Justice, Peace and the ICC in Africa

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Justice, Peace and the ICC in Africa Courting Conflict? Justice, Peace and the ICC in Africa Edited by Nicholas Waddell and Phil Clark Courting Conflict? Justice, Peace and the ICC in Africa Edited by Nicholas Waddell and Phil Clark About The Royal African Society Now over 100 years old, the Royal African Society is Britain’s primary Africa organisation. Through its journal, African Affairs, and by organising meetings, discussions and other activities, the Society strengthens links between Africa and Britain and encourages understanding of Africa and its relations with the rest of the world. The Society, based at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London, has over a thousand members and has branches in Bristol and Scotland. The Society’s Director is Richard Dowden, a journalist working on Africa for more than 20 years and formerly Africa Editor of The Independent and The Economist. For further information, see: www.royalafricansociety.org ISBN 978-0-9558622-0-5 Published March 2008 Design: LSE Design Unit (www.lse.ac.uk/designunit) Cover image: militia leader Germain Katanga sits in the courtroom of the International Criminal Court, The Hague. ROBERT VOS/AFP/Getty Images Contents Acknowledgements 2 About the contributors 3 List of abbreviations 5 Foreword Justice Albie Sachs 6 1. Introduction 7 Nicholas Waddell and Phil Clark 2. Justice in Conflict? The ICC and Peace Processes 13 Nick Grono and Adam O’Brien 3. Justice at Juba: International Obligations and Local 21 Demands in Northern Uganda Marieke Wierda and Michael Otim 4. Darfur, the Court and Khartoum: 29 The Politics of State Non-Cooperation Alex de Waal 5. Law, Politics and Pragmatism: The ICC and Case 37 Selection in Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo Phil Clark 6. Ritual (Ab)use? Problems with Traditional Justice 47 in Northern Uganda Tim Allen 7. Global Catalyst for National Prosecutions? 55 The ICC in the Democratic Republic of Congo Géraldine Mattioli and Anneke van Woudenberg 8. The International Criminal Court and its Relevance 65 to Affected Communities Mariana Goetz 9. One among Many: The ICC as a Tool of Justice during Transition 73 Graeme Simpson Courting Conflict? Justice, Peace and the ICC in Africa 1 Acknowledgements This collection stems from a meeting series held in London in March 2007. Designed by the editors and organised principally by the Royal African Society, the series benefited from funding and input from the Crisis States Research Centre at the London School of Economics (LSE), the International Center for Transitional Justice, the Transitional Justice Institute at the University of Ulster, the Conflict Research Group at the University of Ghent and the Development Studies Institute at LSE. The Royal African Society is grateful to the LSE’s Crisis States Research Centre for additional support towards this publication. The editors would like to thank Sarah Nouwen at the University of Cambridge for her insightful and invaluable comments on several drafts of this collection. 2 Courting Conflict? Justice, Peace and the ICC in Africa About the Contributors Tim Allen is a Reader in Development Studies at the London School of Economics. His work focuses on complex emergencies, forced migration, local conceptions of health and healing, development aid and the ethics of aid. He is the author of Trial Justice: The International Criminal Court and the Lord’s Resistance Army (2006) and the editor, with Koen Vlassenroot, of The Lord’s Resistance Army: War, Peace and Reconciliation (forthcoming). Phil Clark is a Research Fellow in Courts and Public Policy at the Centre for Socio- Legal Studies, University of Oxford, and co-founder and co-convenor of the Oxford Transitional Justice Research Group. His work focuses on conflict and post-conflict issues in Africa, particularly justice and reconciliation in the Great Lakes. He is the editor, with Zachary D Kaufman, of After Genocide: Transitional Justice, Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Reconciliation in Rwanda and Beyond (forthcoming). Alex de Waal is a Fellow of the Global Equity Initiative at Harvard University, a Director of Justice Africa and a Programme Director at the Social Science Research Council. His recent books include Darfur: A Short History of a Long War (Second Edition, 2008; with Julie Flint); War in Darfur and the Search for Peace (editor, 2007); Famine that Kills: Darfur, Sudan, 1984/85 (1989, revised, 2004); and Islamism and its Enemies in the Horn of Africa (editor, 2004). Mariana Goetz is Advisor to the ICC Programme at REDRESS (UK) and a facilitator of the Victims’ Rights Working Group of the NGO Coalition for the International Criminal Court (CICC). She has worked with the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and was the Legal Advisor to the Registrar of the Special Court for Sierra Leone. Mariana has also undertaken training for the International Bar Association. Nick Grono is Vice President for Advocacy and Operations at the International Crisis Group. He has responsibility for the operation of all programmes and executive oversight of Crisis Group’s operations, research unit, media and IT. He also coordinates Crisis Group’s advocacy efforts worldwide and leads Crisis Group’s work on ICC-related issues. Géraldine Mattioli is Advocacy Director for Human Rights Watch’s International Justice Programme. She previously worked with Amnesty International’s Justice Project and with Field Diplomacy Initiative, a Belgian NGO, on the issue of justice for past serious human rights violations in Rwanda. Adam O’Brien was Crisis Group’s Uganda Analyst from 2006 to 2008. He previously worked with Monitor Publications in Kampala. Adam has written widely on conflict and justice issues in northern Uganda. He recently graduated from the Temple University Beasley School of Law. Courting Conflict? Justice, Peace and the ICC in Africa 3 Michael Otim is Director of the Gulu District NGO Forum, and has official observer status at the Juba talks. He is Project Coordinator for the Justice and Reconciliation Project, which has conducted extensive research into traditional justice in northern Uganda as well as providing support to the traditional Acholi leadership. Albie Sachs is a Justice of the Constitutional Court of South Africa. He was appointed in 1994 by President Mandela in the wake of South Africa’s first democratic elections. Before returning to South Africa in 1990, he was in exile and was a bomb target of South African agents due to his activism as a lawyer and his leading role in the African National Congress. He is the author of numerous books. Graeme Simpson is the Country Programs Unit Director of the International Center for Transitional Justice where he oversees ICTJ’s work in more than twenty countries. He is also an Adjunct Professor at Columbia University Law School. He has worked with the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and on the transformation of criminal justice institutions in South Africa. Graeme was a founder and, from 1995-2005, executive director of the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, in Johannesburg. Anneke van Woudenberg is a Senior Researcher (DRC) at Human Rights Watch, having joined in 2002. She was previously Oxfam GB’s country director for the DRC during the height of the DRC conflict. She has written numerous reports and briefing notes on human rights in the DRC. Nicholas Waddell is the Royal African Society’s Research Coordinator. He has developed humanitarian and conflict prevention policies for the UK’s Department for International Development and has been a research officer at the Overseas Development Institute’s Humanitarian Policy Group. Marieke Wierda is a Senior Associate at the International Center for Transitional Justice and head of ICTJ’s prosecution programme. Her work includes leading international justice programmes on Uganda, Sierra Leone and Afghanistan. She has advised on justice issues at the Juba peace talks and contributed to ICTJ’s Uganda survey work. Her previous employment includes working for the ICTY. She has published numerous articles and papers on the ICC. 4 Courting Conflict? Justice, Peace and the ICC in Africa List of Abbreviations AU African Union CPA Comprehensive Peace Agreement DPA Darfur Peace Agreement DRC Democratic Republic of Congo EU European Union FNI Front des Nationalistes et des Intégrationnistes FRPI Force de Résistance Patriotique en Ituri ICC International Criminal Court ICID International Commission of Inquiry into Darfur ICTJ International Center for Transitional Justice ICTR International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda ICTY International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia IDP Internally Displaced Person LRA/M Lord’s Resistance Army/Movement MONUC Mission des Nations Unies en République Démocratique du Congo NGO Non-Governmental Organisation OTP Office of the Prosecutor SAF Sudanese Armed Forces SLA Sudan Liberation Army UN United Nations UNOHCHR United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights UNSC United Nations Security Council UPC Union des Patriotes Congolais UPDF Ugandan People’s Defence Force Courting Conflict? Justice, Peace and the ICC in Africa 5 Foreword Justice Albie Sachs There is nothing continentally-specific about crimes committed during conflict. Yet the first investigations of the International Criminal Court (ICC) are concentrated in Africa. The absence of direct Great Power involvement in these conflicts might make Africa more susceptible than other parts of the world to such investigations. However, this is not a reason for seeking impunity for our continent, but rather a call to ensure that the work of the ICC extends wherever it is needed throughout the world. Africa is showing itself to be a strenuous testing-ground for the future work of the ICC. The contributors to this thoughtful and balanced collection have all themselves worked in harsh African terrain. They engage critically with the ICC while remaining mindful of the contending pressures on its work. The multiple perspectives that they offer indicate that this is not a zone of simple truths.
Recommended publications
  • NEWS OTP Activities
    OTP Briefing Issue #144 1-15 July 2013 NEWS Pre-Trial Chamber II requests Nigeria to arrest Omar Al Bashir 15 July - Pre-Trial Chamber II requested the Federal Republic of Nigeria to immediately arrest Sudanese President Omar Al Bashir, on visit to Abuja (Nigeria) for an African Union summit on HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, and to surrender him to the ICC. The Sudanese President’s visit to Nigeria has raised a lot of criticism among rights groups. Human Rights Watch (HRW) called for Nigeria to prevent Bashir to attend the Abuja summit or to stop it if it went there, while the president of the Nigeria Coalition on the International Criminal Court, Chino Obiagwu, said that the Nigerian government “has violated its obligations under international law”. The Chamber recalled that, as signatories to the ICC, Nigeria and several other African countries are expected, under their treaty obligations, to actually arrest the Sudanese President if he sets foot on their soil. The Nigeria presidential spokesman Reuben Abati said "The Sudanese president came for an AU event and the AU has taken a position on the ICC arrest order, so Nigeria has not taken action different from the AU stand". Nevertheless, Nigeria’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Prof. Viola Onwuliri, had briefed the Nigerian press that over 30 African Heads of State would be participating at the conference, stating that she was not reported to have specifically listed the names of the heads of state and presidents expected at the meeting, nor was she reported to have specifically mentioned the name of the controversial Sudanese president.
    [Show full text]
  • The Peace Vs. Justice Debate and the Syrian Crisis
    American University Washington College of Law Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law Articles in Law Reviews & Other Academic Journals Scholarship & Research 2018 The Peace vs. Justice Debate and the Syrian Crisis Paul Williams Lisa Dicker C. Danae Paterson Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/facsch_lawrev Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, International Humanitarian Law Commons, International Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons THE PEACE VS. JUSTICE PUZZLE AND THE SYRIAN CRISIS Paul R Williams,' Lisa K Dicker," C. Danae Paterson I. INTRODUCTION........................................... 418 II. THE "PEACE-FIRST" APPROACH ........................ ..... 420 A. PrioritizingEnding the Conflict. .................. ....... 421 B. Benefits of the Peace-FirstApproach.............. ............ 422 1. Saving Lives...................................... 422 2. Ending Harm to the Environment and Infrastructure ..................... 422 3. Promoting Reconciliation ....................... ..... 423 C. Achieving Peace-Firstin Practice........................ 423 1. Singular Objective of Ending the Conflict............ ..... 423 2. Negotiating with the Guys with Guns ...... ....................... 424 3. Accommodation and Appeasement................ ......... 424 4. Minimizing Justice .............. ................... 425 5. Amnesty ........................................ 426 D. Case Studies ............................... ........ 426 * Rebecca
    [Show full text]
  • First Acquittal by the ICC the Prosecutor V. Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui
    First acquittal by the ICC The Prosecutor v. Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui 18 December 2012 Today, Trial Chamber II of the International Criminal Court (ICC) acquitted Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui (Ngudjolo), alleged commander of the Ituri-based militia group Front de nationalistes et integrationnistes (FNI) for war crimes and crimes against humanity. This decision is the second trial judgement to be issued by the ICC following the earlier conviction of Thomas Lubanga Dyilo in March of this year, and is the first acquittal issued by the ICC. “The judges today found that it was not proven beyond a reasonable doubt that Mr Ngudjolo was the commander of the Lendu combatants from Bedu-Ezekere during the attack on Bogoro in Ituri, Eastern DRC on 24 February 2003, as charged by the ICC,” said Brigid Inder, Executive Director of the Women’s Initiatives for Gender Justice. “While Mr Ngudjolo was therefore found not guilty, the judges stated that this did not signify that crimes had not been committed and that today’s finding did not call into question the suffering of the population,” said Inder. The Chamber recognised that Ngudjolo was a chief commander of the FNI, however according to the judges the evidence presented by the Prosecution during the trial supported a finding that he held the role of a commander in March 2003 - after the February attack on Bogoro. The Trial Chamber acquitted Ngudjolo of seven counts of war crimes, and three counts of crimes against humanity, including rape and sexual slavery. Ngudjolo was charged in his capacity as leader of the FNI pursuant to Article 25(3)(a) of the Rome Statute.
    [Show full text]
  • Lord's Resistance Army
    Lord’s Resistance Army Key Terms and People People Acana, Rwot David Onen: The paramount chief of the Acholi people, an ethnic group from northern Uganda and southern Sudan, and one of the primary targets of LRA violence in northern Uganda. Bigombe, Betty: Former Uganda government minister and a chief mediator in peace negotiations between the Ugandan government and the LRA in 2004-2005. Chissano, Joaquim: Appointed as Special Envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General to Northern Uganda and Southern Sudan in 2006; now that the internationally-mediated negotiations Joseph Kony, “ultimate commander” of the with the LRA have stalled, Chissano’s role as Special Envoy in the process is unclear. Lord’s Resistance Army/ photo courtesy of Radio France International, taken in the spring of 2008 during the failed Juba Kabila, Joseph: President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Peace Talks. Kony, Joseph: Leader of the LRA. Kony is a self-proclaimed messiah who led the brutal, mystical LRA movement in its rebellion against the Ugandan gov- ernment for over two decades. A war criminal wanted by the International Criminal Court, Kony remains the “ultimate commander” of the LRA, and he determines who lives and dies within the rebel group as they continue their predations today throughout central Africa. Lakwena, Alice Auma: Leader of the Holy Spirit Mobile Forces, a northern based rebel group that fought against the Ugandan government in the late 1980s. Some of the followers of this movement were later recruited into the LRA by Joseph Kony. Lukwiya, Raska: One of the LRA commanders indicted by the ICC in 2005.
    [Show full text]
  • A Question of Indictment: Preventing Crimes Against Humanity Or Promoting the ICC?
    A Question of Indictment: Preventing Crimes Against Humanity or Promoting the ICC? Paper presented to the Annual Conference of the Canadian Political Science Association, June 2010, Concordia University, Montreal Peter J. Stoett, Concordia University1 Introduction “Judicial romanticism has serious systemic costs in a global community with sharply differing notions about the best way to mete out justice to individuals.” Ratner and Abrams, 2001:345 Will international criminal law survive its long birth? Will the image of an overzealous Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) overshadow the potential contribution of a permanent court dedicated to trying those accused of engaging in the most heinous of human acts? Can this be avoided? One of the more vexing questions facing advocates of global justice and peace is whether or not international criminal tribunals and courts should (either routinely, or in extraordinary circumstances) pursue the indictment of accused criminals while the latter retain positions of (state or non-state) power, or move beyond the goal of facilitating post bellum justice.2 Absolute justice would demand indictment proceed regardless of the immediate consequences; yet if this either delays the cessation of violence or increases its intensity, it is not a utilitarian choice unless it can be argued such indictments serve as able deterrents for similar potential crimes. This paper will examine the conceptual dilemma inherent in prosecutorial decision-making by international legal bodies, with principal reference to the historic case of Milosevic in Serbia, and the extant cases of Joseph Kony of the Lord‟s Resistance Army in Uganda and President Omar al Bashir of Sudan.
    [Show full text]
  • The Search for Transitional Justice in Uganda: Global Dimensions
    The Search for Transitional Justice in Uganda: Global Dimensions A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Of Master of Arts in Anthropology By Tessa Wright University of Canterbury 2011 Table of Contents Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... 5 Abstract ............................................................................................................................................ 6 Acronyms ......................................................................................................................................... 7 Chapter 1: Introduction ................................................................................................................. 9 Contrasting Meetings: Community Dialogue versus International Dialogue .......................... 9 Thesis conception: .................................................................................................................... 11 Research Agenda ................................................................................................................ 11 Thesis Argument ................................................................................................................. 13 Literary Contribution ......................................................................................................... 14 Critical Debates in the Field of Transitional Justice: Literature Review ................................ 15 Unraveling
    [Show full text]
  • Dominic Ongwen ICC-02/04-01/15
    Case Information Sheet Situation in Uganda ICC-PIDS-CIS-UGA-02-021/21_Eng Updated: July 2021 The Prosecutor v. Dominic Ongwen ICC-02/04-01/15 Dominic Ongwen Place of birth: Coorom, Kilak County, Amuru district, Northern Uganda Nationality: Ugandan Position: Alleged Former Brigade Commander of the Sinia Brigade of the LRA Warrant of arrest: Issued under seal on 8 July 2005 | Unsealed on 13 October 2005 Transfer to ICC Detention Centre: 21 January 2015 Initial appearance hearing: 26 January 2015 Confirmation of charges hearing: 21 -27 January 2016 Decision on the confirmation of charges: 26 March 2016 Opening of the trial: 6 December 2016 Closure of Submission of Evidence: 12 December 2019 Closing statements: 10-12 March 2020 Verdict: 4 February 2020 Sentence: 6 May 2021 Alleged crimes On 4 February 2021, Trial Chamber IX of the International Criminal Court (ICC) declared Dominic Ongwen guilty, beyond any reasonable doubt, of the following 61 crimes characterized as war crimes and crimes against humanity, committed in Uganda between 1 July 2002 and 31 December 2005: (i) attacks against the civilian population as such, murder, attempted murder, torture, enslavement, outrages upon personal dignity, pillaging, destruction of property and persecution; committed in the context of the four specified attacks on the Internally Displaced Persons camps (“IDP camps”) Pajule (10 October 2003), Odek (29 April 2004), Lukodi (on or about 19 May 2004) and Abok (8 June 2004); (ii) sexual and gender based crimes, namely, forced marriage, torture, rape, sexual
    [Show full text]
  • Regeni Case, Bonino Writes to Macron: "Because Today We Are Embarrassed by the Legion of Honour As We Are by Al Sisi"
    REGENI CASE, BONINO WRITES TO MACRON: "BECAUSE TODAY WE ARE EMBARRASSED BY THE LEGION OF HONOUR AS WE ARE BY AL SISI". by Emma Bonino (Senator of the Italian Republic; Member of PGA) 14 DECEMBER 2020 This letter was translated into English by No Peace Without Justice (the NGO founded by Emma Bonino) Dear President, the awarding of the Legion of Honour to the President of the Egyptian Republic, Al Sisi, has aroused in me and throughout my country great shock and deep indignation. You are perfectly familiar with the entire case involving our fellow citizen Giulio Regeni, who was arrested on 26 January 2016 and brutally tortured for nine days until his murder, as has been proven by a judicial enquiry conducted by the Rome Public Prosecutor's Office. On the other hand, you cannot ignore the Egyptian situation in which the same fate was reserved for over a thousand Regeni, who suffered the same fate as the young Italian, disappearing in the regime's prisons, many of them without charge or trial. I do not know the reasons for awarding this honour. But whatever they may be, in view of this situation and the responsibilities of the Egyptian President and his government, they are unacceptable. I know perfectly well that France, like Italy and other European and non-European countries, has important economic, commercial and geostrategic balance interests to safeguard in its relations with Egypt, but there must also be a limit to the considerations of realpolitik. And on the part of a country like France, which at the end of the eighteenth century gave the world the first declaration of human rights, respect for human rights and their universality should be taken into account at least in the same way as economic and geopolitical interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing the Effectiveness of the United Nations Mission
    Assessing the of the United Nations Mission in the DRC / MONUC – MONUSCO Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2019 ISBN: 978-82-7002-346-2 Any views expressed in this publication are those of the author. They should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. The text may not be re-published in part or in full without the permission of NUPI and the authors. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: P.O. Box 8159 Dep. NO-0033 Oslo, Norway Internet: effectivepeaceops.net | www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Fax: [+ 47] 22 99 40 50 Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 Assessing the Effectiveness of the UN Missions in the DRC (MONUC-MONUSCO) Lead Author Dr Alexandra Novosseloff, International Peace Institute (IPI), New York and Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), Oslo Co-authors Dr Adriana Erthal Abdenur, Igarapé Institute, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Prof. Thomas Mandrup, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, and Royal Danish Defence College, Copenhagen Aaron Pangburn, Social Science Research Council (SSRC), New York Data Contributors Paul von Chamier, Center on International Cooperation (CIC), New York University, New York EPON Series Editor Dr Cedric de Coning, NUPI External Reference Group Dr Tatiana Carayannis, SSRC, New York Lisa Sharland, Australian Strategic Policy Institute, Canberra Dr Charles Hunt, Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (RMIT) University, Australia Adam Day, Centre for Policy Research, UN University, New York Cover photo: UN Photo/Sylvain Liechti UN Photo/ Abel Kavanagh Contents Acknowledgements 5 Acronyms 7 Executive Summary 13 The effectiveness of the UN Missions in the DRC across eight critical dimensions 14 Strategic and Operational Impact of the UN Missions in the DRC 18 Constraints and Challenges of the UN Missions in the DRC 18 Current Dilemmas 19 Introduction 21 Section 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Delivering Justice Before and After Transitions
    Delivering Justice Before and After Transitions Conclusions from Dialogues on Transitional Justice 2013 Freedom House Rights and Justice Initiatives Team CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .......................................................................................................................................... 3 OVERVIEW ................................................................................................................................................................ 3 IS (TRANSITIONAL) JUSTICE POSSIBLE IN PRE- AND NON-TRANSITION CONTEXTS? .................................................... 4 LEARNING FROM EACH OTHER: MAKING SENSIBLE COMPARISONS ............................................................................... 5 LEGAL STRATEGIES TO ADVANCE TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE ................................................................... 6 DOMESTIC COURTS CAN ADVANCE ACCOUNTABILITY ..................................................................................................... 6 MONITORING TRIALS CAN STRENGTHEN ADVOCACY ....................................................................................................... 9 EVEN A LOSS CAN BE A WIN ............................................................................................................................................... 10 UNOFFICIAL INSTITUTIONS CAN BE ALTERNATIVES TO DOMESTIC COURTS ............................................................. 10 CONTEXT AND LOCAL DEMANDS MATTER MOST ..........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Icc Katanga Reparations
    Open Society Justice Initiative FACTSHEET: ICC KATAN GA REPARATIONS On Friday, March 24, the International Criminal Court (ICC) is scheduled to issue an order for reparations to victims in the Germain Katanga case. Katanga is the former leader of an armed militia from the Ituri region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) who was convicted of crimes against humanity and war crimes in 2014. This is the second ICC case in which an order on reparations will be issued. The first case to reach this stage was the case of Thomas Lubanga. The ICC can order reparations to victims under Article 75 of the Rome Statute, following a conviction. On March 7, 2014, Katanga was found guilty of one count of crimes against humanity: murder; and four counts of war crimes: murder, attacking a civilian population, destruction of property and pillaging. The crimes were committed in the course of an attack on the village of Bogoro in eastern DRC in 2003. On May 23, 2014, Katanga was sentenced to 12 years’ imprisonment. This was reduced following a review procedure provided for in Article 110 of the Rome Statute after two- thirds of the sentence is served. He completed his ICC sentence in a prison in the DRC on January 18, 2016. He remains in prison in the DRC in relation to other charges. Reparations proceedings started after Katanga’s conviction. The victims’ lawyer has submitted detailed claims on the harm resulting from the crimes, which the defense has had the opportunity to respond to. As Katanga does not currently have resources to pay for them, reparations will be advanced by the ICC Trust Fund for Victims.
    [Show full text]
  • Humanitarian Intervention Before Youtube - Not Even Past
    Humanitarian Intervention Before YouTube - Not Even Past BOOKS FILMS & MEDIA THE PUBLIC HISTORIAN BLOG TEXAS OUR/STORIES STUDENTS ABOUT 15 MINUTE HISTORY "The past is never dead. It's not even past." William Faulkner NOT EVEN PAST Tweet 0 Like THE PUBLIC HISTORIAN Humanitarian Intervention Before YouTube Making History: Houston’s “Spirit of the by Brian McNeil Confederacy” Joseph Kony has been making waves across the Internet the past few days thanks to a slick, emotional video produced by Invisible Children, a nongovernmental organization based in San Diego, California. Who is Joseph Kony? He is the leader of the Lord’s Resistance Army, a brutal group from Uganda. The LRA has devastated Central Africa, destroying towns, raping women, and, most infamously, kidnapping children and forcing them to fight. In 2005, the International Criminal Court put out a warrant for Kony’s May 06, 2020 arrest, and Kony and his cronies currently have the dubious honor of sitting near the More from The Public Historian top of the Interpol’s most wanted list. Despite being sought by the ICC and Interpol for over six years, Kony remains at BOOKS large. America for Americans: A History of It took only a matter of minutes for Invisible Xenophobia in the United States by Children’s video to go viral after the Erika Lee (2019) organization uploaded the film to YouTube on March 6. The thirty-minute video has been viewed over 76 million times, and the number is climbing. Social media sites have helped to further Invisible Children’s goals of making Joseph Kony “famous.” Almost everyone on Facebook has seen a link to the video.
    [Show full text]