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Canadian Judicial Nomination Processes and the Press: ‘Interesting, in a Sleepy Sort of Way’
Oñati Socio-legal Series, v. 4, n. 4 (2014) – Law in the Age of Media Logic ISSN: 2079-5971 Canadian Judicial Nomination Processes and the Press: ‘Interesting, in a Sleepy Sort of Way’ ∗ DAVID SCHNEIDERMAN Schneiderman, D., 2014. Canadian Judicial Nomination Processes and the Press: ‘Interesting, in a Sleepy Sort of Way’. Oñati Socio-legal Series [online], 4 (4), 685-708. Available from: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2511239 Abstract Most of the recent appointees to the Supreme Court of Canada have participated in a new Canadian judicial nomination process initiated by the current Conservative government. As originally formulated in early policy platforms, the process was intended to mimic features of US Senate judicial confirmation hearings and so would highlight the distinction (popular in US political discourse) between ‘applying’ and ‘making’ law. This led to widespread fears that any new public process would politicize judicial appointments and functions at the Supreme Court. The process turned out to be much more tepid than anticipated and so raises questions about what Canadians may have learned as a consequence of this new nomination process. This paper undertakes a qualitative analysis of reporting of four nomination processes from a select number of Canadian newspapers. The main object is to determine the degree to which readers might have been alerted to the distinction between law and politics or, put another way, between judicial activism and restraint. It turns out that this framing was not dominant in the coverage and that, instead, distinctive Canadian political preoccupations, like language politics, got channeled through this new political opportunity structure. -
Shadow Cabinet Organization in Canada
SHADOW CABINET ORGANIZATION IN CANADA 1963-78 by KAREN ORT B.A., (Honours), Queen's University at Kingston, 1977 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Political Science) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1978 © Karen Ort, 1978 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Political Science The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date September 5» 1978 i i ABSTRACT The .study, focuses on shadow cabinet organization, the practice; of appointing members to shadow the activities of cabinet ministers by Opposition parties. This practice is analyzed in Canada between 1963 and 1978, a period of continual Progressive Conservative Opposition. The under• lying question is whether shadow cabinet organization has become more or less institutionalized during the period. In the introduction Samuel Huntington's four tests of institutionalization are outlined. They were used in assessing Canadian shadow cabinet institutionalization. To operationalize the tests for this study it proved use• ful to analyze the institution of the Canadian cabinet system along these dimensions. -
Gender, Political Leadership and Media Visibility: Globe and Mail Coverage of Conservative Party of Canada Leadership Contests
Gender, Political Leadership and Media Visibility: Globe and Mail Coverage of Conservative Party of Canada Leadership Contests LINDA TRIMBLE1 University of Alberta Introduction When women seek the leadership of competitive political parties, does their sex influence their news visibility throughout the campaign? Or is the amount and prominence of a leadership candidate’s news coverage determined by their competitiveness and standing in the race? To date, studies examining the relationship between gender and the amount of news coverage a candidate receives have provided inconclusive results. While some studies indicate a gender gap in news visibility, others sug- gest women are not disadvantaged relative to men and indeed may attract more news attention because of their sex. If gender parity in the amount of coverage of similarly situated candidates can be established, then it is likely that factors other than the sex of the candidate are shaping the quantity and placement of news coverage. This paper examines the relationship between the sex of the party leadership candidates and their visibility in news reports by performing a content analysis of Globe and Mail coverage of each of the three Con- servative Party of Canada leadership races featuring “high quality”2 female contenders: Flora MacDonald in 1976, Kim Campbell in 1993 and Belinda Stronach in 2004. While the three case studies are similar in three respects—political party, news source and the presence of a female candidate—they reflect important differences in the nature, competitive- ness and importance of the leadership race, the political context for women and the success of the female candidate. -
Maintaining Party Unity: Analyzing the Conservative Party of Canada's
Maintaining Party Unity: Analyzing the Conservative Party of Canada’s Integration of the Progressive Conservative and Canadian Alliance parties by Matthew Thompson A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2017, Matthew Thompson Federal conservative parties in Canada have long been plagued by several persistent cleavages and internal conflict. This conflict has hindered the party electorally and contributed to a splintering of right-wing votes between competing right-wing parties in the 1990s. The Conservative Party of Canada (CPC) formed from a merger of the Progressive Conservative (PC) party and the Canadian Alliance in 2003. This analysis explores how the new party was able to maintain unity and prevent the long-standing cleavages from disrupting the party. The comparative literature on party factions is utilized to guide the analysis as the new party contained faction like elements. Policy issues and personnel/patronage distribution are stressed as significant considerations by the comparative literature as well literature on the PCs internal fighting. The analysis thus focuses on how the CPC approached these areas to understand how the party maintained unity. For policy, the campaign platforms, Question Period performance and government sponsored bills of the CPC are examined followed by an analysis of their first four policy conventions. With regards to personnel and patronage, Governor in Council and Senate appointments are analyzed, followed by the new party’s candidate nomination process and Stephen Harper’s appointments to cabinet. The findings reveal a careful and concentrated effort by party leadership, particularly Harper, at managing both areas to ensure that members from each of the predecessor parties were motivated to remain in the new party. -
STUDENT 1976 February-April
"STUDENT" Newspaper 191 Lippincott St._ TORONT' M5 STtlPENT lTtDI/ll\iTi February — April 1976 CANADA'S NEWSPAPER FOR UKRAINIAN STUDENTS DOUBLE ISSUE : . Page 2 STUDENT- "You must support the French language rights outside of Quebec if you want Multicul- turalism to survive." This was basically the most recurring message to be ~y heard at the recent Second Canadian Conference on Mul- STUDENT ETL'DIAfVTJ ticulturalism held in Ottawa on Feb. 13, 14 and 15. This message, which seemed by the way to be almost wholly propounded by the French Canadians, quietly re- ceived the full endorsement of Labour Minister John : "STUDENT" Munro and his fellow' Anglo Canadian Mandarins. After 191 Lippincott Street, all, why shouldn't Munro endorse something that would Toronto, Ontario. relieve him of his troubles by 'letting the ethnics fight it out with the French' ? Why shouldn't the Mi- , - nister put the responsibility , for Multiculturalism on ' the shoulders of all minority ethno cultural groups? - . It seems that the Imperial Fountain has saved the day for Munro. Or has it? "STUDENT" is a national tri-lingual and bi-monthly news- The Federal Government has safely neutralized the paper for Ukrainian Canadian students and is published by question of multiculturalism by dichotomizing it. the Ukrainian Canadian Students' Union (SUSK). Either we accept and support the language and cultural "STUDENT" is a forum for fact and opinion reflecting the rights of the French, in which case, when the French - interests of Ukrainian Canadian students on various topics: Canadians are secure and equal with the Anglais social, cultural, political and religious. -
DÉBATS De L'assemblée Législative Du
DÉBATS de L'Assemblée législative du QUÉBEC INDEX QUATRIÈME SESSION VINGT-SEPTIEME LÉGISLATURE Vol. 2 - Nos 1 à 95 Sous-comités des subsides Comité des comptes publics Du 21 janvier au 6 août 1965 TABLE DES MATIÈRES Membres du Cabinet I Adjoints parlementaires II Officiers de l'Assemblée législative III Liste alphabétique des membres de l'Assemblée législative IV Liste alphabétique des circons- criptions électorales VI Liste alphabétique des participants aux débats 1 Liste alphabétique des sujets 84 Sous-comités des subsides 171 Comité des comptes publics 180 Session 1965 — Vol. 2 - Numéros 1 à 95 - Pages 1 à 5012 — Sous-comités des subsides - Pages 1 à 456 Comité des comptes publics - Pages 457 à 552 — Du 21 janvier au 6 août 1965 — ABREVIATIONS dd., Dépôt de documents dm., Déclaration ministérielle q., Question qp. Question de privilège I MEMBRES DU CABINET DE L'HON. JEAN LESAGE le 21 janvier 1965 Par ordre de préséance Premier ministre Ministre des Finances Ministre des Affaires fédérales-provinciales . L'HON. JEAN LESAGE Ministre de l'Education . M. PAUL GERIN-LAJOIE Ministre de l'Agriculture et de la Colonisation M. ALCIDE COURCY Ministre des Richesses naturelles ... M. RENE LEVESQUE Ministre du Tourisme de la Chasse et de la Pêche M. GERARD COURNOYER Ministre de la Voirie M. BERNARD PINARD Ministre de la Famille et du Bien-Etre social M. EMILIEN LAFRANCE Ministre de la Santé M. J.-ALPHONSE COUTURIER Ministre de l'Industrie et du Commerce M. GERARD-D. LEVESQUE Secrétaire de la province M. BONA ARSENAULT Ministre d'Etat M. GEORGE C. MARLER Ministre des Travaux publics M. -
The October Crisis Appendix Y the Roles of the Participants in Retrospect
1 The October Crisis Appendix Y The Roles of the Participants in Retrospect “The worth of the State, in the long run, is the worth of the individuals composing it.” (John Stuart Mill 1806-1873) “History is the biography of great men.” (Thomas Carlyle, 1795-1881) The heroes, villains, players and passers-by of the Crisis People make history or at least shape it. Certain persons played very leading parts in the October Crisis. The following is a critical and very personal evaluation of the roles of the principal players. I. Pierre Laporte (27 February 1921 – 17 October 1970) The death of Laporte was a public and private tragedy One must firstly conclude that the murder of Pierre Laporte was senseless, cruel and evil. It took, at the prime of life, a devoted husband, father, colleague and friend of so many people. He was the best parliamentarian in the National Assembly, where orators abound as in 2 no other parliament in Canada. He was the loyal lieutenant of Bourassa, his much younger and less experienced rival, who had defeated him in the leadership race that same year. He was a journalist and author who cared for the elegance of the French language and the quality of everything he wrote in French and English. Despite his accomplishments, he was far from his prime personally or at the peak of his career as a politician, armed as he was with great energy, judgment and experience. His already extensive body of writings was only a beginning; he had not even begun to explore his multitudinous files and experiences, in a public life which had been so rich and varied. -
The Canadian Bar Review. Volume 94. 2016. Number 2
THE IMMUNITY OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL TO LAW SOCIETY DISCIPLINE Andrew Flavelle Martin* The Attorney General is both the minister responsible to the legislature for oversight of the law society and a practicing member of the law society. This dual status raises important questions: Is the Attorney General subject to discipline by the law society? Should she be? This article argues that the Attorney General is immune, absent bad faith, both for prosecutorial discretion and core policy advice and decisions, as well as absolutely immune under parliamentary privilege for anything said in the legislature. The Attorney General enjoys no special immunity otherwise, i.e. for the practice of law outside prosecutorial discretion and for policy and political functions outside core policy advice and decisions. (The Attorney General for Ontario enjoys extended immunity under a statutory provision that is unique to that province.) The article then argues that the Attorney General should generally be subject to discipline to enhance the rule of law and the protection of the public. If some immunity is necessary, that immunity should require good faith. La procureure générale est à la fois la ministre responsable de la surveillance du barreau par le pouvoir législatif et un membre du barreau qui exerce. Ce double statut soulève des questions importantes. La procureure générale est-elle passible de sanctions disciplinaires imposées par le barreau? Devrait-elle l’être? L’auteur de cet article soutient que la procureure générale bénéficie d’une immunité, sauf dans les cas de mauvaise foi de sa part, tant en ce qui concerne le pouvoir discrétionnaire de poursuivre que les conseils et décisions de base en matière de politique. -
The Joe Clark I Know 48 Years of the “Outrageous Fortune” of Politics
"1 The Hill Times/May 15, 2019 The Joe Clark I Know 48 Years of the “Outrageous Fortune” of Politics By Douglas Roche When I received an invitation to attend, on June 4, an “Evening to Celebrate the Rt. Hon. Joe Clark,” my mind instantly went back to 1971 when I met a gangly, earnest young man working for the Progressive Conservative leader, Robert Stan- field. I had been invited to have lunch with Mr. Stanfield in his suite at the Mac- donald Hotel in Edmonton. The door was opened by Joe Clark, and thus began a relationship that has endured for 48 years through, as Shakespeare would put it, “the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune.” Joe’s praises will rightly be sung to honour the 40th anniversary of his be- coming Prime Minister, the 35th anniversary as Foreign Minister and his 80th birthday. You couldn’t keep me away from this historic occasion. In my political lifetime, I have known 23 Canadian foreign ministers, and Clark, who put the Canadian values of strength, compassion and peace on the world stage, was the best of them all. But I’m getting ahead of myself. I have to tell the Clark story my way, not just because I have known him probably longer than any political figure in Ottawa today but also because no other person in Ottawa so affected my political career. I struck a bond with Joe right away in Stanfield’s suite because his father, the High River, Alberta, newspaper editor, Charles Clark, had served on my Board "2 of Advisors when I was editor of the Western Catholic Reporter. -
Le Parti Libéral Du Québec : Alliances, Rivalités Et Neutralités Comprend Des Réf
Vincent Lemieux (1993) Le Parti libéral du Québec Alliances, rivalités et neutralités Un document produit en version numérique par Mme Marcelle Bergeron, bénévole Professeure à la retraite de l’École Dominique-Racine de Chicoutimi, Québec Courriel : [email protected] Dans le cadre de: "Les classiques des sciences sociales" Une bibliothèque numérique fondée et dirigée par Jean-Marie Tremblay, professeur de sociologie au Cégep de Chicoutimi Site web: http://classiques.uqac.ca/ Une collection développée en collaboration avec la Bibliothèque Paul-Émile-Boulet de l'Université du Québec à Chicoutimi Site web: http://bibliotheque.uqac.ca/ Vincent Lemieux, Le Parti libéral du Québec (1993) 2 Un document produit en version numérique par Mme Marcelle Bergeron, bénévole, professeure à la retraite de l’École Dominique-Racine de Chicoutimi, Québec courriel : mailto:[email protected] Vincent Lemieux. Une édition électronique réalisée à partir du texte de Vincent Lemieux, Le parti libéral du Québec, Alliances, rivalités et neutralités. Sainte-Foy : Les Presses de l’Université Laval, Québec, 257 pp. Polices de caractères utilisés : Pour le texte : Times New Roman, 12 points. Pour les citations : Times New Roman 10 points. Pour les notes de bas de page : Times New Roman, 10 points. Édition électronique réalisée avec le traitement de textes Microsoft Word 2003 pour Macintosh. Mise en page sur papier format : LETTRE (US letter), 8.5’’ x 11’’) Édition complétée le 28 avril 2007 à Chicoutimi, Québec. Vincent Lemieux, Le Parti libéral du Québec (1993) 3 Vincent Lemieux 1993 Vincent Lemieux, Le Parti libéral du Québec (1993) 4 TABLE DES MATIÈRES Remerciements INTRODUCTION Les partis et la maîtrise du rituel politique Les dirigeants et la maîtrise du rituel politique Les moyens d'action et les relations sociales Les relations avec les autres sources de puissance L’évaluation électorale des alliances, des rivalités et des neutralités Les espaces partisan, extra-sociétal et intra-sociétal Le choix du Parti libéral Plan de l’ouvrage 1. -
Tory Hopes in Quebec Ride on a Leader
THE TORONTO STAR, Saturday, Feb. 12, 1972 16 Tory hopes in Quebec ride on a leader OTTAWA Possibly the most important and en during of Robert Stanfield's contribu Peter Desbarats tions to his party has been the com- plete overhaul of the federal Conserva- Ottawa editor tive organization in Quebec. Itis also his most speculative invest- fact that the Conservative-oriented Un At the top of the structure is a troika ment in the future. Unless the party ion Nationale party had been in power can find a commanding figure to lead it of three men: Dupras and two Mont- in Quebec since 1966 and was in the real lawyers, Claude Nolin, the "old in Quebec in the election expected this process of preparing its own defeat in year,it is unlikely that Stanfield will 1970. man" at 48 years of age, and 32-year reap the full benefit of four years of The Conservatives' Quebec campaign old Brian Mulroney, Beneath them is a intensive work in the province. 13-member executive committee and 10 Despite the Conservative leader's in 1968 was a six-week affairdirected by an ad hoc organization working out regional organizers. This central struc- claim in Montreal last month that ''it ture is to be duplicated in each of the doesn't matter to me whether it's one of temporary quarters on Notre Dame St. in the old section of Montreal. regions and finally at the riding level. man or a group," the party's search for The central 26-man structu e was ex an impressive and identifiable Quebec "We worked our hearts out but we r just didn't have it," recalled one veter- hibited publicly by Stanfield in Mont- "lieutenant" is not only continuing but real in mid-January, when he officially intensifying. -
The Immunity of the Attorney General to Law Society Discipline
Schulich School of Law, Dalhousie University Schulich Law Scholars Articles, Book Chapters, & Blogs Faculty Scholarship 2016 The Immunity of the Attorney General to Law Society Discipline Andrew Flavelle Martin Dalhousie University Schulich School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.schulichlaw.dal.ca/scholarly_works Part of the Legal Ethics and Professional Responsibility Commons Recommended Citation Andrew Flavelle Martin, "The Immunity of the Attorney General to Law Society Discipline" (2016) 94:2 Can Bar Rev 413. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Schulich Law Scholars. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles, Book Chapters, & Blogs by an authorized administrator of Schulich Law Scholars. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE IMMUNITY OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL TO LAW SOCIETY DISCIPLINE Andrew Flavelle Martin* The Attorney General is both the minister responsible to the legislature for oversight of the law society and a practicing member of the law society. This dual status raises important questions: Is the Attorney General subject to discipline by the law society? Should she be? This article argues that the Attorney General is immune, absent bad faith, both for prosecutorial discretion and core policy advice and decisions, as well as absolutely immune under parliamentary privilege for anything said in the legislature. The Attorney General enjoys no special immunity otherwise, i.e. for the practice of law outside prosecutorial discretion and for policy and political functions outside core policy advice and decisions. (The Attorney General for Ontario enjoys extended immunity under a statutory provision that is unique to that province.) The article then argues that the Attorney General should generally be subject to discipline to enhance the rule of law and the protection of the public.