’S MEDICAL KNOWLEDGE AND ITS SOURCES*

By WYNDHAM B. BLANTON, M.D.

RICHMOND, VA. THE versatile Washington Like most of his generation, Wash- touched medicine in many in ington was a firm believer in blood teresting particulars. He saw letting. The rationale was simple. The and heard a great deal of the cause of disease, peccant or morbific medicine of his day. He knew inti- matter, had to be evacuated. With- mately most of the best doctors of his draw a little blood and the thing was generation, and he acquired ideas of accomplished. His life-long friend and his own relating to the cause and cure counselor, Dr. Craik, tersely expressed of disease—perhaps no more than the it in a letter to Washington, then average eighteenth century colonial suffering from dysentery: “your dis- planter, but he had a straightforward- order hath been of long standing and ness and simplicity in the use and hath corrupted the whole mass of expression of his medical knowledge blood.” What nurses, barbers and that was rare at that period. overseers could do, what every doctor supported by the authority of Syden- i. Was hin gto n ’s Medic al Know ledge ham did for nearly every disease, From time immemorial the gentry what was practiced on himself and on of lowland spent their sum- Mrs. Washington repeatedly, Wash- mers at the springs. When other ington did not hesitate to order on his measures failed the healing waters of own initiative. The occasion arose in mineral springs were always sought. February, 1760, at Williamson’s Quar- In 1748 the sixteen-year-old Washing- ter, one of his plantations, when he ton first “call’d to see y. Fam’d found two of his negroes sick. Without Warm Springs.’’ In 1750 with his more ado he directed them to be invalid brother Lawrence, and in “blooded.” In May of the same year 1761 suffering with fevers, pains and his diary records: . . . Lightning insomnia, he sought “what effect wch. had attended a good deal of Rain the waters may have upon me,” has struck my Quarter and near 10 adding, “I expect nothing from the Negroes in it, some very bad; but air this certainly must be unwhole- with letting Blood they recoverd.” some.” He and Mrs. Washington went Washington’s own fatal illness devel- there in 1767, and two years later oped with alarming suddenness in the from the Springs he wrote: “I came middle of the night. Before the phy- to this place with Mrs. Washington sicians arrived the patient ordered and her daughter, the latter being his overseer to bleed him. The troubled with a complaint, which the modest pint of blood then with- efficacy of these waters it is thought drawn initiated a series of hopeless might remove. ...” phlebotomies. *Read before the Section of Medical History of The College of Physicians of , February 8, 1932. With many of his friends along the by vegetables or vinegar, or by any banks of the James and the Rappahan- kind of Drink but water, and eating nock, and his neighbors on the Poto- indifferent Bread . . . are to be as- mac, Washington had an abiding cribed the many putrid diseases inci- faith in the virtues of quinine. Writing dent to the Army. ...” to his secretary, Tobias Lear, in Smallpox attacked Washington early August, 1798, he cautioned: “If you in life, repeatedly visited his planta- have missed the ague care, and Bark is tions and was all too common among necessary to prevent a relapse. . . . ’’ his soldiers. He always exhibited a Not many days passed before he most energetic attitude towards this reported to his nephew Bushrod that eighteenth century scourge. His Rev- Dr. Craik had “to dose me all night olutionary correspondence with Con- on Thursday with Bark.” And Dr. gress, with the governors of the Craik gave it in large doses and fre- several states, and with his own quently. To two of Washington’s subordinates, is full of very definite nephews he administered 13 ounces in ideas concerning communicability, the the course of a year. Bark was a need for isolation hospitals and “the popular remedy on W ashington’s plan- amazing success” of inoculation. The tations as frequent entries in his prevention of smallpox in the Con- account books show. tinental Army he assumed with the Intestinal worms explained to the directness of one confident whereof satisfaction of eighteenth century par- he spoke. “I have been particularly ents many otherwise inexplicable ab- attentive to the least symptom of dominal symptoms. Mrs. Washington smallpox,” he wrote, and at another expressed what was probably her time: “I have therefore determined husband’s theory also when she wrote not only to inoculate the troops now in a delightfully candid letter to Mrs. here but shall order Dr. Shippen to Lear: “I am sorry to hear by your inoculate the recruits as fast as they Letter . . . that your little girl has come to Philadelphia.” He gave over been so ill ... I have not a doubt the winter spent at Morristown to a but worms is the principle cause of general inoculation of the whole army. her complaints. Children that cat How different was the attitude of everything as they like and feed as General John Thomas, who opposed heartily as yours does must be full inoculation, saw smallpox ravage his of worms ...” Her own son, Jacky command and died of it himself. Custis, on one occasion developed “a Other opposition was closer at hand. pain in his stomack,” at first taken He had to keep the fact of Jacky for colic, but later satisfactorily ex- Custis’s inoculation from the anxious plained as “owing to worms.” Martha until it was safely over, and Washington believed firmly in the he almost despaired of ever getting dietary cause of disease. Perhaps this her to undergo the ordeal, declaring: accounts for his frugal breakfast of she “talks of taking the smallpox: hoc cakes, honey and tea. To Congress but I doubt her resolution.” The he explained “the lamentable mortal- deed was finally accomplished by ity that attended us last Campaign.” Dr. John Morgan. He said: “ . . . to devouring large Washington considered the pro- quantities of animal food, untemper’d cedure a very simple one, claiming: “The whole art” lies “in keeping the seized (if more than a slight indisposi- Patient rather low in diet, and cool, tion) should be closely watched, and especially at the period of the eruptive timely applications and remedies ad- fever . . . and my own People (not ministered; especially in the pleurisies, less I suppose than between two and all inflammatory disorders accom- and three hundred), getting happily panied with pain, when a few days’ through it by following these direc- neglect, or want of bleeding, might tions, is no Inconsiderable proof of it.” render the ailment incurable. In such He berated the Virginia Assembly cases sweeten’d teas, broths and . . . in no uncertain terms: “Surely that sometimes a little wine, may be neces- Impolitic Act, restraining Inocula- sary to nourish and restore the pa- tion in Virginia, can never be con- tient. ...” tinued ... If I was a Member of Washington was several times the that Assembly, I would rather move victim of quackery. He sent a servant for a Law to compel the Masters of all the way to Lebanon, , Families to inoculate every child born to a hex-doctor “celebrated for curing within a certain limited time under persons bitten by mad animals,” Severe Penalties.” The influence of and paid five dollars for “the pre- Washington in the prevention of small- scription & application.” In the case pox in America was probably as great of Patsy Custis (Mrs. Washington’s as that of Cotton Mather, Benjamin only daughter), whose illness had Franklin, or . baffled most of the best physicians in For the common cold Washington the colony and whose fits were always seems to have had little concern, sending messengers hurriedly for help, although he appears to have had many desperation led to the trial of a time- himself. To a suggestion of Colonel honored cure for epilepsy. Washington Lear’s that he take something for a wrote in his diary on February 16, cold, he answered: “No, you know I 1769, “Joshua Evans, who came here never take anything for a cold. Let it last Night, put an Iron Ring upon go as it came.” Patcy (for Fits) and went away after There is little to show that Wash- Breakfast.” Two years later another ington thought much on the phil- expedient was tried and this time the osophy of disease. To him it was a very diary records that “Mr. J no. Johnson, simple process. Writing to his overseer who has a nostrum for Fits, came here about malingering slaves, he said: in the Afternoon.” Later the quack “Nobody can be very sick without was paid fourteen pounds for his having a fever, nor will a fever or frequent visits. any other disorder continue long upon any one without reducing them. Pain 11. Plant ation Medic ine at Moun t also, if it be such as to yield entirely Ver no n to its force, week after week, will Washington’s medical knowledge appear by its effects. ...” Further was not derived from books. His light is thrown on his naive conception library contained but nine volumes of disease in another letter: “ . . . in any way relating to medicine. the first stage of, and the whole What he knew came out of the school progress through the disorders with of hard knocks, long and trying ex- which they [the slaves] might be perience on the frontier, in war, on a plantation, and as a patient. His Ferry and French’s Farm, 5 sick correspondence during the colonial with a loss of 20 days, wars is full of medical details of great River Farm, 1 sick with a loss of interest. Throughout the Revolution 6 days, he was a constant agitator for im- Dogue Run Farm, 4 sick with a loss provement in the troubled affairs of of 13 days, making a total of sixty-two the medical department of the army. days lost by approximately 20 laborers But no medical experience was like in the course of a single week. that he got at where For all serious diseases and acci- the health of several hundred de- dents the overseers were instructed pendents weighed heavily upon to send for physicians. From 1760 to him. 1765 Washington employed Dr. James “Agriculture has ever been the Laurie to look after his people at £15 most favorite amusement of my life,” a year. From 1761 to 1781 Dr. he wrote. Except for the serious in- William Rumney carried on the plan- terruptions of war and the Presidency, tation practice under somewhat the he seldom varied from close applica- same arrangement. Perhaps he had tion to the affairs of his landed estates. underbid his predecessor, for when “I begin my diurnal course with the Washington settled with him after sun,” said he, “I mount my horse the Revolution for seven years’ ser- and ride round my farms until it is vices (1774-1781) he paid him £78. time to dress for dinner.” His greatest ios ., or about £11 a year. Washington pride was to be thought the first wrote in 1775: “Doctr. Rumney came farmer in America. At the time of his here in the Afternoon,” and added death he possessed 216 slaves and that the next day he “visited the 51,000 acres of land, about 8000 in Sick, returnd to Dinner and stayed and around Mount Vernon, a typical all Night.” After the Revolution Virginia plantation of the eighteenth James Craik took over the practice century with its manifold activities and continued to be sent for on all and centralized authority. occasions until Washington’s death. Throughout Washington’s writings Each of these physicians appears to there is a great deal to show his con- have been the family doctor during stant concern for the health of his the period he was employed on the slaves. The diaries alone contain sixty- plantation. “Doctr. Craik was sent four entries dealing with sickness on for to visit Carpenter James and the plantation. To one of his managers Cowper Jack. He also prescribed for he wrote in 1792: . . . foremost in a Child, Nat, over the Creek who my thoughts” is the “desire you was brought here.” On another occa- will be particularly attentive to my sion “Doctr. Craik who had been negroes in their sickness.” And well sent for to a laying in Woman at the he might be concerned, for the weekly River Plantation came here after report of the sick ending April 14 of dark and stayed all Night.” Taking that year showed: meals and staying all night was a Mansion House Farm, 6 sick with common failing with Washington’s a loss of 21 days, physicians. Muddy Hole Farm, 3 sick with a All of the medical bills paid by oss of 8 days, Washington between 1772 and 1792 amounted to £482, an average annual account books, where quantities of outlay of approximately £23, a little mustard, bark, camphor, sulphur, an- more than $100, a ridiculously small timony, cream of tartar, glaubers salts, sum for drugs and professional ser- calomel, rhubarb and jalap are listed. vices to himself, his family, servants, Considerable knowledge of medicine and about 200 slaves. Somewhere on was not unusual among plantation the Rappahannock tradition says the owners. The witty William Byrd of boy George accomplished the almost Westover not only bled and physicked impossible feat of throwing a dollar his people freely but actually pre- over that broad river. His account sented a paper before the Royal So- books bear out the wit who observed ciety: “On a Negro Boy that is Dap- that, if true, this was the only dollar pled on his Body in Several Places he ever threw away. with White Spots,” and Thomas Jef- And yet Washington spared no ferson, another plantation owner with pains to give his servants what he con- a respectable fund of medical knowl- sidered the best medical attention. In edge at his disposal, practiced boldly August, 1799, Tom, suffering from upon himself and his “family.” While cataract, was sent to William Bayn- president he personally vaccinated ham, the best surgeon in Virginia. The against smallpox all of his own slaves. year before, Christopher, bitten by a “Our whole experiment,” he wrote, mad dog, was sent all the way to “extended to about 200 persons.” Pennsylvania to a “specialist” in such Washington possessed the erudition of accidents. neither. His understanding of medi- Obstetrics was a prominent feature cine was not so profound. He made no of plantation medicine. From eco- parade of his knowledge. But when nomic, if not humanitarian motives, it occasion arose he did not hesitate to was important to get the women safely put what he did know into practice. and quickly through childbirth. In Repeated entries in his diary show 1763 Washington paid “Mr. Brasen- how closely he followed all cases of ton a pound for laying 2 women.” After sickness on his plantations. He records 1767 Susanne Bishop acted as midwife. the circumstances attending the biting She was the wife of Thomas Bishop, of “my Servant Will” by a hound Braddock’s servant, who had been em- “appearing to be going Mad.” Rich- ployed at Mount Vernon ever since the mond’s injured shoulder, William’s death of that general. The midwife’s fractured patella, the postillion’s bro- fee was ten shillings and she was kept ken jaw are enlarged upon to the busy, as the account books show. exclusion of the weightier matters of There are six references in the ac- the day. A hospital was maintained count books to the employment of near the mansion house and Washing- negro doctors by Washington. Their ton made regular rounds of the sick on fees were small and they were prob- his estates. On one occasion he found ably called in to treat only minor com- “Cupid ill of a pleurisy at Dogue Run plaints, though several in this century Quarter and had him brot. home in a in Virginia enjoyed wide reputations cart for better care,” and on another for their cures. “Rode to my Plan tat ns. and ordered The principal drugs prescribed at Lucy down to H[ome] House to be Mount Vernon are to be found in the Physickd.” The best evidence of Washington’s occur until June, 1755. He was on the intense personal interest in the health march with Braddock, glorying in of his slaves is to be found in his own the confidence of that general and account of smallpox as it occurred anxious to play a creditable part in a on Bullskin Plantation in Frederick victory that all expected. Suddenly County in 1760. Hearing “that small he was beset with “violent fevers Pox has got among my quarters and pains” in his head, and to his in Frederick determined therefore to chagrin had to be left upon the road. leave town as soon as possible and For nine days he fretted. Then he proceed up to them.” Finding two wrote “ I was relieved by the General’s dead and two recovering and “every- absolutely ordering the physicians thing in the utmost confusion,” he to give me Dr. James’s powders engaged “Vail. Crawford to go in (one of the most excellent medicines in pursuit of a Nurse to be ready in case the world), for it gave me immediate more of my People shd. be seized with ease, and removed my fevers and other the same disorder.” The next day complaints in four days time.” On “Got Blankets and every other req- the 9th of July Braddock suffered his uisite from Winchester and settled great defeat. Of that day Washington things upon the best footing I could to wrote, “I attended him on horseback, prevt. the Small Pox from spreading, very weak and low.” On July 18, and in case of its spreading, for the he wrote despondently to his mother, care of the Negroes.” “ I am still in a weak and feeble condi- Years later Washington inoculated tion. ... I fear, I shall not be able all his slaves. to stir till towards September.” Two years later this report of his in. Wash ingto n ’s Ill ne sse s health was forwarded to the Governor Sickness among physicians has in- of Virginia: “For upwards of three spired some of our best clinical obser- Months past Colo. Washington has vations, and intelligent patients rarely labour’d under a Bloody Flux, about go through a protracted illness with- a week ago his Disorder greatly in- out acquiring considerable medical creas’d attended with bad Fevers information. Washington’s own under- the day before yesterday he was standing of disease was undoubtedly seiz’d with Stitches & violent Pleure- augmented by his repeated experience tick Pains upon which the Doct’r as a patient. Bled him and yesterday he twice The record begins with smallpox, repeated the same operation.” Four contracted in 1751 in the Barbadoes, months later Washington wrote from whither he had sailed as nurse and Mount Vernon, “I have never been companion of Lawrence Washington, a able to return to my command. . . . brother seeking a cure for pulmonary my disorder at times returning obsti- tuberculosis. It was a full month nately upon me, in spite of the efforts before he was able to get out. Parson of all the sons of Aesculapius. . . . Weems later observed: “it marked At certain periods I have been reduced him rather agreeably than otherwise.” to great extremity, and have now too • Although he consulted Dr. Halkers- much reason to apprehend an ap- ton professionally in Fredericksburg proaching decay.” From this slough of in 1754, his next serious illness did not despond he was rescued by a visit to Williamsburg and the good offices of another, and dentists were among the Dr. John Amson of that city. On frequent visitors at Mount Vernon. March 18, 1758, three days after his Besides Baker there was Joseph Le arrival he acknowledged that he “was Maire, who came over with the in a fair way of regaining” his health. French in 1780, and Dr. Fendall of But in December of the same year he Alexandria. John Greenwood, a Rev- arrived at Winchester from the cap- olutionary soldier and resident of ture of Fort Duquesne again “very Connecticut made at least two sets of much indisposed,” so sick in fact, his artificial teeth. Time forbids more that he was not sure of reaching his than a reference to other early signs of destination in Williamsburg. “the growing infirmities of age,” fail- Less than three years passed before ure of sight (1778) and hearing (1793) he was again the object of concern. and the tremor that was evident in This time acting on the advice of his handwriting by 1787. Parson Charles Green he set out for The record of Washington’s health the Warm Springs. Reporting his is silent until 1786. In August of that arrival there he added: “I was much year he was apparently suffering from overcome by the fatigue of the ride malaria. The diary reads for August and the weather together. However I 31: “Siezed with an ague before six think my fevers are a good deal Oclock this morning after having abated, although my pains grow rather laboured under a fever all night. worse and my sleep equally disturbed.” Sent for Doctr. Craik, who arrived A trip “northward to try the effects just as we were setting down to dinner; of our mountain air on my disorder” who, when he thought my fever suf- followed. He was back at Mount ficiently abated, gave me a cathartick Vernon by September and in October and directed the Bark to be applied in wrote: “I have in appearance been the Morning.” September 1: “Took very near my last gasp. ... I once 8 dozes of the red bark to day.” Dr. thought the grim king would certainly Craik continued to come and he to master my utmost efforts . . . thank take bark until September 14. God, I have now got the better of the Washington had scarcely taken up disorder. ...” He was only twenty- his duties in as President nine years old, and four serious ill- before Dr. Samuel Bard was sum- nesses had already threatened his life. moned to incise a carbuncle of his All went well until 1768. On March thigh. The President’s condition was 3 his diary records: “Return’d home so threatening that Dr. Bard refused much disorderd by a Lax, Griping to leave his side for days, and the elder and violent straining.” This continued Bard was called in consultation. Again for a week or more, Dr. Rumney Washington talked seriously of dying: making repeated calls. In September “Do not flatter me with vain hopes. of the same year Washington was I am not afraid to die.” Writing to Dr. again under the care of Dr. Rumney, James McHenry on July 3, 1789, and in December consulted Dr. Wil- Washington said: “ . . . my health is liam Pasteur. restored, but a feebleness still hangs In 1772 Washington called on John upon me, and I am yet much incom- Baker, itinerant surgeon dentist. From moded by the incision, which was this time on he lost one tooth after made in a very large and painful tumor on the protuberance of my mention sixty-five physicians, most of thigh. This prevents me from walking whom visited him at Mount Vernon. or sitting. However the physicians Strange if he had learned no medicine assure me that it has had a happy from them. effect in removing my fever.” In his own family there was Dr. He felt the effects of the carbuncle David Stuart, husband of his step- for twelve weeks. Close on to this came son’s widow. There was a strong lik- a cold and conjunctivitis—he was ing between the two, an active cor- always having colds—and then the respondence, and the exchange of most threatening of all his illnesses, much political advice. Washington pneumonia. In his own words: “A appointed him one of the first com- severe illness with which I was siezed missioners of the District of Colum- the 10th of this month and which left bia and bequeathed him “my large me in a convalescent state for several shaving and dressing table, and my weeks after the violence of it had telescope.” passed; and little inclination to do In the inner circle of his friends was more than what duty to the public James Craik. Craik just missed being required at my hands occasioned the the first physician. “I suspension of this Diary.” A month thank you,” wrote Washington to Mc- later he wrote to La Fayette: “I have Henry, “ . . . for the anxiety which a few days since had a severe attack you express, that I should have some of the peripneumony kind; but am person about me, who is well ac- now recovered, except in point of quainted with my constitution, and strength.” who has been accustomed to my con- In June, 1793, Jefferson advised fidence. The habits of intimacy and Madison: “ . . . the President is not friendship, in which I have long lived well. Little lingering fevers have been with Dr. Craik, and the opinion I have hanging about him for a week or ten of his professional knowledge, would days and affecting his looks remark- most certainly point him out as the ably.” Woodward states that in 1794 man of my choice, in all cases of Washington was operated upon for sickness.” cancer in Philadelphia. In August, 1798, Mount Vernon was only a few miles now retired to Mount Vernon, he had from Alexandria. Here lived James malaria. It was two weeks before his Craik and the plantation physicians fever yielded to Dr. Craik, his assis- who preceded him, James Laurie and tants and the bark. In August, 1799, William Rumney. Here also resided, he was again sick, and Dr. Craik was in a house rented from Washington at again in attendance. It was in Decem- sixty pounds a year, William Brown, ber that a cold and his final illness put physician general in the Continental the period to his life. Army and author of the first American So much for the experiences of the Pharmacopoeia, and Elisha Dick, na- sick bed. tive of Pennsylvania, now health officer of the town. He was a consult- iv. Wash ingto n ’s Medi cal Friend s ant in Washington’s last illness and Washington’s acquaintance among read the Masonic service at his burial. doctors exceeded that of any other Hard by lived the Reverend Charles American of his time. His diaries Green, doctor of physic, clerk of Truro parish, and Mrs. Washington’s the diary is surprising. The Shippens personal physician. All paid frequent appear frequently. With Dr. William visits to Mount Vernon. Shippen, Sr., then sixty-two years In Fredericksburg Washington kept old but still enjoying a large and a desk in the apothecary shop of his lucrative practice, he breakfasted, friend Dr. . Here he dined and supped on several occasions. transacted his business when on visits Many honors had come to this emi- to his mother and sister. Here he also nent man, none more prized perhaps called on Dr. Lawrence Brooke, the than that of being physician to the surgeon of the Bon Homme Richard Pennsylvania Hospital. Washington, under John Paul Jones. Dr. Charles referring to an afternoon spent with Mortimer was mayor of the town and him, wrote: “Dined at the old Doctr. the trusted physician of Mary Wash- Shippen’s and went to the Hospital.” ington. At the close of the Revolution There is reference also to his dining Washington was the honored guest at with “young Doctr. Shippen,” the a ball at his house. La Fayette, Count already distinguished young Edin- d’Estaing and Rochambeau were there, burgh graduate who was later to be and Washington danced with the the director general of military hospi- sixteen-year-old Miss Maria Mortimer. tals in the Revolution. He dined with As a burgess Washington was often the venerable Dr. Thomas Cadwal- in Williamsburg, the colonial capital. ader, still an influential citizen with a Here again contacts with physicians large practice and a reputation for were established, with Dr. William his essay on the West India dry Pasteur, mayor of the town and one gripes and his advocacy of inoculation of the leading surgeons of the colony, against smallpox. He dined with Dr. with Dr. John De Sequeyra, visiting Thomas Bond, an old acquaintance, physician at the Hospital for the for he had consulted him profes- Insane, with Dr. John Amson, Dr. sionally seventeen years before and Peter Hay, and Dr. James Carter. paid him £4.6.8. He dined with Dr. Washington during his brief resi- John Morgan, a young man of prom- dence in New York formed a lasting ise, whom Congress was shortly to attachment for Dr. Samuel Bard, set over the medical department of one of the founders of the College of the army to succeed the unfortunate Physicians and Surgeons. Bard once Dr. Church. He was the guest of Dr. wrote his daughter: . . . nothing Benjamin Rush, then only twenty- can exceed the kindness and attention I nine years of age but already launched received from Washington.” He was into a brilliant career, which was to planning a visit to Mount Vernon take him to the height of his profession when the news of Washington’s death in this country. reached him. In 1787 Washington attended the In the autumn of 1774 Washington Constitutional Convention in Phila- arrived in Philadelphia with the other delphia. Again there was a round of delegates to the first Continental entertaining in which his friends Congress. There was the usual ex- among the physicians took a promi- change of courtesies, with much win- nent part. We find him in June ing and dining. The number of Phila- drinking tea at Dr. Shippen’s, and delphia physicians now mentioned in dining with Dr. Thomas Ruston, who in later years was a visitor at and now retired from active practice. Mount Vernon. In July he called on In September he dined with Dr. the accomplished though somewhat James Hutchinson, that dignified and eccentric Dr. Abraham Chovet, and charming gentleman who is said to was shown the anatomical figures have been fat enough to act the part which Chastellux had admired seven of Falstaff without stuffing. This years before. A few days later he friendship doubtless began at Valley wrote: “About 12 Oclock rid to Forge, where Hutchinson inoculated Doctr. Logan’s near Germantown” more than 3000 soldiers. and dined. This was Dr. George An interesting entry in the diary at Logan, later Senator. this time reads: “drank Tea, by The house, called Stenton, built by appointment and partr. Invitation at his grandfather, is still The standing. Doctr. Rush’s.” That “particular in- next day he dined “at Mr. Morris’s and accompanied Mrs. Morris to vitation” sounds a little as if the air Doctr. Redman’s 3 miles in the had not altogether cleared since the Country, where we drank Tea and Conway Cabal. But time softens the returned.” Dr. John Redman, who bitterest feelings, and by 1788 Wash- had assisted in the organization of ington was occupied in planting at the College of Physicians, combated Mount Vernon mangel wurzel sent yellow fever and defended inoculation, him by the same Dr. Rush.

Ref ere nce s

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