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Add'l Patents Pending Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, Oct 1998 v44 i4 p538 The Influence of Culture on Pretend Play: The Case of Mennonite Children. Stephanie M. Carlson; Marjorie Taylor; Gerald R. Levin. Full Text: COPYRIGHT 1998 Wayne State University Press Teacher attitudes about pretend play were compared in Old Order Mennonite, New Order Mennonite, and non-Mennonite Christian schools. These subcultures differ in modernity, media exposure, and encouragement of pretend play. Non-Mennonite teachers were the most positive about pretend play, but Old Order Mennonite teachers were the most positive about private fantasies (e.g., imaginary companions). Although the proportion of children's pretend play at recess did not differ across groups, Old Order Mennonite children's play themes adhered more closely to real-life family roles. Teacher attitudes about pretend play were related to the imaginativeness of children's social play. These findings suggest it is important to investigate the influence of culture on pretend play in both social and nonsocial contexts and the processes by which this influence occurs. Although the capacity and inclination to pretend seem to appear spontaneously in all normally developing children as they acquire the ability to use symbols and engage in representational thought (Piaget, 1962), research on individual differences indicates that the sociocultural context is also crucial to the developmental course of pretense (e.g., Farver, 1992; Gaskins & Goncu, 1992; Haight & Miller, 1993). In many western middle- class families, pretend play is considered beneficial for young children and involvement in fantasy is strongly encouraged. For example, the first books read to many children are about fairies, talking animals, mermaids, and the like. Stuffed bears and dolls that are animated by parents in the context of play are among the first toys of childhood. In episodes of joint play, adults scaffold the pretense of young children, providing a supportive and instructional environment for the elaboration of pretend play themes (Haight & Miller, 1993; Kavanaugh, Whitington, & Cerbone, 1983; Smolucha, 1992). The involvement of parents in this way has been shown to raise both the level and the length of pretend play episodes (O'Reilly & Bornstein, 1993; Slade, 1987). Not all families and all communities, however, value and facilitate children's engagement in pretend play. Religious ideology constitutes one aspect of cultural context that contributes to substantial variation in adult attitudes about pretense. Although mainstream Christianity tends to support children's involvement in fantasy activities--even toddlers are actively encouraged to participate in rituals involving fantasy characters such as Santa Claus and the Easter Bunny (Clark, 1995)--more fundamentalist sects tend to be less positive about pretend play and to espouse a child-rearing environment that is less conducive to its development. For example, our reading of the Mennonite and Amish literature(1) gave the impression that pretend play is rarely discussed or embellished in Mennonite society, and in some cases is actively discouraged (e.g., Hostetler, 1993). Acceptable reading material for Mennonite children includes stories that represent an American rural way of life and teach a moral lesson (such as the value of hard work). Stories that have a fantasy orientation are considered unacceptable. The Amish "do not want their children to read fairy tales or myths; many object to any stories that are not true such as those in which animals talk and act like people or stories that involve magic, such as The Pied Piper of Hamlin" (Hostetler & Huntington, 1971, p. 46). Menno Simons, the founder of the Mennonite faith, instructed parents not to encourage frivolous activities such as pretend play--"wink not at [their] follies." Mennonites also believe that free time or idleness is detrimental to children's development, thus young children are less likely to have the unstructured time that is believed to promote pretend play (Singer & Singer, 1990). In our research, we examined how attitudes about pretense vary as a function of religion by interviewing teachers in Mennonite communities that differed with respect to the adherence to traditional Mennonite values, as well as teachers in rural non-Mennonite Christian communities. Although it would have been desirable to have parents participate in this study, interviewing people in private homes or church settings is unacceptable to many members of orthodox Mennonite congregations. We interviewed teachers because they were much more accessible to us, they are important agents in the socialization of young children, and, especially in Mennonite communities, they uphold home-life value systems (Schwartz, 1973). In a second study, we explored the relation between teacher attitudes and child behavior by observing children from these communities at play during school recess. To provide a context for our presentation of the empirical studies, we begin with a description of the Mennonite way of life and views concerning children. Mennonite Way of Life The Mennonite faith is a form of Christian Protestant anabaptism founded in the sixteenth century in Switzerland. To escape religious persecution and economic difficulties, Mennonite followers began immigrating to America in the late 1600s. They settled on farms in the Northeast and maintained an agricultural lifestyle that continues to thrive. Although the greatest concentration of Mennonite communities is in Pennsylvania, large groups have congregated in many regions including New York, Indiana, Iowa, Ohio, and eastern Canada. There are five main cultural themes that distinguish Old Order (orthodox) Mennonites from other Christians (Hostetler & Huntington, 1971): 1. A conscious separation from the larger society. Purposeful resistance to modernity can be seen in the items listed in Table 1. Table 1. Old Order Mennonite Life Style Peasant-like dress: -- women wear long, dark printed dresses, black shoes and stockings, and a white "prayer bonnet" to show their obedience to God and submission to their husbands -- men wear black or dark blue trousers with suspenders and long-sleeved shirts (white on Sundays), a Mao-styled black jacket and black hat (blue hats for young men) dresses and shirts are always buttoned to the neck Language: -- a Pennsylvania German dialect is spoken at home and all social functions Homes: -- no central heating -- kitchen has a wood-burning stove -- a second gas or electric stove, sometimes painted black to avoid the "fanciness" of white enamel -- a long kitchen table lined with one or two benches -- some have a china cabinet -- some have a hand pump in the kitchen for water -- many do not have indoor plumbing -- most now have refrigerators -- some do not have electricity (particularly ministers' homes) -- none have radio or television -- phones are allowed on the porch but must only be used for business -- refuse to pay fire insurance (community will rebuild and share the cost) Schools: -- established their own parochial school system in 1966 Machinery: -- tractors have steel-rimmed wheels instead of rubber tires -- tractors must not exceed 90 H.P. or have a tractor cab -- tractors and automobiles may not be used for transportation--only a horse and buggy Occupations: -- over 90% are farmers -- others work in shops that make or repair shoes, harnesses, furniture, buggies, or stoves -- shops must be located in the farm community (not in urban centers) -- do not pay health care or pensions (community shares responsibility for elders) Note: Adapted from Peters's (1987) description of Old Order Mennonites in Canada. 2. Voluntary acceptance of the faith and its stringent social obligations. In late adolescence, young people are urged to vow not to depart from the discipline and to accept the "straight and narrow" way of living. 3. Maintenance of a disciplined church community. Rules for borderline issues (such as allowing windshields on buggies) are discussed in the Ordnung, the book of conduct for each district; however, most standards are not specified in writing. As in any society, Mennonites acquire cultural norms and values by being active participants in the particular way of life established by the community in which they are raised. 4. Excommunication and shunning. Mennonites are concerned with keeping their members from "slipping" into the secular world or into other religious groups. Thus, anyone in the fellowship who expresses a desire for modern conveniences, aspires to additional education, or violates church standards through drunkenness or adultery risks being shunned. 5. Harmony with the soil and nature. Mennonites espouse agricultural living because it promotes the Puritan values of hard work, thrift, and mutual aid as opposed to the "restlessness, rootlessness, and anxiety" associated with urban mobility (Hostetler & Huntington, 1971, p. 9). Mennonite Views of Children The primary source of information about children in Amish/Mennonire communities is Hostetler's writings based on his years of study beginning in the 1960s, field visits, and recollections of his own childhood. Table 2 summarizes the assumptions and postulates that govern childrearing practices in this ethnoreligious group. Mennonite society divides individuals into age stages and there are socialization patterns characteristic of each stage. "Little children," comprised of children ages 1 to 5, are kept as far away from the outside world as possible. They must stay close to parents when
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