific Region,San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 40 Hunt, The Army OfThe Pacific: 1860-1866, 301. 41 Ship Yard Logs 1859-1946, RG 181. Records ofNaval Districts and Shore Establishments, Mare Island Naval Shipyard Office ofthe Commandant, HMFY95 Box 1. The National Archives Pacific Region, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 42 Martini, Fortress Alcatraz. 13. 54 protected simultaneously by the fort's two canons. The purPOse ofAlcatraz had always been to protect the surrounding harbors ofthe Bay and the Pacific and the outbreak ofthe war justified the continued strengthening ofits fortifications.

The refortification ofAlcatraz Island and Fort Point began soon after war broke out, in April of 1861. From the beginning, the construction ofFort Point was a costly endeavor and the changes ofoperations were apparent in the fort's records of operations. A typical daily routine in the 18508 had been a rather mundane experience: cleaning stables and mixing mortar. When the war started, however, the duties and training ofthe men stationed on Fort Point became more rigorous. The daily routine now included ritualistic detail ofthe gun platforms and numerous reinforcements of the sea walls.43

The expenses ofFort Point and Alcatraz were not kept hidden from the public. In a

California Daily Alta article written in February of 1861, the cost ofFort Point was made public. Nearly two million dollars had been reportedly spent on the fortifications. Tellingly, public opinion ofthe operation was largely positive. After announcing the debt, astronomical for modem standards, the commentator added:

The fort is a first class casemated work...The Federal Government may well be proud ofthis monument ofits sagacity and prudence, and our citizens may be assured that the fortifications at the entrance ofthe Golden Gate, and the city ofSan Francisco, in the event ofan assault by a foreign foe, will contribute with its death-dealing thunders towards protecting the lives and property ofher citizens. The story ofa plot oftraitors among ourselves, to capture this and Alcatraz Fort, is too absurd to merit an attempt at refutation. Both fortifications are simply prepared for any such demonstration.44

43 Daily Reports ofOperations, 1854-64, ChiefofEngineers Regarding to Fort Point, April 1859 & January 1861, Box 82, National Archives Pacific Branch, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 44 Alta, 14 February 1861. 55

The money spent on construction continued throughout the duration ofthe war. The growing expense ofthe forts actually reassured the citizens that they were protected from any imaginable threat. This sense ofsecurity played a vital role in California's willingness to participate in any financial endeavor that added to the protection ofthe

Pacific Coast. Public support ofthe forts was necessary in order to subdue the widespread anxiety that was festering in San Francisco's wartime atmosphere. Even after the 1863 battle ofGettysburg,45the turning point in the war, additional funds were set aside to continue the defense ofthe Pacific.

Union officials knew that the cost offortifying the San Francisco Bay was no easy task. Since the beginning ofthe war, the War Department had provided the necessary funds required to guard the Pacific Coast. By the end, Washington's initial urgency for the continued defense ofCalifomia's shorelines was diminishing. This was obviously due to the positive developments in the war that had severely weakened the Confederate forces. However, funds were still made available for Fort Point and

Alcatraz and even the question ofdebt was finally being addressed by the Union. In a letter sent to Army Headquarters in Washington by Lieutenant Colonel L. Thomas, the author noted that:

The appropriation for the fort is not exhausted, and, as heretofore reported, funds are into the sub- treasury in this city. The workmen now employed on credit will, ifthis is not done, soon suffer. The island ofAlcatraz is garrisoned by Captain Stewart's company, Third Artillery, and fifty-two recruits, making a force of 120 men. They are provided with subsistence for ninety days, and everything necessary for defense. I have ordered 10,000 rifled muskets, accouterments and ammunition to be place in store on Alcatraz, and some heavy guns to be sent to Fort Point. The guns for the complete armament ofFort

45James M. McPherson, Ordeal by Fire: The Civil War andReconstruction, 3d ed., (New York: McGmw Hill Companies, 2001),352. 56

point are insufficient, but all that have been furnished will be mounted as fast as it can be done.46

The Union demand to keep the fortifications sufficient was due in large part to the demands ofCalifornia's residents Thus, as witnessed in public articles, continuous updates ofthe forts were never neglected by the military.

This pro-military outlook led to the first ironclad gunboat to sail onto the

Pacific, the USS Camanche. The Civil War was the first time that America used stealth weaponry in their arsenals. Both the Union and the Confederacy hoped that the development ofships such as this would ensure naval victories.47 The USS Camanche was a state-of-the-art, ironclad gunship armed with two massive caliber gunS.48 The

Union believed that the presence ofthis ship would provide further defense to Fort

Point and Alcatraz Island. Ironically, the Aquila, the ship transporting the disassembled gunship to California, sank with its valuable cargo on arrival on

November 14, 1863.49 The sinking generated rumors ofConfederate sabotage throughout the state. As a local newspaper reported:

Early yesterday morning it was announced at the Merchant's Exchange that the ship Aquila, which safely arrived at this port a few days ago with the Moniter Camanche on board, had sunk in the night, at Hathaway's wharf. The news spread rapidly, and was received with mingled feelings ofsurprise. regret. and indignation. The community could scarily believe that a vessel containing so precious a cargo would, having so successfully run the gauntlet ofpiratical craft, storms. accidents, etc., and reached her designated haven, go down so ingloriously and ignominiously within a stone's throw ofour business thoroughfare.50

46 U.S. Department ofWar, War ofthe Rebellion: Operations on the Pacific Coast, 444. CD- ROM. H-Bar Enterprises, 1996. 47 McPherson, Ordeal by Fire, 197. 48 Martini, Fortress Alcatraz, 40. 49 Ibid., 41. 50 Alta. 17 November 1863. 57

The arrival ofan ironclad to the Pacific was a much-anticipated event, but the sinking ofthe Aquila was a tremendous disappointment. Now that their protection against the

Confederate army resided on the bottom ofthe Bay, preparations had to be made to raise the ship. After all, the residents ofSan Francisco could not be left "defenseless" with only two forts to protect their golden shores.

The raising ofthe Aquila was a demonstration ofCalifornia's willingness to participate in the extensive defense ofits coast. It also illustrates the governmental power gained from the Civil War. After it sank, San Francisco offered financial assistance to the military to retrieve it. The raising ofthe gunship proved to be a formidable task and the financial requirements for the operation were high. By the time the ironclad was salvaged and restored to operational condition, the city ofSan

Francisco and various insurance agencies had spent approximately $71,166.6651 on the project. The parts ofthe USS Camanche, raised from the bottom ofthe Bay, was finally put into commission in November of 1864.52 Despite the great expense, the

USS Camanche would never fire a hostile shot at the Confederacy.

By early 1864, the Confederate army was bankrupt and starving. The Army of the Potomac had struck two decisive blows in the Rebel lines that were crippling the

Southern defense.53 Moreover, General William Tecumseh Sherman started his

"terror" campaign throughout the South as he marched through prominent Confederate cities and conducted raids and acts ofpsychological warfare. 54 By 1864, it was apparent that the Confederate Army did not possess the resources or the manpower

~I Hunt, The Army ofthe Pacific, 313. 52 Ibid., 312. 53 McPherson, Ordeal By Fire, 480. 54 Ibid., 496. 58 necessary to attack the West Coast. However, California still felt justified in

demanding a gunship in her waters.

The Civil War unified the residents ofSan Francisco. The presidential

election of 1864 between General McClellan and President Lincoln illustrates

California's participation in national politics, as the city ofSan Francisco took

preparations for the event very seriously. Businesses and saloons were closed while

residents displayed national colors in dress and banners throughout the city.55 Henry

Bancroft describes San Francisco's jubilance, after Lincoln's re-election as President:

Toward midnight there began to move through the principle streets a solid column of4,000 ofSan Francisco's chiefcitizens, singing in one grand chorus the Battle Cry ofFreedom and other songs ofthe war, not forgetting John Brown Body Lies Moldering in the Grave, ect., while women crowded the balconies and windows waving handkerchiefs and flags, laughing and weeping together in a contagion ofexultant emotion; for then it was known that the president whom all trusted was to remain in his place, and his policy, which was believed to be wise and right carried out.56

San Francisco's display ofpatriotism is another indication ofthe changing mentality ofthe frontier. The Civil War ignited a call for unity in the West as the region joined the country in celebrating their national leader. Similarly, the Union embraced the

West with the growing influence ofthe federal government.

California's participation during the Civil War was a tenacious endeavor. In reflecting on this, Henry Bancroft wrote:

In common with the other Pacific states, California poured forth like water her mineral treasure, without which the government would have been well-nigh bankrupt, and her currency selling probably at ten dollars to one ofgold. For these services the contest for freedom she should share in the glory ofhaving helped to preserve the integrity of

55 Bancroft, The History OfCalifornia: Vol. VI. 1848-1859, 310. 56 Ibid., 311. 59

the union.57

The state's newly founded regiments and extensive fortifications are a testimonial to the rapid growth ofWestern nationalism and the close ofthe American frontier. The flood ofpatriotism from the Eastern states transformed Californian society into a solid, nationalistic extension ofthe nation. The expense ofthe war also contributed to this unity because it encouraged the restructuring and organization oflocal governments.

In California, the Civil War created bustling enterprise birthed from a partnership between the Union and the Western pioneer. California had proved its worth to the

East and was rewarded with the financial support needed to grow into a strong and influential state.

57 Ibid., 314. 60

Illustration # 8 The Guns ofAlcatraz. Reprintedfrom John Arturo Martini, Fortress Alcatraz: Guardian ofthe Golden Gate (Berkeley, 1990), 37. 61

lliustration # 9 Alcatraz guards resting on duty. Reprintedfrom John Arturo Martini, Fortress Alcat:raz: Guardian ofthe Golden Gate (Berkeley, 1990), 34. 62

Illustration # 10 The Camanche being assembled in 1864. Reprinted from John Arturo Martini, Fortress Alcatraz: Guardian ofthe Golden Gate (Berkeley, 1990),41. 63

CRAIN SACKS. BilC.

Illustration # 11 A military advisement. Daily Alta California ofOctober 28, 1862. 64

lllustration # 12

.~ "' .. 0" ••• ~~" '...... - '. , .....", . ., .. . ~ ~. . L....,

A Member ofthe Massachusetts Cavalry. Reprintedfrom Thomas E. Parson, Bear Flag and Bay State in the Civil War (London, 2001). 46. 65

IDustration # 13 The Drum Barracks officers. Reprintedfrom Andrew E. Masich, The Civil War In Arizona: The Story ofthe California Volunteers, 1861-1865 (Norman, 2004), appendix. 66

. . -' - .. .-

Illustration # 66 Fort Point guards the Bay. Photo courtesy o/The National Archives, S.F 67

CHAPTER IV

SOUNDING THE BATTLE CRY OF FREEDOM

As it did in California, the American Civil War led to the acceleration of nationalistic sentiment throughout the other Western states The California Gold Rush had already helped cement Western folklore into legend by seducing the "rugged" pioneer westward, to the land ofopportunity. However, California did not hold the monopoly on Western mineral wealth. The territories ofNevada, Arizona, Colorado and New Mexico were other Western pockets that experienced similar mining booms during the mid-nineteenth century.

The growth ofsilver and gold production transformed this region by creating a flood ofmigration. When the Civil War erupted, it served to remind the Eastern states that funding a lengthy conflict required Western mineral wealth. Union and

Confederate interest in this wealth fostered Western nationalism, which in tum reconnected Western states and territories to the federal government.

After the California Gold Rush, the mining "stampede" to the West resulted in impressive population growth. Just as colonial farmers had once abandoned settlements in search ofmore fertile land, the mining frontier possessed an equally persuasive motive-the freedom to pursue great individual wealth. This westward migration stimulated the rise ofprominent cities and societies.

The city ofSan Francisco is both a monument to, and a reflection of, this fundamental transformation. Like so many other Western communities, the Civil 68

War unified San Francisco by encouraging the growth ofnationalism under the protection ofthe Union's umbrella. Here in the Bay Area, as in so many other areas, the mustering ofWestern troops and their eagerness to preserve the Union was a testimony to the progress ofnationalism.

The pre-war societies ofColorado, New Mexico, Nevada and Arizona resembled the crudeness ofearly California. To be sure, the vigorous development of the frontier was hindered by the geography ofthe land. The desert regions made

settlement difficult, and as the locations ofthe mining ores were deep underground, unearthing them became a tedious task.

These difficult conditions were further exacerbated by the presence ofhostile

Indians, who had limited tolerance for invasive miners.) The Apache and Navajo

Tribes inhabited Arizona and New Mexico and they were regarded as the most militaristic tribes in North America. Transportation was also difficult. Before the expansive railroads ofthe 1880s, the Colorado River was the only means for moving supplies throughout this region. Unlike California, which was blessed with numerous rivers and coastal harbors, her western neighbors were severely isolated.

The societies ofthe outer West in the late l850s were similar to the California mining camps ofthe 1840s. The Colorado Gold Rush of 1859 produced one ofthe largest mining booms in Western history as nearly 100,000 prospectors from all over the United States struck claims in Colorado soi1.2 Many ofthe men who settled these territories were originally prospectors from California. Historian Rodman Wilson Paul provides a description ofthe mining camps ofColorado:

lRodman Wilson Paul, Mining Frontiers O/The Far West: 1848-1880 (Albuquerque: Universitr ofNew Mexico Press, 1963), 155. Ibid., 41. 69

Many ofthe early discoveries in Colorado were made by one-time Californians, and in the new diggings "Old Californians" were consulted and copied in matters ofmining technique, mining law, and mining-camp life.3

The frontier mining towns ofthe outer West echoed the early settlements of

California. However, the isolation ofthese locales assured that the ""pioneer mentality"

was more resilient than in the big cities like San Francisco. Still, the American Civil

War would help strengthen and unify all ofthese territories. Indeed, the War

encouraged the organization and development ofthe most desolate and dangerous

territories in the West. Civil War historian Andrew E. Masich identified this

transformation in his discussion ofthe Arizonian territory:

The California Volunteers who served in Arizonian during the war years became agents ofchange. They not only facilitated Arizona's development as a distinct geopolitical unit but also explored, prospected, fought Confederates, established mail and other essential services, made maps, and promoted the territory. These men provided political leadership, invested in Arizonian business, and established laws and institutions based on California models.4

The men in these regional pockets would also respond to the patriotic obligation of

preserving the Union. The increased presence ofso many troops and the construction

ofdefensive garrisons provided additional protection for the civilians, all ofwhich

reinforced the growing zeitgeist ofnational unity.

Securing the outer Western region was crucial for the Union. As stated earlier, the purpose ofthe Pacific Coast Campaign was to secure the Western mineral reserves

for the Union. The Confederacy also hoped to obtain these assets by launching a land

invasion. In 1860, the New Mexico territory reached from California to Texas. Ifthe

, Ibid., 42. 4Andrew, E. Masich, The Civil War In Arizona: The Story OfThe California Volunteers, 1861­ 1865 (Noonan: University ofOklahoma Press, 2006), 5. 70

Confederacy successfully seized this territory, then a successful land invasion ofthe surrounding coastal states was plausible.

For the Confederacy, the West presented a rare opportunity to enlist the aid of foreign allies by using its gold and silver reserves for collateral. The Union's Atlantic naval blockade hindered the supply ofammunition and arms from Great Britain to the

CSA, but ifthey controlled the West, other alternative routes would open up. In addition, ifa Confederate land invasion were successful in the West, the necessary diversion ofexisting Union supplies from the East would also benefit the Confederate cause.

The potential Confederate invasion was a threat that the War Department took seriously. In order to secure the outer Western states and territories, the Union began to strategically place existing federal troops throughout the area. The Union also feared a Confederate invasion ofMexico. Like New Mexico, ifthis country was to fall under Rebel control, the bordering territories would become vulnerable. In anticipation ofthis threat, Brigadier-General Wright addressed the following message to the Union headquarters in Washington D.C. on October 31, 1861:

Colonel: I deem it my duty to submit to the General-in-Chiefthe conditions ofaffairs in the southern District ofCalifornia, and the prudential measures which I consider ofvital importance in suppressing any attempts ofthe Rebel Forces to gain a foothold on the Pacific Coast. The United States troops in this department can repel any direct invasion ofthe state by the Rebels, but the adjoining states ofSonora, with a feeble government, and sparse population, presents inducements ofthe strongest kind for the Rebels to march a force into that country and obtain possession ofthe fine ports ofGuaymas. This once accomplished, it destroys our commerce in the GulfofCalifornia, and interrupts the natural transit in and out ofArizona.5

5U.S. Department ofWar, War ofthe Rebellion: Operations on the Pacific Coast, 29. CO­ RaM. H-Bar Enterprises, 1996. 71

The Union was well prepared for any Confederate plans. By the end of 1861, the recruitment ofCalifornia troops was almost complete and the Union began to move existing California regiments further East.

The Union's mobilization oftroops in California also occurred in the bordering

Western states. Throughout the conflict, the War Department mustered volunteers into service from Arizona to Oregon. This was conducted hastily in preparation for an impending Confederate invasion.6 Federal troops in Arizona and California were transferred to New Mexico to reinforce Fort Fillmore, Fort Craig and other

Southwestern garrisons.? California's first volunteers, Company B and D, were ordered to march into the Southwestern desert.

The Union was well prepared for the severe climate ofthese territories.

Following the columns were well-stocked wagons filled with ammunition and essential supplies for survival. The march to New Mexico and Texas was accompanied by 40,000 rounds ofrifle ammunition, hospital tents, surgeons and water kegs. The men were also taught to fight without the use ofheavy knapsacks in order to avoid heat exhaustion.8 The patriotic spirit ofthe West was present in the morale ofthe troops, as described by Brigadier-General Carleton on May 3, 1861:

This is the time when every soldier in this column looks forward with a confident hope that he, too, will have the distinguished honor of striking a blow for the old Stars and Stripes; when he, took, feels in his heart that he is the champion ofthe holiest cause that has ever yet nevered the arm ofa patriot. The general commanding the column desires that such a time shall be remembered by all, but more

6Fleming to Jones, 9 July 1864, RG 181 Records ofthe Provost Marshal, General's Bureau California (Civil War), Entry 6704.The National Archives Pacific Region, San Francisco Branch, San Bruno, California. 7 Aurora Hunt, The Army ofthe Pacific: 1860-1866: (Glendale: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1950),5. 8 U.S. Department ofWar, War ofthe Rebellion: Operations on the Pacific Coast, 124. CD­ ROM. H-Bar Enterprises, 1996. 72

particularly by those who from their guilt have been so unfortunate as to beech an occasion. He therefore orders that all soldiers under his command who may be now held in confinement shall be at once re1eased. 9

The Civil War sparked a patriotic fever that extended throughout the Western territories. Even as California's volunteers were ordered to march into a desolate desert region, the pride ofdefending their homes from the Rebel Army kept them dedicated and determined.

The movement ofCalifornia's volunteers into the Southwestern region ofthe

Untied States was a huge endeavor. The newly enlisted soldiers were green and only a few boasted prior combat experience. When Corporal Edward E. Ayer first joined the

California Calvary in 1861, he noted the lack oftraining, which he later described in his memoirs:

After being in that night, the captain asked me ifI knew anything about military affairs. I told him none whatever. He asked me if1had ever seen men drilling, and I told him that I had seen the Ellsworth Zouaves drilling in Chicago, but knew nothing ofit myself. He answered and said, "1 will make you my first corporal." My answer to that was, "What in the devil is that."...Our experience there was undoubtedly was about the same as all new camps, almost everybody being as ignorant as could be ofthe duties and everything military. 10

Still, even though most ofthe fresh recruits in the Union Army lacked experience, many made up for it with enthusiasm. The recruitment rate in New Mexico and

Arizona was as impressive as the enlisted rate in California.

As these California regiments pushed further East, this wave ofenthusiasm rarely faltered, even though the conditions ofcamp life were often strenuous. It's

9 Richard H. Orton, Records OfCalifornia Men In The War O/The Rebellion: 1861-1867 (Sacramento: J.D. Young State Printing, 1890), 16. 10 Edward E. Ayer's, "Memorandum: Early Reminiscences OfThe Far West And Other Trips, 1861-1918." Microfiche 2351, Bancroft Library, University ofCalifornia, Berkeley. 73 worth remembering that most ofthe territories in the Southwest were rugged and lacked efficient means ofmoving men and supplies. Even the Union camps located in

Southern California were burdened with hardships as a result oftheir isolation. The difficulties ofcamp life in Southern California were noted by Coronal Ayers:

After about a month, three ofour companies here were sent to San Bernardino to make camp there, and our first infantry was sent down to make camp at Carlton. Not having our horses, ofcourse, we marched to San Bernardino on foot. My lame ankle bothered me immensely, but I made it although the last day it swelled up so I had to ask permission to stay behind and lay down underneath a mesquite tree 1 and made camp in the evening. I

The Union push into the Southwest created a bond between the men ofCalifornia and the other Western states and territories. This connection would help unite the West and foster the process ofbicoastal nation-building.

The territory ofColorado reflected well how the Civil War helped transform the frontier with American nationalism. When the war first erupted, the political atmosphere ofColorado was equally divided between unionist and secessionist

sympathizers. Consequently, the large majority ofConfederate sympathizers left the southwestern territories and headed to the South. 12 This created a fiscal dilemma for the territory, as recounted by Colorado resident 1.M. Chivington, who noted that

"Wealth here at the time-was in the hands ofthe rebels, southern men principally, they were the aggressive spirits ofthe territory.,,13 Due to a lack ofefficient local

11 Edward E. Ayer's, "Memorandum: Early Reminiscences OfThe Far West And Other Trips, 1861-1918." Microfiche 2351, Bancroft Library, University ofCalifornia, Berkeley. 12 Colonel John Milton Chivington, "Memorandum: The First Colorado Regiment, 1884." Microfiche MSS P-L II, Bancroft Library, University ofCalifornia, Berkeley. 13 Ibid. 74 governments, this left most residents dependent on the Union to organize proper defenses against the Confederate Army.

The Union troops sent to the Colorado territory proved critical in taming the frontier mentality. The men stationed in Colorado provided a protective presence and contributed to the society by organizing religious services and other social programs.14

While the territories were forced to raise new taxes to help fund the war effort, a portion ofthe new tax revenues were devoted to community as well as military needs.

Colonel 1.M. Chivington was one ofthe founders ofthe Union's first Colorado regiment, and his first hand account ofthe rapid improvements made during the war is conveyed in his personal memoirs:

Gambling had been very prevalent in Denver from the time ofthe first location and was carried on without any restraint whatever. About the 1st ofMay 1861 the city council passed a bill prohibiting the playing of three card Monte but there was no interference with any other games at the time. At that time they were gambling almost in the open streets, they would do it in buildings right on the streets with the doors wide open so that in passing along you could look in and see them playing, but they gradually restricted it and compelled them to remove from the open places they were in. In this city they have passed special municipal laws prohibitin the practice ofgambling and they are more strict than the state laws. 1r

The mining environment ofthe pre-war Colorado territory paralleled the early streets ofSan Francisco, where gambling and drinking ran rampant. As the Union took more interest in the welfare ofthe Southwestern territories, however, more constructive laws and stronger communities began to arise.

14 Colonel John Milton Chivington, "Memorandum: The First Colorado Regiment, 1884." Microfiche MSS P-LlI, Bancroft Library, University ofCalifornia, Berkeley. 15 Colonel John Milton Chivington, "Memorandum: The Prespective, 1884." Microfiche MSS P-L 12, Bancroft Library, University ofCalifornia, Berkeley. 75

Once the Union began to strategically reinforce troops throughout the southwestern territories, the Confederate government ordered Brigadier-General

Henry H. Sibley to organize a rebel assault in Texas. Simultaneously, Sibley's colleague, Colonel John R. Baylor, pushed another rebel army west alongside the Rio

Grande River, in order to engage the Union's Southwestern forces. Baylor's regiment initiated the Confederate invasion ofthe West.

On July 23, 1861, Baylor's forces reached the territory ofArizona. 16 Baylor's plan was to overtake Fort Fillmore in the dawn, catching the Federal Army by surprise. However, a small number ofdischarged rebels left their slumbering camp and warned Union Major Isaac Lynde ofthe impending advance. Fort Fillmore was evacuated for Fort Stanton, and thus Baylor was initially successful in his campaign as he replaced Fillmore's Union colors with the bars and stripes ofthe Confederacy.17

The following day, the rebels apprehended Union Major Lynde's fleeing forces and Lynde promptly surrendered, even though the Union numbers grossly outnumbered the small company ofConfederates. 18 However, the enlisted Union prisoners were disarmed and released to Fort Bliss because harboring prisoners ofwar in the frontier was costly for both parties.

Word ofMajor Lynde's surrender angered the residents ofNew Mexico. When word ofthe Union surrender reached Washington D.C., the House ofRepresentatives drafted a measure which would severely punish any future Union officer who

16Ray C. Colton, The Civil War in the Western States: Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah (Oklahoma: University ofOklahoma Press, 1959), 14. 17 Ibid. 18 Hunt, The Army a/the Pacific: 1860-1866,53. 76

exhibited cowardice resembling that demonstrated by Major Lynde. 19 Not only had the

Union lost a key fort in the frontier outback, it had also lost an arsenal ofsupplies and over $1000 in federal funding. 2o The fight for the New Mexico territory between the

Union and the Confederacy had officially begun.

When news ofBaylor's campaign reached the Confederate capital in

Richmond, Baylor's commanding officer, Brigadier-General Sibley, managed to convince CSA President Jefferson ofthe importance ofpursuing the Confederate invasion into the southwestern territories. Confident that further expeditions into

Arizona, Colorado, and California would ensue, Sibley had earned a commission to raise more troops to join Major Baylor in the New Mexico territory. While Sibley concentrated on mustering further troops in Texas, Baylor failed to anticipate a Union response and declared himselfthe new Governor ofthe Confederate Territory of

Arizona.

At first, the Union abandoned their remaining garrisons in the Arizona territory.21 In fact, they were ordered to bum supplies in an attempt to discourage the

Confederate advance. Serious Confederate support for the New Mexico Campaign, meanwhile, is documented in correspondence between General Sibley and Richmond on October 27, 1861:

MY DEAR GENERAL: A week since Judge Crosby called on me in reference to supplies for your brigade. I immediately took steps to secure supplies ofbreadstuffs, the greater part ofwhich must come from Sonora, as there is great scarcity in the State ofChichuahua. I sent for my Sonora agent to come to me here a month since, to meet and see what would be required ofme to furnish the Confederacy. This agent was to have left about this time with a proper escort from

19 Colton, The Civil War in the Western Territories, 17. 20 Ibid. 21 Orton, Records OfCalifornia Men In The War Of The Rebellion: 1861-1867, 43. 77

Colonel Baylor, and some thirty to forty wagons, to commence hauling supplies from the Sonora border to the Rio Grande, which would have commenced to arrive at Fillmore by the middle ofDecember. In the meantime my mills will furnish from the limited supplies ofgrain here. I have now some 40,000 to 50,000 pounds offlour, and will have 40,000 to 50,000 pounds more ifthe New Mexican troops do not succeed in forcing Colonel Baylor to fall back beyond this place.22

In December of 1861, Sibley issued a formal proclamation declaring New Mexico a property ofthe Confederate States ofAmerica. He also promised that no hann would come to the existing New Mexican citizens ifthey fully cooperated with the CSA government. As a bonus, Sibley even promised to abolish any federal taxes in order to gain the citizens' truSt.23 However, the harsh conditions ofthe frontier created difficulties for the Confederacy, and in order to maintain a land occupation ofSibley's desired scope, massive preparations were necessary to adequately supply the Rebel

Army.

In reality, the Confederacy's invasion ofthe West was neither well planned nor well executed. To maintain the occupation ofArizona, the Confederacy desperately needed more supplies and troops to arrive quickly from Texas. In response to the

Arizona crisis, the Union Army designated Colonel H. Carleton to lead the 1st

California Infantry, the 5th Infantry and 2nd Calvary into the Southwest to reinforce

Union forces. One result was there were now 1,800 California men marching eastward.24 More importantly, the crisis ofthe impending Confederate invasion forced the federal government to reexamine the social situation erupting in their now

22 U.S. Department ofWar, War ofthe Rebellion: Operations on the Pacific Coast, p 92. CD­ ROM. H-Bar Enterprises, 1996. 23 Colton, The Civil War in the Western Territories, 22. 24 Hubert Howe Bancroft, History ofArizona AndNew Mexico: 1530-1888 (Albuquerque: Hom & Wallace Publishers, 1962), 513. 78 occupied territories. This issue was addressed in a letter sent to Washington by

California volunteer James H. Carleton, in July of 1862:

Now, in the present chaotic state in which Arizona is found to be, with no civil officers to administer the laws, indeed with an utter absence of all civil authority, and with no security oflife or property within its borders, it becomes the duty ofthe undersigned to represent the authority ofthe United States over the people ofArizona, as well over all those who compose, or are connected with, the column of California.25

California, the most organized Western state, became eager to free her Southwestern neighbors from the claws ofthe Rebel Anny. The New Mexico volunteers, who were led by Colonel Canby, joined forces with the California columns. However, these men had not been paid in over a year and the recent Confederate victory had damaged their morale.26

In response to the Confederate invasion into the Southwest, Colorado also dispatched men to aid the Union against the growing Rebel Army. When the war first erupted, Colorado was equally divided between Confederate and Union sympathizers.

Realizing that the southwestern region ofthe Union lay in peril, Governor William

Gilpin appointed a military staffin Colorado and purchased ammunition and weapons from local citizens on May 27, 1861.

Gilpin was adamant about his territory's devotion to the Union. Recruitment sites were stationed in the mining camps that surrounded the territory and several companies ofinfantry and cavalry were mustered into service.27 This volunteer regiment was under the command ofCornel John M. Chivington, who ordered a

25 Orton, Records OfCaJifornia Men /n The War OfThe Rebellion: /86/-/867. 55. 26 Colton, The Civil War in the Western Territories. 21. 27 Ibid., 42. 79 march into the desert to join forces with neighboring Union forces. On March 26,

1862, a combination ofinfantries from California, Colorado and New Mexico met the

Confederate forces head~on in New Mexico, in the Battle ofLa Glorietta Pass.28 This battle would later become known as the "Gettysburg ofthe West.,,29

The Union soldiers who took up arms against the rebels during this engagement possessed the true spirit ofthe frontier. Historian Ray C. Colton provided a briefdescription ofthese Southwestern men in blue, noting that "Their lives in the frontier had made them hardy, individualistic, self~reliant, and accustomed to danger.

They were loyal to the Union and eager to go to the front.',3o The Civil War unified these men and sculpted them into an organized and patriotic force. The Battle ofLa

Glorietta Pass provided the Union with a morale boost by uniting the Western territories. This landmark battle became a major turning point for the Union because it foiled the planned Confederate invasion ofthe entire American West.

La Glorietta Pass was located twenty miles south ofSanta Fe, in a natural passageway through the Rocky Mountains. The two skirmishes between the invading

Rebel Army and the Union at this location would mark the Confederacy's last attempt at a Western land invasion. On March 28, 1862, the Confederate Army faced the gathering Union forces surrounding the mountainous crevasse ofNew Mexico.31

While still moving his Confederate troops from Texas, General Sibley was unaware of the gathering strength ofthe Union.

28 Ibid. 29 Ibid.• 49. 30 Ibid., 44. 31 Ibid., 49. 80

The California column had joined forces with the Colorado regiments and was approaching Cornel Baylor's position. Two days before the battle, Major Chivington moved 418 Colorado infantry and cavalry towards the pass in hopes ofstriking

Baylor's men before Sibley's reinforcements could arrive. Chivington's forces reached the summit by mid-afternoon and surprised a small number ofConfederate scouts, taking them prisoner.32 Colonel Chivington recalled what happened:

We went into the camp at Burned Springs, some 40 miles this side of Santa Fe, and the Colonel ordered me with all the cavalry we had and 60 men each ofcompanies A. and D. ofthe first Colorado Company F. was mounted for scouting purposes...When we got Kosloskies Ranch on Pigs River, he informed us that the rebel scouts were in the neighborhood and we went into camp and about midnight I sent out Lt. Col. With 30 men and he surprised and captured their scouts without firing a gun.33

This incident reflected well the vulnerability ofthe advancing Confederate Army.

Moreover, the capture ofthe Confederate scouts raised the morale ofthe Union troops because they finally experienced the satisfaction ofa tactical victory.

Under the command ofMajor Charles L. Pyron, the remaining federal troops were ordered to move down the canyon towards Santa Fe, where they encountered the rest ofthe Confederate Army. Baylor's Texas men reacted diligently and, while standing their ground, raised the Confederate flag. The Union was not equipped with artillery and was immediately greeted by the rebel canons. This created confusion among the narrow banks ofthe pass and both armies became blinded by dust from the

32 Ibid., 50. 33Colonel John Milton Chivington, "Memorandum: The First Colorado Regiment, 1884." Microfiche MSS P-LlI, Bancroft Library, University ofCalifomia, Berkeley. 81 shell explosions. This engagement, later remembered as The Battle ofApache Pass, lasted for three hours and caused a briefretreat ofthe rebel forces. 34

The Confederate Army would hold their position until the morning ofMarch 28, when La Glorietta Pass would become a national symbol ofUnion superiority.

Confederate Colonel Scurry led 1,100 rebels in a forward assault against the Union and initiated the morning fighting. The terrain ofthe land made the use ofcavalry impossible, so the infantry did most ofthe fighting. The natural skills ofthe frontiersmen, fused with the spirit ofwild Texans, produced bloody results as each side fired their rifles at close range. Even though the Rebel Army outnumbered the

Union by 330 men, the Union forces firmly held their ground.3s

The turning ofLa Glorietta Pass occurred when the Union managed to secure higher ground above the canyon. With the arrival ofadditional reinforcements and artillery, the Union gained an advantage over the persistent Rebel army. The

Confederates charged the Union several times in attempts to overtake their positions.

This resulted in heavy casualties for the Rebel Army, leading to their retreat. The

Union also flanked the rebels in other locations ofthe battlefield. Colonel Chivington reported on the excitement ofthe battle, writing that "1 never saw a more gallant thing in my life than that charge of99 men.,,36

The destruction ofthe Confederate supply train also greatly aided the Union forces. This was the last stage for the withering Rebel Army as they were forced into retreat by diminishing food rations. By the end ofday, the Union had counted 150 men

'14 Colton, The Civil War in the Western States, 56. '15 Hunt, The Army ofthe Pacific: 1860-1866, 65. 36Colonel John Milton Chivington, "Memorandum: The First Colorado Regiment, 1884." Microfiche MSS P-LlI, Bancroft Library, University ofCalifornia, Berkeley. 82 dead and wounded, while the Confederacy had lost 580 men.37 In the end, the Union had succeeded in driving the invaders away from the pass.

After this engagement, the Confederate Army was forced to retreat back to

Texas because the Union had destroyed their supply trains. Without the promise of supplies and troops, Confederate Commander Colonel Bayer was left with no other choice but to abandon the Confederate campaign for Western gold. In the days following the battle ofLa Glorietta, a starving and humiliated Confederate Army slowly hobbled back to Texas.38 The Californian and Southwestern forces had proven that they could properly defend their country. This decisive victory for the Union was made possible because ofthe military unity ofthe frontiersmen who fought so gallantly together.

The victory at La Glorietta Pass was a triumph for California and the

Southwestern region. It demonstrated to the War Department that a serious defense of the Pacific Coast and the Western territories was needed. The brave men who enlisted in the regiments ofCalifornia, New Mexico, Arizona and Colorado helped the Union

Army defeat the rebel forces. It was this mass preparation and interest in preserving the Union that expelled the rebels from the West. Once again, California had avoided the bleak fate ofa Confederate victory and the citizens ofthe Southwestern territories were reunited with the federal government.

After the Arizona campaign, a rush ofWestern men volunteered for military service. Like the Gold Rush, the mystique and allure ofwar stirred the frontier mentality ofwesterners. After all, the frontier was the place where danger and

37 Colton, The Civil War in the Western Territories, 71-80. 38 Ibid., 81. 83 excitement had originated and it was no surprise that so many ofits residents would not let the excitement ofwar escape them.

The transformation ofthe Southwestern frontier into strong nationalist regions was accelerated by the Civil War. The presence ofthe Union army influenced frontier

culture and led to its reorganization. Similar to the progress exhibited by California, this Western region also flourished under the Union's protective eye. The arrival of the federal army provided the incentive for regional development. The Army aided the

frontier by creating a sense ofsecurity for its residents. During the war, Eastern

residents flooded these territories to escape the Confederate guerillas fighting in the

East.39 While the Southwest remained under Union control, migration to the West

became less ofa hardship and a more favorable option for countless Americans.

The men ofthe Western territories answered the patriotic call to arms, much

like their Californian brothers. The Union's interest in the Southwest was initially

founded on its mineral abundance. When the Confederacy also expressed interest in

Western gold and silver, the federal government was forced to concentrate on the

preservation ofits remaining territories. The mustering ofan army in these regions

sparked a natural growth in Western development, and ultimately, the war did much to reconnect isolated territories and states with the East.

Moreover, the patriotic enthusiasm generated by the war also led to a

corresponding resurgence in nationalism. Indeed, in ever increasing numbers, the lone

Western pioneer was forced to dismount his horse, abandon his individualistic path, dress in Union blue, and embrace the modernizing American nation as it methodically transformed Frederick Jackson Turner's venerable frontier.

39 Paul, Mining Frontiers ofthe Far West: 1848-/890, 42. 84

Illustration # 15 A sketch ofLeadville, Colorado. Reprintedfrom Rodman Wilson Paul, Mining Frontiers ofthe Far West 1848-1880 (Albuquerque, 1963), appendix. 85

CONCLUSION

MY EYES HATH SEEN THE COMING

America is now awarding laurels to the men who sacrifice their triumphs in the rivalry ofbusiness in order to service to the cause ofa liberty-loving nation, their wealth and their genius to the success ofher ideals. That craving for distinction which once drew men to pile up wealth and exhibit power over industrial processes ofthe nation, is now finding a new outlet in the craving for distinction that comes from service to the Union, in satisfaction in the use ofgreat talent for the good ofthe republic. I - Fredrick Jackson Turner

Although the cannons ofFort Sumter were not immediately heard throughout the rustic areas ofthe American West, the Union's desire to uphold the nation was not restricted to the East. Across the frontier, the renewed doctrines ofAmerican nationalism became awakened by the outbreak ofthe Civil War. Almost at once, the

Western states fulfilled their patriotic obligation to the Union by constructing and financing the elaborate defense ofthe Pacific Coast and its own Southwestern borders.

The War accelerated the course ofWestern progress, by reconnecting the isolated frontier to the federal government. And in so doing, the Civil War greatly accelerated the national development ofthe West.

The Californian and Southwestern Gold Rush allowed the frontier to become the metamorphosis ofthis American prosperity. Many ofthese frontiersmen found wealth and the promise ofsocial reinvention in this region. Yet the Civil War

I Fredrick Jackson Turner, Rereading Frederick Jackson Turner. with a commentary by John Mack Faragher (New York: Holt and CO 1994), 179. 86 reminded the federal government that Western prosperity was a vital component in their campaign against the Confederate army. During this period, the military restructuring and organization ofthe West led to the true closing ofthe Western frontier because the renewed support ofthe federal government awakened a national identity, thus melting away prior "narcissistic" Western identities.

California and the American Southwest's preparation for war triggered an acceleration ofTurner's predicted American progress. Through the Civil War, the

Western states achieved unification with the East. Historian Robert Chandler explained this transformation:

With more activist Republican control in the 1860's, California gained from the federal government a daily overland mail, overland telegraph, and the long-sought transcontinental railroad. During the Civil War, civil authorities, by inclination, the ballet box, and presidential proclamation, smothered any secessionist threat to some 300,000 Californians. Four successive commanding generals ofthe military Department ofthe Pacific kept the peace, occasionally sending heated Democrats to cool offon frigid Alcatraz, while the secret Union League, which counted the governor and army adjutant among its grand council members, watched closely. National stamps, license, and income taxes showed federal presence as never before.

Finally, California held a coveted seat in the nation's political theater, iffor no other reason than her mineral wealth had made her worthy offederal support. Meanwhile, the mustering ofWestern troops and the fiscal demands ofwar forced California and the Southwestern territories to strengthen their own local governments.

The threat to the Union rallied Western states and territories, reinvigorating them with the goal ofa broad national unity. Hubert Bancroft commented on this vital transformation in California:

2 Robert Chandler, "An Uncertain Influence: The Role ofthe Federal Government in California, 1846-1880," California History 81 (2003): 225-226. 87

The readiness with which war taxes were paid, the cheerful contributions to the sanitary fund, and the loyal expressions ofevery legislative body, were a moral as well as material support, without which war must have been indefinitely protracted, or the Union dismembered. The attitude ofCalifornia discouraged rebellion, which has relied upon seizing the west coast ofthe continent whereon to found an empire for the perpetuation ofslavery.3

The eagerness expressed by Western residents to participate in war is also a testament to the changing demographics ofthe region. California and the Southwest succeeded in proving their worth to the Union, and they were rewarded in tum with a partnership that encouraged the growth ofstronger democratic states.

By 1863, the possibility ofa Confederate attack on the West Coast was slim.

The turning points in the war finally convinced the War Department that given the weakened state ofthe Confederate army, the coastal invasion ofthe Pacific, without the help of Britain or Mexico, was no longer possible. California and her neighboring states had proved their patriotism, as well as their worth, to the other states ofthe

Union. They had raised an infantry, built massive fortifications, intercepted

Confederate traitors, and received a state-of-the-art iron warship. It's true that residents ofthe Pacific Coast never shared the hardships endured during the War. Yet in the eyes ofCalifornia, the West was saved from a Confederate victory because of the defensive skills and unity ofthe Western troops.

It was the Union's rekindled interest in the American West which triggered the last stage in Turner's Frontier Thesis. Turner identified urban expansion as this stage in his model. However, this economic drive was further promoted by a surge in patriotic sentiment. The Civil War transformed the Western lands into nationalistic

3 Hubert Howe Bancroft, The Works ofHubert Howe Bancroft Volume XXIV: History of California Vol. VII. 1860-1890: (San Francisco: The History Company Publishers, 1888),314. 88 strongholds because the war itselfprovided the necessary tools and rationale for rapid nation building. The history ofthe Civil War in California and the West is linked to this last stage in Tumer's model because the war fostered American nationalism in a region that had been severely isolated from the prosperous American East.

Once the war was successfully prosecuted, the pioneer ofthe old West would inevitably shed his individualistic agenda for a more integrated life within the expanding bicoastal union that he had helped preserve. The result was that as the post­ war Gilded Age took root and American capitalism entered its most explosive phase, the American West was already well on its way to becoming a more dynamic and urban society in which the old frontier was rapidly fading. 88

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