Revolutionary Background of the Constitution by Earl Browder
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REVOLUTIONARY BACKGROUND OF THE CONSTITUTION BY EARL BROWDER Vanguard Role of the Communist Party .-\LEX BITTEL~L \N The Sino-Japanese V\Ta r and the .-\merican People LA'\ VRE1 CE HEARN Scottsboro and the Negro People's JAMES W. FORD Front and NA D .\:\101\' Communi t-Sociali t nity in Spain C. P. OF SP:\f1 From the \iV orld Communist Press T\\ · E~TY CE . J Making History Live--- As you read this is>ue of The Communist, your mind responds to the finest analysis of past and pre~ent -:vents in America. Here is the splendid fruit of Marxism applied to our own problems of today, linked by Communist writers to the living moving· history oi the world. Once a month Tht' Communist gives you a digest of news interpretation. Every day in the week the Daily ~Worker gives you news of the living present and an immediate interpretation o( this news. The American Constitution has become a major issue in the political picture in 1937. Browder's article on "Revolutionary Background of the American Con stitution" supplies a key to the great instrument which is the basic law of the land. But to know what modern Tories are doing to the Constitution-you must reod the Dailv Worker. In Spain and in Chiua imperialist and fascist forces are assailing the freedom of millions of ~)eople. \'\Then you have read about "The Sino-Japanese 'Yar" in The Com munist-for dav-to-dav news. vou must read thr Dailv Hlorher. ' ~ . Alexander Bittelman's article on "The Vanguard Role of the Communist Party" links the present fig1Hing Party of the working class to it, roots in the past, but for today's history of the Party-:vm. must read tlte Daily TV orher. Subscribe Now! DAILY WORKER · SUNDAY WORKER 50 East 13th Street, New York Citv \ VOL. XVI, No. g. SEPTEMBER, lf57 7he COMMUNIST A MAGAZINE OF THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF MARXISM-LENINISM PUBLISHED MONTHLY BY THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE U.S.A. CONTENTS Review of the Month A. B. 779 Revolutionary Background of the United States Constitution EARL BROWDER • 793 The Vanguard Role of the Communist Party ALEX BITT:ELMAN 8o8 The Sino-Japanese War and the American People . LAURENCE HEARN Scottsboro in the Light of Building the JAMES W. FORD Negro People's Front and ANNA DAMON An Open Letter on Communist-Socialist Unity in Spain Thoughts on Peace and the Probable Ad vantages Thereof THOMAS PAINE • From the World Communist Press Recent Publications Acknowledged Entered IJ$ second eltiU matter NOIJflmlnr 2, :c927, at the Post Of/ice at New York, N. Y., under the A.et of March J, :c879· Send eheclu, money orders and correspondence to Tm: CoMMUNIST, P.O. Box :c48, Sta. D (5o E. IJth St.), New York. Subscription ratu: l•.oo a year; $I.IXJ for six months; foreign Mid Canada $2.50 a year. Single copies 20 emu. PIUNTBD IN U.S.A. ....289 THE LEADERS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY, U.S.A. CHARLES E. RUTHENBERG 1882·1927 WILLIAM Z. FOSTER EARL BROWDER THE LEADERS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY, U.S.A. 'I CH ARLES E . RUT H ENBE RG 1882-1927 WILLIAM Z. FOSTER E ARL BROWDER REVIEW OF THE MONTH Labor Evaluates Political Experiences. How Can the Government Be Made More Responsive to the Needs of the Masses? Leadership or Alliance? Two Wrong Reactions to Failures of the Federal Government. The Progressi11e Camp and the Municipal Elections. Senator Black's Nomination. A New Phase in the Fight for Supreme Court Reform. Evaluating Experiences of First Defeat. The Labor Movement Needs Some Self-Criticism. A Situa- tion That Was Not Utilized. The Role and Contribution of the Con gress Session. No Dependable Roosevelt Majority. Elections in I9J7 and I9J8. Statement of Labor's Non-Partisan League. Cotton Loans and Crop Control. The Struggle for Trade Union Unity. Growth of C.I.O. Makes Unity Practical Task. Unity of Action the Burning Need. Brophy on the First Anniversary. The Central Committee Initiates a Two-Month Recruiting Drive. A Matter of Duty and Honor. ROGRESSIVE labor is today inten And what did the federal govern P sively evaluating the country's re ment do about it? Says the report: cent political experiences. In doing so, labor seeks an answer to a number of "The federal government throughout this urgent and practical questions. What entire situation has not displayed the slight political conclusions are to be drawn est interest in protecting the rights of the from the steel strike, from the struggle steel. workers on strike which have been so for the reform of the Supreme Court, flagrantly disregarded. Violations of the na tional statutes, such as the national Fire from the various successes scored by Arms Act, by the steel corporations have pro reaction in Congress and outside? duced no activity on the part of national In its report to the International officials." Executive Board of the United Mine Workers of America, the Steel Work ers Organizing Committee (S.W.O.C.) The action taken by the Executive has the following to say on the con Board of the United Mine Workers duct of government agencies in the upon this report is well known. It steel strike: "condemned" the anti-labor practices and policies of the local and state offi "In each of the steel areas where the strike cials who did the work of Girdler and has been in effect, local authorities acting in Grace; it "protested" the complete complete collusion with the officials of the lackadaisical and unconcerned atti steel corporations and the National Guard have violated state and national laws and tude of the national and state author have infringed in the most flagrant manner ities; and it "demanded" that these upon the civil liberties of the steel workers." authorities bring to justice all those 779 THE COMMUNIST responsible "for the wanton murder To become full'V conscious of the of the seventeen steel workers." fact that this is the exact nature of Important as these actions are by labor's relationship with the Roose themselves, they could not and did not velt administration (an alliance at close the question. For one thing, the separate and independent class forces), federal authorities still are not mov and to act upon this understanding, ing in the direction called for by the is the imperative need of the present decisions of the United Mine Work hour for the labor movement. Only in ers, decisions which received a sympa this way will the correct practical an thetic response and support in the en swer be found to the question of the tire labor movement and among all masses as to how to make the govern genuine progressive forces. The best ment more responsive to their needs, that could be said about the federal rights and just demands. This is also authorities is that they are still hesi the only way to counteract effectively tating. Second, there is the more gen the provocations of the reactionaries eral question agitating the minds of to bring about a break between the the workers. How can the federal gov Roosevelt administration and labor. ernment (and the local and state gov We know of two wrong reactions to ernments) be made more responsive the failure of the federal government to the needs, rights and just demands to fulfil its responsibilities to labor. of labor? Both of these wrong reactions are Ever since the great strikes in the rooted in the remnants of the illusion auto industry, labor has been grow that the Roosevelt administration is ing more conscious of the exact nature the political representative and spokes of its relationships with the Roose man of labor. Stated in their extreme velt administration. Labor has been forms, one reaction is: Roosevelt has steadily shedding the illusion that the ceased (or is ceasing) to be our spokes Roosevelt administration was the gen man, therefore our relations with him uine class representative of labor, that must come to an end. The other reac Roosevelt was 'the leader of labor and tion is: though Roosevelt has not ful its political spokesman. While steadily filled all his obligations to us, never parting with these illusions, labor at theless he is still our political repre the same time was gaining conscious sentative; therefore we must continue ness of its true relationships with the to treat him as our spokesman and Roosevelt administration, which have leader. been developing in practice as rela The practical consequences of such tionships of alliance and coalition for wrong reactions, if not counteracted specific purposes and specific aims. by a correct class policy of a labor An alliance of the working class as a Roosevelt alliance, are bound to be distinct and independent political extremely harmful to labor and to the force with the outstanding spokesman whole camp of progress. It is clear of bourgeois democracy (without the that the process of disillusionment in capital "D") for a joint fight against Roosevelt as "labor's leader" is a the economic royalists and the reac progressive process, one that is good ~ionaries. for the working class and its allies; REVIEW OF THE MONTH provided, however, that this process of spect, it was perhaps :.:evitable (given disillusionment is made to lead to the relation of class for\'es) that labor more class consciousness, to more po should pass through a stab"e in which litical independence and organization it followed Roosevelt as the "leader." by labor and its allies, and, conse We say "perhaps" advisedly; because quently, to a more conscious and even with the situation as it was shap stronger alliance between labor and ing up between the middle of 1935 Roosevelt as separate class forces yet and election day in 1936, it was fully fighting together against reaction and possible to achieve the defeat of the fascism.