DOCSLIB.ORG

Transformation of Nato in the Face of Transnational Terrorism

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Transformation of Nato in the Face of Transnational Terrorism TRANSFORMATION OF NATO IN THE FACE OF TRANSNATIONAL TERRORISM A Master’s Thesis by SEBAHAT BULDUK Department of International Relations Bilkent University Ankara September 2009 To my parents and Ertuğrul TRANSFORMATION OF NATO IN THE FACE OF TRANSNATIONAL TERRORISM The Institute of Economics and Social Sciences of Bilkent University by Sebahat BULDUK In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS In THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BILKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2009 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. Assoc. Prof. Ersel AYDINLI Supervisor I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. Asst. Prof. Tarık OĞUZLU Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. Asst. Prof. Aylin GÜNEY Examining Committee Member Approval of the Institute of Economics and Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Erdal Erel Director ABSTRACT TRANSFORMATION OF NATO IN THE FACE OF TRANSNATIONAL TERORISM Bulduk, Sebahat M.A. Department of International Relations Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Ersel Aydınlı September 2009 Transnational terrorism with special reference to the September 11 attacks in 2001 on the territory of the United States has significant impacts on NATO’s approach to terrorism at rhetorical, practical and institutional levels. This thesis describes and explains the role of transnational terrorism on NATO’s transformation process, which intensified with the end of Cold War era. The Alliance’s 1991 and 1999 Strategic Concepts already defined terrorism as one of the risks to the Allies’ security. However, NATO began to actively engage in fighting against terrorism after the September 11 attacks. Just after 9/11, NATO for the first time in its history invoked Article 5, which is the collective defense clause of the Washington Treaty. Particularly, the Prague Summit held in 2002 has been catalyst for the transformation of Alliance into an organization that is more adaptive to the new security environment where the threats are less likely to be state-centric. In the assessment, until September 11, 2001, terrorism did not have a priority on the NATO’s agenda. Then, after the dramatic assaults, almost every step in the Alliance has been taken in the name of fighting against terrorism. The creation of the NATO Response Force, Terrorist Threat Intelligence Unit and further a new “Allied Command Transformation” are several examples in this regard. Basically, 9/11 demonstrated that transnational terrorism constitutes a very serious threat even for a super power, nobody is immune from terrorism and the approach to terrorism as a domestic threat is no longer applicable. Key words: new terrorism, NATO and transformation, September 11 attacks, Prague Summit, Afghanistan. iii ÖZET NATO’NUN SINIROTESI TERORİZM KARSISINDA DÖNÜŞÜMÜ Bulduk, Sebahat Yüksek Lisans, Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü Tez Yöneticisi: Assoc. Prof. Ersel Aydınlı Eylül 2009 Transnasyonel terör, özellikle 11 Eylül 2001 tarihinde Amerika’ya düzenlenen terörist saldırılar başta olmak üzere, NATO’nun teröre yaklaşımında söylemsel, operasyonel ve kurumsal düzeyde önemli değişikliklere yol açmıştır. Bu tez çalışması, NATO’nun Soğuk Savaş sonrasında başlayan dönüşüm sürecinde transnasyonel terörün rolünü tanımlamaya ve açıklamaya çalışmaktadır. İttifak’ın 1991 yılında kabul edilmiş ve 1999 yılında gözden geçirilmiş Stratejik Konseptleri, terörü önceden NATO’nun güvenliğine yönelik tehditlerden biri olarak kabul etse de, İttifak’ın 11 Eylül’e verdiği cevapla, NATO terörle mücadeleye aktif olarak katılmaya başlamıştır. 9/11’den sonra İttifak, tarihinde ilk defa Vaşington Andlaşmasının kolektif savunmayı öngören 5. maddesini hayata geçirmiştir. Özellikle 2002 yılında düzenlenen Prag Zirvesi, NATO’nun devlet eksenli olmaktan uzaklaşan güvenlik tehditleri karşısında, daha uyumlu bir örgüte dönüşümünde bir tür katalist olmuştur. Değerlendirme olarak, 11 Eylül 2001’e kadar terörizm, NATO’nun ajandasında öncelikli bir yere sahip olmamıştır. Dramatik saldırılardan sonra ise İttifak içindeki hemen tüm kararlar terörle mücadele doğrultusunda alınmıştır. NATO Mukabele Kuvveti, Terör Tehdidi İstihbarat Birimi ve yeni “Müttefik Transformasyon Komutanlığı”nın kurulması bu konudaki örneklerden bazılarıdır. 11 Eylül, terörün artık süper güç bir ülke için bile ciddi tehlike arzettiğini, kimsenin terörden muaf olmadığını ve terörün yerel bir tehdit olarak görüldüğü anlayışın artık geçerli bulunmadığını göstermiştir. Anahtar Kelimeler: yeni terörizm, NATO ve dönüşüm, 11 Eylül 2001 saldırıları, Prag Zirvesi, Afganistan. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First of all I would like to render my thanks and appreciation to my supervisor Ersel Aydınlı for his support and guidance throughout the research period. His comments and remarks on the initial drafts have been crucial for structuring the thesis. Without his understanding and encouragement, I could not have managed to complete this project. Furthermore, it is a pleasure to thank Asst. Prof. Tarık Oğuzlu and Asst. Prof Aylin Güney for having accepted to take part in my thesis committee. Special thanks go to my lovely fiancée Ertuğrul Demirci and my parents for their continuous support, encouragement and motivation in really hard times I lived through. I am really grateful to Tomur Bayer, the General Director of the International Security Affairs and to Ahmet Muhtar Gün, the Vice General Director of OSCE, Arms Control and Disarmament Department at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey for their precious advices and help. Indeed, I benefited from their wide knowledge. I would also like to extend my thanks to Colonel Mete Tahmisoğlu for his support and kind conversations he held with me about my thesis. I thank TUBİTAK for financing a significant part of my graduate studies. Last but not least, I am forever in dept to my friends for their support, friendship and inspiration while I was preparing this thesis: Meryem Tığrak, my roommates Özge Wambach, Ceren Baran and Berfin Çıtırıkadıoğlu. v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT................................................................................................................iii ÖZET...........................................................................................................................iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.....................................................................................…...v TABLE OF CONTENTS.........................................................................................…vi LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………………...viii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS.....................................................................................ix CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION .................................................................................1 CHAPTER II: THE CONCEPT OF NEW TERRORISM WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF TRANSNATIONAL TERRORISM……………………………6 2.1 The Concept of Security in a Globalized World………………………..6 2.2 Transnationalization of Insecurity………………………………………10 2.3 Chancing Face of Terrorism…………………………………………… 13 2.3.1 Traditional versus Contemporary Terrorism………………… 13 2.3.2 State Sponsored Terrorism…………………………………….15 2.4 The Effect of Globalization on Transnational Terrorism………………..16 2.5 New Terrorism…………………………………………………………..18 2.5.1 New Security Dilemma………………………………………..18 2.5.2 The Characteristics of New Terrorism.......................................22 2.5.3 New Wars in the Age of New Terrorism...................................31 2.6 Al-Qaeda Network with the Outrageous Effect of the September 11 Attacks………………………………………………………………………34 CHAPTER III: NATO’S APPROACH TO TERRORSIM BEFORE SEPTEMBER 11, 2001……………………………………………………………………………..40 3.1 NATO and Its Missions During the Cold War………………………… 40 3.1.1 The Origins of the Alliance……………………………………40 3.1.2 The Security Tasks of the Alliance……………………………41 3.2 NATO’s Tasks and Missions in the post Cold War Period……………..44 3.2.1 Keeping NATO and Redefining Collective Defense………….44 3.2.2 Arms control and WMD………………………………………45 vi 3.2.3 Enlargement Policy: Cooperation with Former Adversaries and Other non-NATO Nations…………………………………………...49 3.2.3.1 Partnership for Peace (PfP) Initiative………………..52 3.2.3.2 Membership Action Plan (MAP)…………………….53 3.2.4 NATO and the Balkans: Crisis Management and Peace Operations…………………………………………………………...53 3.2.5 Growing European Independency through ESDP……………..56 3.3 NATO’s Approach to the Nature of Terrorism………………………… 60 3.4 1991 Strategic Concept………………………………………………… 65 3.5 1999 Strategic Concept………………………………………………… 67 CHAPTER IV: TRANSFORMATION OF NATO AT THE RHETORICAL AND PRACTICAL LEVELS.…………………………………………………………….71 4.1 Transformation at the Rhetorical Level…………………………………72 4.1.1 Rhetorical Transformation about Nature of the Threat….…….73 4.1.2 Rhetorical Transformation on the Response to Terrorism…… 77 4.1.2.1 Condemning the Attacks…………………………… 77 4.1.2.2 Emphasizing Solidarity, Unity and Readiness……....78 4.1.2.3 Comprehensive Approach…………………………...81 4.1.2.4 A Further Step: Revising Strategic Concept………...81 4.2 Transformation at the Practical Level…………………………………...82 4.2.1 Military Concept Against Terrorism…………………………..84 4.2.2 Combating Terrorism in the Mediterranean…………………...86
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance Ergodan Kurt Old Dominion University
    Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Graduate Program in International Studies Theses & Graduate Program in International Studies Dissertations Spring 2010 Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance Ergodan Kurt Old Dominion University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/gpis_etds Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Kurt, Ergodan. "Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance" (2010). Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), dissertation, International Studies, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/4bgn-h798 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/gpis_etds/75 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Program in International Studies at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Program in International Studies Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DOUBLING NATO: FUNCTIONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL ENLARGEMENT OF THE ALLIANCE by Erdogan Kurt B.A. August 1996, Turkish Military Academy M.A. July 2001, Naval Postgraduate School A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY May 2010 Approved by: ©2010 Erdogan Kurt. All rights reserved. ABSTRACT DOUBLING NATO: FUNCTIONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL ENLARGEMENT OF THE ALLIANCE Erdogan Kurt Old Dominion University, 2010 Director: Dr. Regina Karp This dissertation studies NATO expansion as institutional adaptation. More specifically, it examines the interaction between NATO's functional and geographical enlargement. This study asserts that there is a close relationship between NATO's new functions and its enlargement.
    [Show full text]
  • Nato Enlargement: Qualifications and Contributions—Parts I–Iv Hearings
    S. HRG. 108–180 NATO ENLARGEMENT: QUALIFICATIONS AND CONTRIBUTIONS—PARTS I–IV HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED EIGHTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION MARCH 27, AND APRIL 1, 3 AND 8, 2003 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.access.gpo.gov/congress/senate U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 90–325 PDF WASHINGTON : 2003 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 11-MAY-2000 17:42 Nov 12, 2003 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 90325 SFORELA1 PsN: SFORELA1 COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana, Chairman CHUCK HAGEL, Nebraska JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware LINCOLN CHAFEE, Rhode Island PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland GEORGE ALLEN, Virginia CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts MICHAEL B. ENZI, Wyoming RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin GEORGE V. VOINOVICH, Ohio BARBARA BOXER, California LAMAR ALEXANDER, Tennessee BILL NELSON, Florida NORM COLEMAN, Minnesota JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER IV, West Virginia JOHN E. SUNUNU, New Hampshire JON S. CORZINE, New Jersey KENNETH A. MYERS, JR., Staff Director ANTONY J. BLINKEN, Democratic Staff Director (II) VerDate 11-MAY-2000 17:42 Nov 12, 2003 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 90325 SFORELA1 PsN: SFORELA1 CONTENTS Thursday, March 27, 2003—Part I Page Allen, Hon. George, U.S. Senator from Virginia, opening statement .................
    [Show full text]
  • NATO As a Factor of Security Community Building
    NATO as a Factor of Security Community Building: Enlargement and Democratization in Central and Eastern Europe EAPC-NATO Individual Fellowship Final Report 1999-2001 BY CORNELIU BJOLA CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY International Relations and European Studies Program Email: [email protected] DISCLAIMER The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, or the Central European University (CEU), Budapest. The author wishes to thank to the NATO Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and to the CEU International Relations Department for financial and academic support. List of Tables and Graphs Table 1: Level of political engagement with NATO……………………………………. 29 Table 2: Level of military engagement with NATO…………………………………….. 30 Table 3: Major political-military agreements between Hungary and Romania…………. 32 Table 4: Foreign and military policy orientations……………………………………….. 33 Table 5: Legal basis of the Hungarian and Romanian NSSP……………………………. 36 Table 6: Restructuring of the armed forces……………………………………………… 38 Table 7: Readiness status of the Romanian and Hungarian armed forces………………. 40 Table 8: General framework of democratic civilian control of the military…………….. 43 Graph 1: Major bilateral agreements……………………………………………………. 30 Graph 2: Official high-level meetings…………………………………………………... 31 Graph 3: Trade relations………………………………………………………………… 49 Graph 4: Satisfaction with democracy…………………………………………………... 50 Graph 5: Respect for human rights……………………………………………………… 50 Graph 6: Public support for extremist parties…………………………………………… 50 Graph 7: NATO centripetal influence…………………………………………………… 57 2 TTAABBLLEE OOFF CCOONNTTEENNTTSS INTRODUCTION 4 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND 7 RESEARCH DESIGN 11 A) TESTING HYPOTHESES : 11 B) CONSTRUCTION OF VARIABLES , METHODOLOGY: 12 C) CASE STUDIES , DATA SOURCES : 13 I. BUILDING TRUST BETWEEN FORMER ENEMIES 15 SEARCHING FOR A NEW IDENTITY 15 EXPORTING STABILITY TO THE EAST 17 TAKING ON NEW RESPONSIBILITIES 21 II.
    [Show full text]
  • A Primer to the Wales NATO Summit: NATO, Summit Agenda, Likely Results, Canadian Interest
    A Primer to the Wales NATO Summit: NATO, summit agenda, likely results, Canadian interest Aby POLICY Colin Robertson PAPER September, 2014 POLICY PAPER A Primer to the Wales NATO Summit: NATO, summit agenda, likely results, Canadian interest by Colin Robertson CDFAI Vice President September, 2014 Prepared for the Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute 1600, 530 – 8th Avenue S.W., Calgary, AB T2P 3S8 www.cdfai.org ©2014 Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute ISBN: 978-1-927573-00-6 A Primer to the Wales NATO Summit residents, Prime Ministers, and ministers responsible for foreign affairs and defence will meet in Newport, near Cardiff in Wales for the 26th NATO summit, September 4-5, at the P invitation of UK Prime Minister David Cameron. With ‘partner’ nations also present, leaders of 60 countries are expected at the summit. The conference takes place against a backdrop of the ongoing Ukrainian crisis and continuing turmoil in the Middle East and North Africa. As host David Cameron observed in his letter to fellow leaders "In 2014, the world is more unpredictable than ever and we meet at another pivotal moment in the history of the alliance." Or, as President Obama said last week at a party fundraiser, "If you watch the nightly news, it feels like the world is falling apart." Both leaders are also conscious of the domestic backdrop: the Scottish referendum on independence (September 18) and the US midterms (November 4). WHAT IS NATO? In the wake of the Second World War, the victors set up a series of international institutions. The foremost was the United Nations, with universal membership designed to advance human progress and prevent the “scourge of war”.
    [Show full text]
  • Prepared Statement for Committee on Foreign
    PREPARED STATEMENT FOR COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE HEARING ON NATO ENLARGEMENT APRIL 3, 2003 by Jeffrey Simon* Senior Research Fellow Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University NATO, the core institution defining the transatlantic relationship, stands at a crossroad. Now that the Alliance’s 21-22 November 2002 Prague Summit has passed into history, NATO will need to focus on implementing its decisions that include the adoption of transformed command arrangements, a NATO Response Force (NRF), a Capabilities Commitment to deal with post-September 11th security challenges, and substantial enlargement of the North Atlantic Council (NAC) to 26 members in 2004. The “new” NATO will be a very different organization from what it has been. On balance, integration of the seven new members on NATO will make a modest but generally quite positive contribution to this transformation of transatlantic security affairs. The European Union (EU)’s decision at Copenhagen on 12-13 December 2002 to enlarge from 15 members today to 25 by mid-2004 will similarly challenge and transform that organization. In 2004 eight of NATO’s new members (Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Slovakia, and Slovenia) also will be in a “new” EU. The dual (NATO and EU) enlargement will further reduce the “variable geometry” that has existed between the two institutions in Europe and result in “mingling EU and NATO cultures” with unknown, but potentially significant consequences. However, the EU’s eight new NATO members, who have recent historical memory of Soviet domination, joined the Alliance because they see it as the best vehicle to guarantee their security and defense concerns and strongly support the active U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Daedalus European Security: the Interactions of NATO, EU, WEU
    The Daedalus European Security: The Interactions of NATO, EU, WEU Introduction From the beginning of the 90's the future of the European security was linked to the vision of the replacement of the old bipolar structures with new co-operative ones. These would lead to the establishment of a new Pan European co-operative security regime, in which the new challenges and risks would be dealt. Although the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) could constitute the main forum in which a new effort would develop, mainly because of its membership which includes the United States, Canada and Russia, ÍÁÔÏ has emerged finally as the main organiser of the new European security architecture. Ten years after key elements of the new European security include a transformed and expanded NATO and a European Union committed to pursue a common defence and security policy. The first steps have been already made, but are they in the right direction, do they promote the desirable co-operative security regime for the whole Europe? The study examines how the European security structures evolved after the end of the Cold War by exploring the policies of the US and the major European actors with an eye to evaluate the progress that has been made towards the establishment of a new co-operative perception of security throughout Europe. In the first chapter the parameters of the European security in the post-Cold war environment are examined. Since the collapse of the Warsaw Pact and the break-up of the Soviet Union significant changes have taken place in Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • After the Summit: Long-Term Consequences for NATO
    ESEARCH APER RResearch Division - NATO Defense College, RomeP - No. 37 – May 2008 After the Summit: Long-Term Consequences for NATO by Karl-Heinz KAMP 1 eeks after the NATO summit in Bucharest there is an ongoing Contents debate in academic circles and in the media on whether the 1. NATO’s Summit Inflation 2 W meeting of the heads of states and government was a 2. Afghanistan: Changing success or a failure. Some editorials express the disappointment of their the “Winning” Rhetoric 2 authors with the allegedly meager results of the top level meeting in the 3. The Perspectives for Romanian capital. Decisions not taken were seen as proof of a divided the Enlargement Process 3 NATO. Others acclaim the summit and saw those points the Alliance 4. How to Deal with Russia? 5 agreed upon as another proof of NATO’s ability to find consensus on 5. The Future of Transatlantic Relations 6 major steps in its evolution. 6. Changes in NATO’s Internal Geometry 7 On second thoughts, though, this debate appears to be fruitless, since 7. Conclusions 8 there are no commonly accepted criteria for the success of a NATO summit. Neither the length of the summit declaration nor the quantity of items being discussed says anything about the relevance of the meeting. Even the number of agreed decisions can’t be regarded as a yardstick for its relevance, as one can always argue that it would have been better for NATO’s future if this or that decision had not been taken. Research Paper NATO Defense College Of much greater relevance is the question of what the long term Collège de Défense de l’OTAN Research Division implications of the decisions and the debates of the Bucharest summit Via Giorgio Pelosi, 1 are.
    [Show full text]
  • NATO's Persistence After the Cold War. (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) Author: Robert B
    Source: International Organization, Summer 1996 50 n3 p445-475. Title: NATO's persistence after the cold war. (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) Author: Robert B. McCalla Author's Abstract: COPYRIGHT 1996 World Peace Foundation; Massachusetts Institute of Tech Neorealist theories help explain alliance formation and longevity but have trouble explaining why the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) continues to exist after the cold war. Organizational theories further our understanding by noting that organizations have strong survival instincts, yet NATO survives only as long as its members wish it to. To understand NATO's persistence after the cold war, we must turn to international institutionalist theories to explain why, contrary to neorealist expectations, NATO remains the key international security institution for its members. International institutionalist theories add the conception of NATO as part of a broad multilevel and multi-issue relationship among member states, and this broader context is necessary to explain NATO's persistence. Subjects: Treaties - Social aspects Alliances - Analysis Organizational effectiveness - Analysis Organizations: North Atlantic Treaty Organization - Political aspects Electronic Collection: A18622769 RN: A18622769 Full Text COPYRIGHT 1996 World Peace Foundation; Massachusetts Institute of Tech Alliance literature traditionally has focused on two key questions: Why do alliances form? and What keeps alliances together?(1) A broader question, related to the second, is inadequately addressed: How do alliances respond to changing strategic circumstances? This essay examines how the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has responded to the end of the cold war and the demise of its main threat, the Soviet Union. This is a timely and critical issue, as NATO could take many different paths in response to these changes.
    [Show full text]
  • NATO-Russia Relations: the Background
    North Atlantic Treaty Organization Media Backgrounder September 2014 NATO-Russia relations: The background NATO began reaching out to Russia in 1990. Over the following two decades, the Alliance proposed to Russia an unprecedented series of partnership initiatives. This fact sheet sets out the key dates and events in the relationship. 1990 London Summit: The first outreach On 5-6 July 1990, the NATO Summit in London proposed to the countries of the then Warsaw Pact a joint declaration which would state that: “We are no longer adversaries and reaffirm our intention to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state.” In that spirit, the Alliance invited President Gorbachev on behalf of the Soviet Union, and representatives of the other Central and Eastern European countries to come to Brussels and address the North Atlantic Council. Also at the London Summit, the Alliance invited the states of the Warsaw Pact to establish regular diplomatic liaison with NATO. “This will make it possible for us to share with them our thinking and deliberations in this historic period of change”, said the London Declaration http://www.nato. int/cps/en/natolive/official_texts_23693.htm?selectedLocale=en 1994: The Partnership for Peace At the Brussels Summit of 11 January 1994, NATO decided to launch the Partnership for Peace programme (PfP) as: “An immediate and practical programme that will transform the relationship between NATO and participating states” http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/official_texts_24470. htm?selectedLocale=en The programme was open to all the states of the former Warsaw Pact, including Russia.
    [Show full text]
  • 2122 OTAN EN P001-012.Ps, Page 1-12 @ Normalize ( 2122
    HB-ENG-0406 NATO HANDBOOK Public Diplomacy Division NATO 1110 Brussels, Belgium ISBN 92-845-0178-4 HB-ENG-0406 © NATO 2006 NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY ORGANISATION (NATO) MEMBER COUNTRIES Belgium Bulgaria Canada Czech Republic Denmark Estonia France Germany Greece Hungary Iceland Italy Latvia Lithuania Luxembourg Netherlands Norway Poland Portugal Romania Slovakia Slovenia Spain Turkey United Kingdom United States The North Atlantic Treaty, signed in Washington in April 1949, created an Alliance for collective defence as defined in Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. The Treaty is of indefinite duration. The NATO emblem was adopted as the symbol of the Atlantic Alliance by the North Atlantic Council in October 1953. The circle is the symbol of unity and cooperation and the compass rose suggests the common road to peace taken by the member countries. 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The Public Diplomacy Division would like to thank the members of the International Staff who contributed their time and expertise to this edition of the NATO Handbook. The Division would also like to thank Mr Nicholas Sherwen, who was the originator of the NATO Handbook. With his dedication and under- standing of the Alliance, he has guided readers over the years through the intricacies of this ever-changing organisation. The NATO Handbook is published by the NATO’s Public Diplomacy Division under the authority of the Secretary General as a reference book on the Alliance and on Alliance policies. The formulations used reflect as closely as possible the consensus among the member nations which is the basis for all Alliance decisions. However, the Handbook is not a formally agreed NATO document and therefore may not represent the official opinions or positions of individual governments on every issue discussed.
    [Show full text]
  • George Hw Bush
    The Polish Institute of International Affairs Transatlantic Leadership Network … “Our responsibility is to look ahead and grasp the promise of the future. For 40 years, the seeds of democracy in Eastern Europe lay dormant, buried under the frozen tundra of the Cold War. And for 40 years, the world has waited for the Cold War to end. And decade after decade, time after time, the flowering human spirit withered from the chill of conflict and oppression; and again, the world waited. But the passion for freedom cannot be denied forever. The world has waited long enough. The time is right. Let Europe be whole and free.” AFFAIRS George H.W. Bush “A Whole Europe, A Free Europe” * * * “Europe is not yet Whole and Free as we dreamt it would be in the heady days of 1989. But Europe is wholer and freer than it has ever been in its history. Russia and Belarus are the only two countries whose people are denied the right to choose their own government. One day they will have that right which the rest of Europe now enjoys. This volume of essays is essential reading for those who wish to understand the last 30 years; three decades of European history which, INTERNATIONAL whatever the setbacks and disappointments, have transformed our continent and the lives of those who are its citizens.” OF Sir Malcolm Rifkind served as Foreign Minister and Minister of Defence in the United Kingdom Government between 1992–1997 Editors * * * Sławomir Dębski and Daniel S. Hamilton „A great book about Europe‘s finest years, a convincing but unfinished strategic architecture.“ Volker Rühe INSTITUTE served as Federal Minister of Defence in German Government between 1992–1998 POLISH THE AFFAIRS INTERNATIONAL OF INSTITUTE POLISH THE PRAISE FOR EUROPE WHOLE AND FREE: VISION AND REALITY “The goal of a Europe whole, free and at peace remains as vital today AFFAIRS as it did in 1989.
    [Show full text]
  • Nato Enlargement and Its Implications for Turkey
    THE INSTITUTE OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES OF BİLKENT UNIVERSITY NATO ENLARGEMENT AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR TURKEY By ERDOĞAN ÇATAL A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BİLKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA July 2001 I certify that I have read this thesis and I have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of International Relations. Prof. Ali Karaosmanoğlu Thesis Supervisor I certify that I have read this thesis and I have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of International Relations. Assoc. Prof. Meltem Müftüler Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and I have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of International Relations. Asst. Prof. Mustafa Kibaroğlu Examining Committee Member Approval of the Institute of Economics and Social Sciences Prof. Kürşat Aydoğan Director ii ABSTRACT NATO ENLARGEMENT AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR TURKEY ÇATAL, ERDOĞAN M.A. In International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Ali Karaosmanoğlu July 2001, 125 pages NATO, which has been throughout the Cold War a collective defense organization, was considered either useless or out of date with the end of the Cold War. However, as it did in the early years of the Cold War, habitually originating from its own dynamics, NATO transformed itself in order to meet the imperatives of the post-Cold War international environment.
    [Show full text]