DOCSLIB.ORG

General Introduction

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
General Introduction Kaldellis-00intro_Layout 1 7/17/15 12:19 PM Page 1 General Introduction Translated in this volume are the long funeral orations that Michael Psellos, the leading intellectual of eleventh-century Byzantium, wrote for three successive ecumenical patriarchs of Constantinople, who governed the Orthodox Church in Byzantium for a total of more than thirty years: Michael I Keroul larios (1043– 1058); Konstantinos III Leichoudes (1059– 1063); and Ioannes VIII Xiphilinos (1064– 1075). Also translated are several letters that Psellos ad- dressed to two of them. These works are worthy of study for many reasons. First, they are important sources for both the secular and the ecclesiastical ca- reers of these three men, which are not otherwise well documented. They are, in other words, important historical sources for a variety of events and top- ics, including the relations between emperors and patriarchs during a period when the Byzantine empire went from being the leading power in Europe and the Near East to a state on the verge of collapse, and when the Orthodox and Catholic Churches deepened their ongoing rift, especially with the events of 1054. Second, these speeches are important specimens of Byzantine panegyrical rhetoric. Modern textbooks of Byzantine rhetoric (and Byzantine literature in general) give the impression that panegyrics of emperors were performed without break at the Byzantine court from late antiquity to the end of the em- pire in 1453, but this is a misleading picture. In fact, few such texts survive from between the seventh and the mid-eleventh century, and there is reason to think that it was Psellos who revived and institutionalized the performance (and not just composition) of such speeches at the court.1 He stands at the 1. See the speeches in Psellos, Orationes Panegyricae. 1 © 2015 UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME Kaldellis-00intro_Layout 1 7/17/15 12:19 PM Page 2 2 PSELLOS AND THE PATRIARCHS origin of an explosive production of panegyrics that marked the Komnenian and Palaiologan courts in late centuries. Moreover, his are also the first funeral encomia of patriarchs that we have—that is, for patriarchs who were not also saints, because those received hagiographical treatments. The three orations translated here stand behind the later routinization of patriarchal encomia in Constantinople. Third, the three patriarchal orations (and associated letters) are important sources for the thought of Michael Psellos and the challenges faced by his proj - ect to revive and institutionalize the study of ancient philosophy at the heart of the Orthodox Christian empire of Romanía. Two of the patriarchs (Ke - roullarios and Xiphilinos) had at one time or another questioned Psellos’ per- sonal commitment to the Christian faith and sought, in different ways, to dis- cipline his intellectual explorations. Psellos seized the opportunity provided by the genre of the funeral oration to have the last word in his debates with them and to reframe these debates in more advantageous ways; and he used the funeral oration for Leichoudes to paint the portrait of an ideal patriarch as Psellos would have it. Each speech is structured loosely around the career of each man and has two “movements,” a secular one followed by a fall, and then an ecclesiastical one; the rises and falls of Leichoudes are the smoothest, those of Keroullarios are the most violent and extreme, and those of Xiphilinos are in the middle. However, the speeches focus less on facts and data and more on abstract defi- nitions of different virtues and states of being. They are, in short, brief ethical treatises by Psellos and reflect his idiosyncratic Platonic philosophy. They were not written to be spoken aloud at the patriarchs’ funerals, despite their occa- sional affectation of such a dramatic setting (the speech for Leichoudes was written at least twelve years after his death, that for Keroullarios at least one year later). If they were in fact delivered orally, it was probably in shorter ver- sions that were less philosophically embellished. They are ethical character- portraits, including analyses of the virtues shown by the man in question. This is not the place to offer detailed analysis of the rhetorical qualities and theory behind these speeches.2 In addition to the “movements” at the level of overall structure and the ongoing development of ethical theory (a progressive improvement from Keroullarios to Xiphilinos and, finally, Leichoudes), readers should watch for the moments when patriarchs and emperors interact, often in 2. Readers interested in these aspects should consult the magisterial recent study of Psellos’ rhetoric by Papaioannou (2013). © 2015 UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME Kaldellis-00intro_Layout 1 7/17/15 12:19 PM Page 3 General Introduction 3 confrontation, because these moments serve to define the character of the man in question. The emperors are in many ways the “mirrors” in which the patriarchs are reflected. Finally, readers will notice Psellos’ resort to spatial- geometrical imagery and apparent paradoxes to explain ethical concepts: op- posites thereby become complementary; setbacks contain the seeds for future progress; ascent is in fact descent, and vice versa; things change (on the sur- face) but really remain the same (underneath); beginnings and endings meet; and virtues are described in terms of figures and diagrams, peaks, circles, and oscillations. These figures make Psellos fun to read but also frustratingly opaque at times. The present introduction consists of three sections, the first two by An- thony Kaldellis: a brief biography of Psellos (reused from the first volume in the series, Mothers and Sons, Fathers and Daughters: The Byzantine Family of Mi chael Psellos, but revised and updated); a historical and interpretive essay on Psellos’ relationships with the patriarchs; and, by Ioannis Polemis, an inter- pretation of the funeral orations for Keroullarios and Xiphilinos. A Brief, Revised Biography of Michael Psellos No biography of Michael Psellos exists in any language, though the pieces are slowly falling into place and past errors are being cleared up.3 A brief statement of what is known will provide the necessary context against which to discuss his relations with the three patriarchs Keroullarios, Leichoudes, and Xiphilinos. Konstantinos Psellos—the baptismal name of the later monk Michael— was born in 1018, during the reign of Basileios II (976– 1025) and the apogee of Byzantine power, to a “middle-class” family in Constantinople. Early on, his mother Theodote perceived that he was clever and encouraged his studies with an eye to a career in the imperial administration. It seems that he stud- ied at the school housed in the local monastery of ta Narsou, with which Psel- los maintained a lifelong connection. He later boasted that school lessons were child’s play for him and that by the age of ten he could recite and expound the entire Iliad.4 He was also a purely urban creature, sixteen years old before 3. See Riedinger (2010); see Papaioannou (2013) 4– 13 for another short account of his life (with more documentation). 4. Psellos, Encomium for His Mother 5– 6. In the Chronographia 4.4 he implies that he started to study Homer when he was sixteen, but this is too late. For ta Narsou, see Hondridou (2002) 159– 160, citing previous scholarship. © 2015 UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME Kaldellis-00intro_Layout 1 7/17/15 12:19 PM Page 4 4 PSELLOS AND THE PATRIARCHS he even set eyes on the fields outside the walls, or so he claimed (probably only in Constantinople could this happen in all of Christendom). By that age he had begun to study rhetoric and joined the staff of a provincial judge, but this internship was, he implies, cut short by the death of his beloved sister.5 Psellos’ instructors in rhetoric were Ioannes Mauropous, who was famous as a teacher but would not make his mark as a writer until after Psellos’ rise at the court, and Niketas, who would later serve under Psellos in the reformed educational system.6 As far as philosophy was concerned, Psellos claimed to have studied it largely on his own: whereas he was “a perfect philosopher,” his friends were only “lovers of philosophy.”7 In 1042 Psellos appears as a secretary under Michael V Kalaphates (1041– 1042), and his career had clearly begun under that emperor’s uncle and predecessor, Michael IV the Paphlagonian (1034– 1041). Though only twenty, he already displayed a knack for making friends in high places, including Alou sianos, son of the last Bulgarian tsar (Ivan Vladislav), who joined Deljan’s revolt against the empire, deposed its leader, and betrayed it to Michael IV in exchange for titles; and the captain of the guard sent against Michael V in the popular riot of 1042, an event of which Psellos later wrote a dramatic first- hand account.8 His standing at the court rose dramatically under Konstanti- nos IX Monomachos (1042– 1055), a charming if frivolous patron of the arts and of education, whose expenditures and neglect of the army were topics of controversy. Psellos became one of his intimate advisors and secretaries, a position earned largely by “the grace of my language. For I am told that my speech is beautiful, even when making routine statements.” He also acted as the emperor’s spokesman, writing eloquent speeches in his praise and in support of his policies (regardless of whether he agreed with them).9 He had by then befriended Konstantinos Leichoudes, Monomachos’ “prime min- ister” and later a patriarch (1059– 1063), whom Psellos admired for his ur- bane, philosophical, and flexible statesmanship, and had facilitated the intro- 5. Psellos, Encomium for His Mother 15. 6. For Psellos and Mauropous, see Karpozilos (1982) 26– 28; and Ljubarskij (2004) 70– 83; for Niketas, see Psellos, Funeral Oration for Niketas 3– 6.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • St. Michael and Attis
    St. Michael and Attis Cyril MANGO Δελτίον XAE 12 (1984), Περίοδος Δ'. Στην εκατονταετηρίδα της Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας (1884-1984)• Σελ. 39-62 ΑΘΗΝΑ 1986 ST. MICHAEL AND ATTIS Twenty years ago, when I was working on the apse mosaics of St. Sophia at Constantinople, I had ample opportunity to contemplate what is surely one of the most beautiful works of Byzantine art, I mean the image of the archangel Gabriel, who stands next to the enthroned Theotokos (Fig. 1). Gabriel is dressed in court costume; indeed, one can affirm that his costume is imperial, since he is wearing red buskins and holding a globe, the symbol of universal dominion. Yet neither the Bible nor orthodox doctrine as defined by the Fathers provides any justification for portraying an archangel in this guise; no matter how great was his dignity in heaven, he remained a minister and a messenger1. Only God could be described as the equivalent of the emperor. How was it then that Byzantine art, which showed extreme reluctance to give to Christ, the pambasileus, any visible attributes of royalty other than the throne, granted these very attributes to archangels, who had no claim to them? An enquiry I undertook at the time (and left unpublished) suggested the following conclusions: 1. The Byzantines themselves, I mean the medieval Byzantines, could offer no reasonable explanation of the iconography of archangels and seemed to be unaware of its meaning. On the subject of the globe I found only two texts. One was an unedited opuscule by Michael Psellos, who, quite absurdly, considered it to denote the angels' rapidity of movement; "for", he says, "the sphere is such an object that, touching as it does only a tiny portion of the ground, is able in less than an instant to travel in any direction"2.
    [Show full text]
  • A Synopsis of Byzantine History, –
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-40474-8 - John Skylitzes: A Synopsis of Byzantine History, 811–1057 John Wortley Frontmatter More information JOHN SKYLITZES: A synopsis of Byzantine history, – John Skylitzes’ extraordinary Middle Byzantine chronicle covers the reigns of the Byzantine emperors from the death of Nicephorus I in to the deposition of Michael VI in , and provides the only surviving continuous narrative of the late tenth and early eleventh centuries. A high offi cial living in the late eleventh century, Skylitzes used a number of existing Greek histories (some of them no longer extant) to create a digest of the previous three centuries. It is with- out question the major historical source for the period, cited con- stantly in modern scholarship, and has never before been available in English. Th is edition features introductions by Jean-Claude Cheynet and Bernard Flusin, along with extensive notes by Cheynet. It will be an essential and exciting addition to the libraries of all historians of the Byzantine age. is Professor of History Emeritus at the University of Manitoba. He has published widely on the Byzantine era, and completed several translations to date, including Les Récits édifi - ants de Paul, évêque de Monembasie, et d’autres auteurs (), Th e ‘Spiritual Meadow’ of John Moschos, including the additional tales edited by Nissen and Mioni (), Th e spiritually benefi cial tales of Paul, Bishop of Monembasia and of other authors () and John Skylitzes: A Synopsis of Histories (AD –) , a provisional transla- tion published
    [Show full text]
  • Nikephoros Bryennios the Younger – the First One Not to Become a Blind Man? Political and Military History of the Bryennios Family in the 11Th and Early 12Th Century
    Studia Ceranea 10, 2020, p. 31–45 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.10.02 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Marcin Böhm (Opole) https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5393-3176 Nikephoros Bryennios the Younger – the First One Not to Become a Blind Man? Political and Military History of the Bryennios Family in the 11th and Early 12th Century ikephoros Bryennios the Younger (1062–1137) has a place in the history N of the Byzantine Empire as a historian and husband of Anna Komnene (1083–1153), a woman from the imperial family. His historical work on the his- tory of the Komnenian dynasty in the 11th century is an extremely valuable source of information about the policies of the empire’s major families, whose main goal was to seize power in Constantinople1. Nikephoros was also a talented commander, which he proved by serving his father-in-law Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118) and brother-in-law John II Komnenos (1118–1143). The marriage gave him free access to people and documents which he also enriched with the history of his own family. It happened because Nikephoros Bryennios was not the first representative of his family who played an important role in the internal policy of the empire. He had two predecessors, his grandfather, and great grand- father, who according to the family tradition had the same name as our hero. They 1 J. Seger, Byzantinische Historiker des zehnten und elften Jahrhunderts, vol. I, Nikephoros Bryennios, München 1888, p. 31–33; W. Treadgold, The Middle Byzantine Historians, Basingstoke 2013, p. 344–345; A.
    [Show full text]
  • Michael Psellos and Byzantine Astrology in the Eleventh Century, Culture and Cosmos , Vol
    CULTURE AND COSMOS A Journal of the History of Astrology and Cultural Astronomy Vol. 13 no. 1, Spring/Summer 2009 Published by Culture and Cosmos and the Sophia Centre Press, in partnership with the University of Wales Trinity Saint David, in association with the Sophia Centre for the Study of Cosmology in Culture, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, Faculty of Humanities and the Performing Arts Lampeter, Ceredigion, Wales, SA48 7ED, UK. www.cultureandcosmos.org Cite this paper as: Andrew Vladimirou, Michael Psellos and Byzantine Astrology in the Eleventh Century, Culture and Cosmos , Vol. 13 no 1, Spring/Summer 2009, pp. 24-61. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue card for this book is available from the British Library All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the Publishers. ISSN 1368-6534 Printed in Great Britain by Lightning Source Copyright 2018 Culture and Cosmos All rights reserved Michael Psellos and Byzantine Astrology in the Eleventh Century ________________________________________________________________ Andrew Vladimirou Abstract. The following work uses the writing of one of the most outstanding personalities of the Byzantine Empire, Michael Psellos (1018–1078?), as a conduit into the world of Byzantine astrology. The focus of the article is his celebrated chronicle, The Chronographia, which documents his life and experiences as an influential courtier at the Byzantine court in the eleventh century. Psellos was at the forefront of political life in the Empire and its fluctuating fortunes but somehow managed to combine these duties with a prodigious scholarly vocation.
    [Show full text]
  • A Newsletter Published by the Canadian Committee of Byzantinists
    CANADIO-BYZANTINA A Newsletter published by the Canadian Committee of Byzantinists No. 19 - February 2008 (alcareous ridge above River Raut, Orheiul Vechi, Moldova (Photograph by AR. Litilewood) 2007 was a notable yearfor Canadian Byzantinists sincefor on/v the second time a Canadian university (Toronto) hosted the annual Byzantine Studies Conference. Glen Peers chaired a largely Canadian Programme Committee and Linda Safran was an excellent local organizer. Linda, furthermore, is now the president ofthe Byzantine Studies Association ofNorth America; and I am grate/it! to her/or describing this to those of us still not properly cognizant with our neii’ “umbrella “. She has also promised to make “Canadio— Bvzantina “ available ‘‘on line “, a/though antediluvian members of the Canadian Comm i/lee (like mvse//i can relax since we shall continue to receive a real copy on genuine old-fashioned paper. Canadian Byzantinists have recently been able to welcome two new and exciting recruits. Full biographical details of Anne- Laurence Caudano and Dimitri Krallis, who have joined the University of Winnipeg and Simon Fraser University respectively, may befound under “Activities ofMembers ‘ It is always pleasant to record members ‘personal distinctions; and this year we are happily able to congratulate, in addition to Linda, three more of our peers. John Osborne has been elected an Honorary Fellow at the British School at Rome; Jim Payton was elected president of CAREE (Christians Associatedfor Relationships with Eastern Europe) in November 2006;
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
    Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity.
    [Show full text]
  • Krumbacher's History of Byzantine Literature Geschichte Der
    318 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW. to Rome before 729 A.U.C. (25 B.C.) ; he was The chapters on the language and metre one of the first of the poets included by cannot be here summarized. It is enough Philip of Thessalonica in his Corona, and was to say that the author has shown much the friend and contemporary of Parthenius. insight and acumen in his observation and He was in all likelihood a tep.cher of Greek analyses, and that his task is indispensable and was perhaps the tutor of the children of to the student of the Greek Anthology, Octavia, as his fellow-countryman Potamon especially from the point of metre, and of (according to Westermann) became the contemporary historical references and al- teacher of Tiberius. lusions ; it is not without its value to the In a brief niantisa Variana the author student of Roman poetry, as well as in endeavours to controvert Mommsen's view pointing out many Latin turns of thought that in Ep. 33 (A.P. ix. 291) the defeat of and expression, as in giving us in a con- Varus is referred to; he claims that the venient form a collection of epigrams which reference is to the expedition of Germanicus without doubt the poets of the Augustan in 769 A.U.C. (16 A.D.). Likewise in Ep. 24 age were wont to con over and aimed to (A.P. vii. 741) he cannot, with Mommsen, reproduce in Latin form. see a necessary reference to the defeat of J. H. WEIGHT. Varus. KRUMBACHER'S HISTORY OF BYZANTINE LITERATURE.
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantine Narratives of Gender Identity Eamon H.R
    Introduction ix Roger Scott xv Ann Moffatt (Australian National University) List of 11 lustrations xix KEYNOTE PAPERS Novelisation in Byzantium: Narrative after the Revival of 1 Fiction Margaret Mullett (The Queen 's University Belfast) Narrating Justinian: From Malalas to Manasses 29 Roger Scott (University of Melbourne) NARRATIVE IN HISTORIANS, CHRONICLES & FICTION To Narrate the Events of the Past: On Byzantine 47 Historians, and Historians on Byzantium Ingela Nilsson (Uppsala University) Tradition and Originality in Photius' Historical Reading 59 Brian Crake (Sydney) Narrating the Trials and Death in Exile of Pope Martin I 71 and Maxim us the Confessor Bronwen Neil (Australian Catholic University) The Use of Metaphor in Michael Psellos' Chronographia 84 Elizabeth McCartney (University of Melbourne) War and Peace in the Alexiad 92 Penelope Buckley (University of Melbourne) Moralising History: the Synopsis Historiarum of John 110 Skylitzes Theoni Sklavos (University of Melbourne) The Representation of Augustae in John Skylitzes' 120 Synopsis Historiarum Emma Strugnell (University of Melbourne) The Madrid Skylitzes as an Audio-Visual Experiment 137 John Burke (University of Melbourne) The Goths and the Bees in Jordanes: A Narrative of No 149 Return Andrew Gillett (Macquarie University) From 'Fallen Woman' to Theotokos: Music, Women's 164 Voices and Byzantine Narratives of Gender Identity Eamon H.R. Kelly (St Cross College, Oxford) How the Entertaining Tale of Quadrupeds became a Tale: 182 Grafting Narrative Nick Nicholas (University of
    [Show full text]
  • Diplomarbeit
    Diplomarbeit Titel der Diplomarbeit Stifter am Throne Christi: Das Mosaik von Zoë und Konstantin IX. Monomachos auf der Empore der Hagia Sophia in Istanbul Zoë 1028 - 1050, Christus und Konstantin IX. Monomachos 1042 - 1055 Verfasserin Maria Gabriele Schreidl-Rannegger angestrebter akademischer Grad Magistra der Philosophie (Mag. Phil.) Wien, 2012 Studienkennzahl A 315 Studienrichtung Kunstgeschichte Betreuerin Univ. -Prof. Dr. Lioba Theis Seite 2 1. Vorwort 5 2. Einleitung 7 3. Die Freilegung der Mosaiken in der Hagia Sophia im 20. Jahrhundert 11 3.1. Anbringungsort des Mosaiks in der Hagia Sophia 14 4. Historischer Hintergrund 16 4.1. Zoë und Romanos III. Argyros 16 4.2. Zoë und Michael IV. 17 4.3. Michael V. Kalaphates 18 4.4. Der Volksaufstand 19 4.5. Zoë und Theodora 20 4.6. Zoë und Konstantin IX. Monomachos 21 5. Der aktuelle Forschungsstand 24 5.1. Datierung und Inschriften des Mosaiks 24 5.2. Thomas Whittemore, 1942 26 5.3. Gyula Moravcsik, 1947 29 5.4. Thomas Whittemore, 1948 30 5.5. John Beckwith, 1961 33 5.6. Cyril Mango, 1967 36 5.7. Nicolas Oikonomides, 1978 38 5.8. Robin Cormack, 1981 44 5.9. Ioli Kalavrezou, 1994 48 5.10. Lynda Garland, 1994 56 5.11. Barbara Hill, Liz James und Dion Smythe, 1994 64 5.12. Barbara Hill, 1997 69 5.13. Barbara Hill, 1999 72 5.14. Robin Cormack, 2000 76 6. Bilddokumentation und Rekonstruktion des Mosaiks 79 6.1. Cyril Mango,1962 79 6.2. Natalia B. Teteriatnikov, 1998 80 6.4. Ioli Kalavrezou 82 6.4. Schreidl-Rannegger, 2012 83 6.4.1.
    [Show full text]
  • Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period (AD 843-1204) Julia Galliker University of Michigan
    University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Centre for Textile Research Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD 2017 Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period (AD 843-1204) Julia Galliker University of Michigan Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/texterm Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Art and Materials Conservation Commons, Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons, Classical Literature and Philology Commons, Fiber, Textile, and Weaving Arts Commons, Indo-European Linguistics and Philology Commons, Jewish Studies Commons, Museum Studies Commons, Near Eastern Languages and Societies Commons, and the Other History of Art, Architecture, and Archaeology Commons Galliker, Julia, "Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period (AD 843-1204)" (2017). Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD. 27. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/texterm/27 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Centre for Textile Research at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period (AD 843-1204) Julia Galliker, University of Michigan In Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD, ed. Salvatore Gaspa, Cécile Michel, & Marie-Louise Nosch (Lincoln, NE: Zea Books, 2017), pp. 346-373.
    [Show full text]
  • The Nephew of Michael Cerularios , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 22:1 (1981:Spring) P.89
    SNIPES, KENNETH, A Letter of Michael Psellus to Constantine the Nephew of Michael Cerularios , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 22:1 (1981:Spring) p.89 A Letter of Michael Psellos to Constantine the Nephew of Michael Cerularios Kenneth Snipes N AN ARTICLE listing the unpublished letters of Michael Psellos, I Jean Darrouzes noted that a small group of six letters attrib­ uted to Psellos is found in three manuscripts: Athas, Mov~ Meyiar17c; Aavpac; 1721 (M 30) fols. 86-98; Bucharest, Academia Republicii Socialiste Romania 737 (587) fols. 214-49; and Cam­ bridge, Trinity College 1485 (0.10.33) fols. 192-203v. 1 In addi­ tion to the three manuscripts known to Darrouzes, these six letters are found also in Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Supplement grec 1334 fols. 108-23v.2 Three of the six (the first, fourth, and sixth) were correctly identified by Darrouzes as letters already published by Sathas or Kurtz-Drexl. 3 Darrouzes, followed by Paul Canart in a later, more comprehensive list of the unpublished letters of Psellos, 4 believed that the other three letters (the second, third, and fifth) had not yet been published. In the case of the third and fifth letters, however, both scholars have been misled by slight differ­ ences between the word order of their incipits and the incipits of letters 1 and 84 in the large collection of Psellos' letters edited by Sathas. 5 The fifth letter, for example, begins 'Eyw be qJf.11'/V, lepd Kai rpzn6(}1Jre Kerpa).lj, rather than 'Eyw tliv, w lepa Kai rpzn6()17re Kerpa).,~ as in the version in Parisinus gr.
    [Show full text]
  • The World View of the Anonymous Author of the Greek Chronicle of the Tocco
    THE WORLD VIEW OF THE ANONYMOUS AUTHOR OF THE GREEK CHRONICLE OF THE TOCCO (14th-15th centuries) by THEKLA SANSARIDOU-HENDRICKX THESIS submitted in the fulfilment of the requirements for the degree DOCTOR OF ARTS in GREEK in the FACULTY OF ARTS at the RAND AFRIKAANS UNIVERSITY PROMOTER: DR F. BREDENKAMP JOHANNESBURG NOVEMBER 2000 EFACE When I began with my studies at the Rand Afrikaans University, and when later on I started teaching Modern Greek in the Department of Greek and Latin Studies, I experienced the thrill of joy and the excitement which academic studies and research can provide to its students and scholars. These opportunities finally allowed me to write my doctoral thesis on the world view of the anonymous author of the Greek Chronicle of the Tocco. I wish to thank all persons who have supported me while writing this study. Firstly, my gratitude goes to Dr Francois Bredenkamp, who not only has guided me throughout my research, but who has always been available for me with sound advice. His solid knowledge and large experience in the field of post-classical Greek Studies has helped me in tackling Byzantine Studies from a mixed, historical and anthropological view point. I also wish to render thanks to my colleagues, especially in the Modern Greek Section, who encouraged me to continue my studies and research. 1 am indebted to Prof. W.J. Henderson, who has corrected my English. Any remaining mistakes in the text are mine. Last but not least, my husband, Prof. B. Hendrickx, deserves my profound gratitude for his patience, encouragement and continuous support.
    [Show full text]