Boundary Spanning and Intermediation for Urban Regeneration: Comparative Case Studies from Three Indian Cities
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Boundary Spanning and Intermediation for Urban Regeneration: Comparative Case Studies from Three Indian Cities [Interim Report] Conducted by Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), Mumbai Centre for Policy Research (CPR), New Delhi Madras Institute of Social Sciences (MIDS), Chennai Supported by Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR) New Delhi August 2019 Research Team Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), Mumbai Prof. Amita Bhide (Project Leader) Dean, School of Habitat Studies Dr. Lalitha Kamath Chairperson, Centre for Urban Policy and Governance, School of Habitat Studies Centre for Policy Research (CPR), New Delhi Mukta Naik Fellow Eesha Kunduri Research Associate Madras Institute of Social Sciences (MIDS), Chennai Dr. Karen Coelho Assistant Professor i Executive Summary This research project aims to study how boundaries of various kinds work in structuring, enabling or contesting ground level processes of place-making and regeneration in urban India. It examines how these boundaries are asserted, crossed, dissolved or spanned in local efforts to claim urban resources (land, water, jobs, and services), identities and futures. The study draws on but substantially adapts and expands the concept of ‘boundary spanning’ from ongoing work by Meerkerk and other researchers in Netherlands and other European countries. Taking seven cases in three Indian metros, the project seeks to examine diverse dynamics of boundary-assertion and boundary-spanning as lenses to understand urban politics on the ground. The seven case studies chosen as a theoretical sample to illustrate a range of boundaries that may be involved can be grouped as a) 3 resettlement or relocation sites in the three cities ie Mumbai, Delhi and Chennai b) 2 case studies linked to fishers and their experience of physical boundaries amidst the advent of the growing city c) a case of lake restoration in Chennai and d) boundary spanning efforts of housing finance companies in Delhi. The cases represent varied groups of citizens, distinct nature of borders that constrain or enable their access to critical resources and a variety of instruments used for the same. The case studies employ qualitative methods toward a comparative understanding of various relations that structure the citizen-state interface, the meanings of co-production or collaboration in different contexts, the role of intermediaries, and the emergent technologies and practices through which non-state and community actors produce and deploy knowledge to counter dominant engines of urban transformation. Cross-city workshops have been held at various stages of the research to provide space for reflection, analysis and to develop concepts and questions for comparison and further exploration. While a detailed and final analysis is in process, the following are some of the key findings of this research which largely pertain to the nature of boundaries encountered and the nature of boundary spanning activities: The cases offer an entire spectrum of citizenry in Indian cities from fishers to inhabitants of unauthorised neighbourhoods and resettlement colonies where the relationship between formal and informal are blurred. The ‘state’ in these cases ranges from the state government departments such as fisheries, industry, cooperative, forest to local governments, and parastatals such as planning authorities, housing and slum boards. One observation is that the nature and function of several of these departments is in flux and while cooperative or the fisheries departments are in a mode of withdrawal; others such as slum boards or planning authorities are gaining in importance. In many of these cases, there are tensions in the relations with the state but it is interesting to observe that in a departure from the past; the traditional politics of protest is giving way to ii highly nuanced, and negotiated relationships. Some cases show the emergence of new intermediaries such as RWAs, and housing finance institutions. The roles of NGOs and activism are also changing. An analysis of boundaries offers a productive way of examining structures and the tensions that they invoke in this backdrop. Boundaries represent categories, which in turn reflect specific forms of order. In each of the case studies, we found old forms of order being changed and redrawing of newer boundaries. There were at least three groupings of boundaries that we could trace a) boundaries with the outside – physical, spatial and temporal b) institutional, political and social boundaries and c) internal boundaries. Boundaries are created, maintained, defended, blurred and reconstituted all the time. The ongoing nature of these processes illustrates the dynamism of urbanisation processes in the country and how varied state authorities as well as citizen groups attempt to mould these. Boundaries have legacies and one of the critical barriers to crossing boundaries is these legacies. An example in the case of fishers is the persistence of community- socio-ethnic –practices while the resource quality and control changes. Similarly, institutional boundaries also have legacy elements which are strongly resistant to change as was seen in all the resettlement cases where such colonies continue to be treated largely as a new form of slums by concerned institutions. The study has inventoried instruments and mechanisms used by the various groups to transcend boundaries and claim critical resources. These range from a) ways to document themselves and their lives to make the knowledge about remembered boundaries and their claims visible b) identifying parallel and alternate resources c) formation of multiple, purposive groups and institutions d) coalition building e) working in liaison with intermediaries f) use of RTI g) use of legal mechanisms and the courts h) publishing parallel reports, hearings, assemblies and events i) creating new means of involving larger citizenry in the issues. The deployment of these mechanisms seems to be contingent in most cases. The report has several implications for policy and practice. These are both case specific, city-specific but the comparative dimension also has learnings for specific aspects of urban policy such as resettlement policy, for issues linked to fishers, conservation of water bodies and housing finance. In addition, the research at large also has suggestions for the overall relations between citizens and state in urban areas and how these can be enhanced. At present, it seems that the state does engage with various groups of citizens but only at the initiative of these groups. There is an absence of forums by which citizens can directly access the state. Resident Welfare Associations(RWAs) exist in Delhi and in some parts of Chennai but these interactions as revealed in the Bhalswa case are not accompanied by relevant information. The scope of iii such interactions is also limited to specific spheres. The other end of such interactions is cases where they are contested. These include the fisher community cases in Chennai and Mumbai where there are contesting imaginations of borders and their significance. In the case of Korattur lake, the contestations have an additional actors in the form of lake conservation groups, adding to the complexity. Next Steps Completion and submission of final deliverables by January end. This includes a main report with seven case studies and a comparative paper on resettlement. iv Table of Content List of Maps ........................................................................................................ i List of Figures .................................................................................................... ii Introduction ........................................................................................................ 1 Literature Review............................................................................................... 4 Methodology .................................................................................................... 18 Findings............................................................................................................ 21 References ...................................................................................................... 129 List of Maps Map 1: Area around Vashi Naka in 2000 .................................................................... 54 Map 2: Area around Vashi Naka in 2007 .................................................................... 55 Map 3: Area around Vashi Naka 2014 ........................................................................ 55 Map 4: Map showing industrial encroachments in Ennore Creek ............................... 89 Map 5: Remembered boundaries and Gaothan ............................................................ 91 Map 6: Initial Development of Trombay Koliwada (1964-1981) ............................... 93 Map 7: The revised development plan 1966 ................................................................ 94 Map 8: GPS path of the circumambulation-Fluid nature of eri boundaries ............... 108 Map 9: Google Earth Images of Korattur eri for four different years ....................... 110 Map 10: Korattur eri (In 1970 in the left and 2007 in the right) ................................ 110 Map 11: Korattur Location Map ................................................................................ 112 Map 12: Water bodies map of Red Hills Division PWD (Map Source : PWD) ........ 112 Map 13: Korattur Map 1970 .....................................................................................