The Identity Crisis and Marginalization of the 'Indian Gorkhas' and The
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© 2020 IJRAR October 2020, Volume 7, Issue 4 www.ijrar.org (E-ISSN 2348-1269, P- ISSN 2349-5138) The Identity crisis and Marginalization of the ‘Indian Gorkhas’ and the construction of ‘Martial Race’ Theory and Masculinity Pranay Thapa M.Phil Scholar Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai INTRODUCTION Identity politics is a much-debated topic and forms the basis upon which most groups fight for their rights and social justice hence when we talk about marginalization it is often on the basis of identity that the groups contest the various blockades to their development and marginality. The structure and norms that guide the trajectory of developmental activities are a result of discriminatory treatment of a powerful group that largely ignores the demands of the lesser power. The political background in India is shaped in the lines of identity assertion which questions the prejudiced and preferential transaction in socio-economic spheres of developments. Srimayee Dam in her article says “Identity politics has become a prominent subject in Indian politics in the past few years. The rise of low castes, varied religious identities, linguistic groups, and ethnic conflicts have contributed to the significance of identity politics in India” (Dam, 2011). With the assertion of identity comes the voice that disapproves of forces that oppresses and marginalizes through their casual apathetic mediocrity in delivering social justice in many spheres of administration. Such voices aspire for political freedom and challenge the imprecise characterizing of the distinctiveness of the identity of the marginalized groups by their hegemonic constructions which ignores the plurality of ethnic identities. Darjeeling and its adjoining areas are perfectly nestled in the lap of nature that charms the locals and the visitors by its breathtaking scenery of the mighty Kanchenjunga, Tea gardens and lush green hills and the cool weather. This image is a limitation in itself because there is always a question on the identity and nationality of the Gorkhas1. Tanka B. Subba in his book says that “The Geopolitical importance of Darjeeling is hardly justified by the few inches it occupies in the Map of India” (Subba, 1992) which implies that despite its benefaction to the share of economic revenue to the State of West Bengal through tourism and tea industry, on the hierarchy of development and acceptance the administration has always failed to maintain an equilibrium in juxtaposition with the other parts of the state which are predominantly Bengali speaking regions and this political ghettoization is largely grounded on the distinct and different ethnicity and cultural identity of the Gorkha populace. The historicity of the idea of its historical origin dates back to the colonial legacy and it is intertwined by factors of reconciliation, migration, and annexation. Atis Dasgupta in his article says that “The territory of Darjeeling historically belonged to Sikkim and Bhutan. From the beginning of the 19th century, the English East India Company began to take active interests in Darjeeling, and the whole territory came under the British occupation in three phases during the thirty years from 1835 to 1865” (Dasgupta, 1999). Other than the territory, to answer the question of who is a Gorkha and who all are supposed to be the main inhabitants of the region is rather a difficult task as it cannot entail only one set of Nepali speaking population. To talk about Gorkhaland the focus is largely on the basis of identity but we cannot ignore the territorial setting that is not only limited to Darjeeling and adjoining hills but also the plains of Siliguri and Doars. There is mixedness in population with varied ethnic groups and would they want to be a part of the Gorkhaland struggle other than the Nepali speakers is another complex question that has further contributed to a continuum in the struggle for Gorkhaland. 1 When I say Gorkhas, it comprises the Nepali speakers, Sherpas, Lepchas, Bhutias and other non – Nepali speaking population who cohesively have accepted Nepali as the common ‘Lingui Franca’ IJRAR19S1691 International Journal of Research and Analytical Reviews (IJRAR) www.ijrar.org 552 © 2020 IJRAR October 2020, Volume 7, Issue 4 www.ijrar.org (E-ISSN 2348-1269, P- ISSN 2349-5138) The complexity further increases when we look at the population-based in Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong hills which also have multiple ethnic groups. Therefore it continues to be a marginalized region from every aspect of development and attention from the center and state administration. To dwell upon such intricacies is beyond the scope of the paper but at the same time can be highlighted and put forth given the intertwining nature of the land, ethnic - identity and demand. This paper explores the identity and marginalization based issues of the Gorkhas with a brief look at its historicity. One important aspect that is further explored is the construction of ‘Martial Race’ theory and masculinity that is linked to how Gorkha men have been seen as. A GLIMPSE OF THE HISTORICAL, POLITICAL AND PRESENT SCENARIO A state government is a subdivision of the government of a country that shares power with the center and has some form of political autonomy that is accountable to its members. When we look at the multiplicity of the ethnic groups that exist in a state it is varied but why is it that the decisions for development and equality in distribution of resources centric for some and partial to others? This is exactly the scenario in the state of West Bengal that has sidelined the communities in the hill divisions. The movement for separate autonomy outside of Bengal began in 1907. Basant B. Lama in his books says that “Following the partition of Bengal, the leaders of the Hill people in 1907 led by Sonam Wangfel Ladenla, the first Hillman to retire as Assistant Superintendent of the Darjeeling Police (distinctly different from the Bengal Police and the Calcutta Police, even the salaries were paid by the Darjeeling Municipality!) “Demanded a separate administrative set-up for the District of Darjeeling”. (Lama, 2008). The onus to bring ahead a mass agitation demanding a separate state was led by Late. Subahs Ghising in 1986 with his party called the Gorkha National Liberation Front. Many lives were lost and many dreams shattered but with no success, the movement was superseded with a solution in the name of an administrative unit called the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. This largely failed to fulfill the aspirations of the people due to internal biases in the council which only focused on select few privileged groups of people. The common man suffered double marginalization and exclusion from development from within the community and from the state which was always prevalent. In the later year of 2007, the movement was revived on the pretext of the failure of the previous party which was led by Mr.Bimal Gurung, under his new party called Gorkha Jan Mukti Morcha. There was a series of mass mobilization and active participation of the women and students who tirelessly came out of their homes and schools with new fervor and agility. It was a demonstration of a new form of solidarity and interest for a larger cause of Gorkhaland but again as fate would have it, the movement was superseded with a similar administrative body but with a new name called Gorkha Territorial Administration. Still, nothing has been able to change the utter disappointment amongst the people, both parties have somehow managed to mobilize the masses but have failed terribly in their promises. The jeopardy in the duties performed by both the parties and a discriminatory state government has made the people the worst sufferers of vulnerability and political anxiousness that have crippled their aspirations. The year 2017 marked another intense agitation movement that lasted for 104 days. It was sparked by the decision of the West Bengal Government to implement Bengali as a compulsory subject from classes 1 to 10 across the state. On 5th June 2017 protests and mass mobilization erupted across the region against the decision. The State Government clarified Bengali subject to be optional in Gorkha dominated Darjeeling hills. This juncture is very important to note because when the Government made clarifications on its decision it did not consider the region of Siliguri plains and Doars (Which is integrally considered as a part in the demand for Gorkhaland) where a large number of Nepali - speaking as well as non – Nepali - speaking population along with Bengalis are inhabitants. What about them? Hence it is unjust and not a solution. The movement continued with enough resentment, violence that led to injuries and death, deployment of security forces and shutting down of the internet. All these movements are a result of the continuous imbalance, under-representation and unjust treatment of the Government both at the state and the center. IJRAR19S1691 International Journal of Research and Analytical Reviews (IJRAR) www.ijrar.org 553 © 2020 IJRAR October 2020, Volume 7, Issue 4 www.ijrar.org (E-ISSN 2348-1269, P- ISSN 2349-5138) THE IDENTITY CRISIS OF THE NEPALI SPEAKING GORKHAS IN INDIA As Nilamber Chettri writes in his article “With the Laws Local Extent Act of 1874, Darjeeling was declared a Scheduled District and the Government of India Act, 1919 declared Darjeeling as Backward Tract. From 1935 till the end of the British rule in 1947, Darjeeling remained a Partially Excluded area. These provisions sealed the distinct identity of the region and further separated it from the rest of Bengal” (Chhetri N. , 2017). The seclusion ensued a ground for sealing a backward identity for the region and its people that has progressed further in the form of marginalization. The advent of British Colonizers in Darjeeling and its adjoining hills had a surge in the population that comprised of the Lepchas, Bhutias and ethnic groups of Nepali origin.