Rural Community, Group Identity and Martial Arts: Social Foundation of Meihuaquan
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© Idōkan Poland Association “IDO MOVEMENT FOR CULTURE. Journal of Martial Arts Anthropology”, Vol. 16, no. 1 (2016), pp. 18–29 DOI: 10.14589/ido.16.1.3 ANTHROPOLOGY & ETHNOGRAPHY Zhang Guodong1(ABEFG), Thomas A. Green2(BDF), Carlos Gutiérrez-García3(CD) 1 College of Physical Education, Southwest University, Chongqing (China) 2 Department of Anthropology, Texas A&M University, College Station (USA) 3 Department of Physical and Sport Education, University of León, León (Spain) Correspondence: Zhang Guodong. Address: 1-5-1, Xuefu Xiaoqu, Wenxingwan No.1, Beibei, Chongqing, 400700, China; Tel: +86, 15730267257; e-mail: [email protected] Rural Community, Group Identity and Martial Arts: Social Foundation of Meihuaquan Submission: 23.05.2015; acceptance: 9.07.2015 Key words: Chinese martial arts, Plum Blossom boxing, boxer, traditional sports Abstract Background. Meihuaquan has not only survived four successive dynasties as well as wars and other social upheavals, but it is, in fact, enjoying revitalization against the background of urbanization. Aim. What is the social foundation of the revival of Meihuaquan in rural of north China? The focus of this paper is how this revival is supported by social institutions, especially the group identity of Meihuaquan. Method. The methods of this article include participant-observation fieldwork, semi-structured interviews and questionnaire survey. Results. (1) Meihuaquan has survived four successive dynasties as well as wars and other social upheavals. (2) From 2006 the polit- ical environment has nurtured Meihuaquan’s survival and development. Now, it is enjoying a revival. (3) It is a means to enrich personal, social and spiritual life of local people. (4) Meihuaquan serves as a means of identity formation not only for males but also for females. (5) Young adults have similar enthusiasm concerning Meihuaquan to their seniors. (6) Cultural awareness of edu- cated young people is helpful for the development of Meihuaquan. Conclusions. The fundamental reason forMeihuaquan’s revival is that it cultivated the sense of group identity for local people in northern China. This kind of group identity is not only about social relationships, but also spiritual life; not only accepted by males, but also recognized by females; not only felt by older people, but also supported by the younger generation; not only favored by peasants, but also practiced by college students. In short, Meihuaquan established the identity of its members, local people and government by many strategies, and kept the balance between the three factions. Introduction ular martial art is well known by international scholars because of its connection with the Boxer Rebellion in The label meihua (“Plum Blossom” 梅花) has been widely the later Qing dynasty (1644-1912)3. Although various 1 applied to boxing systems in China. According to tradi- styles of Meihuaquan have been taught in formal settings tional history, the form of Meihuaquan (“Plum Blossom and even distributed via dvd, we confine our remarks Boxing” 梅花拳) on which the current paper focuses to the vernacular form as practiced in village settings in originated in the northeastern provinces near the end Henan, Hebei, and Shandong province [Zhang, Green of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644)2. This Chinese vernac- 1 Tanglangquan (Praying Mantis Boxing) and Shaolinquan Chinese martial arts, he argued that Meihuaquan originated (Shaolin Boxing) are related to the word “meihua”. Tanglangq- in the end of Ming dynasty. uan has a branch called Meihua Tanglangquan (Plum Blossom 3 There are some works mentioned the relationship of Praying Mantis Boxing), and Shaolin Boxing has a branch called Meihuaquan and Boxers. For example, “The Boxer Uprising: Shaolin Meihuaquan. But the relationship between them is A Background of Study”; “The Origins of the Boxer Uprising; still not clear. “Rural Unrest in North China 1868-1900: With Particular Ref- 2 Lu Yao [1990], a historian writing about Boxer Upris- erence to South Shandong”; “History in Three Keys: The Boxers ing, and Zhou Weiliang [1992, 2009], a historian writing about as Events, Experience, and Myth”. Guodong Z., Green T.A., Gutiérrez-García C. — Rural Community, Group Identity and Martial Arts… 19 2010], a form that like all vernacular martial arts: does ning of 21st century [Zhang 2014: 5]. The preservation not adhere to a structured curriculum, passes along of Chinese vernacular martial arts during the process of techniques from experienced fighters to novices (often urbanization has become problematic, and recent studies through observation), and emulates vernacular move- demonstrate that many of these arts are threatened with ment and musical forms. As in the case with folk arts extinction [Gong 2011; Jiang 2011; Shan et al. 2011]. in general, “knowledge is usually transmitted orally In fact, the survival of Chinese traditional culture, and in a casual fashion” [Green 2010: 17]. The art has including vernacular martial arts, became increasingly survived the impact of social and political upheavals imperiled when China began its modernization in 1949. such as the change of dynasties from the Ming through Especially in the last 30 years, population demographics the Qing, the Boxer Rebellion (1899-1901), the Anti- changed radically with an accelerating move from vil- Japanese War (1937-1945), the Great Proletarian Cultural lages to cities as the progress of urbanization intensified. Revolution (1966-1976), and most recently the vast pop- For a long time, the urbanization of China was based on ulation relocation from rural to urban settings. Moreover, the sacrifice of countryside not only on peasant’s basic Meihuaquan not only has retained vitality, the art is rights, social status and resource allocation, but also undergoing revitalization. The focus of this paper is how on many core elements of Chinese traditional culture this revival is supported by social institutions, especially [Wang 2007]. Against the background of the shift from the group identity of Meihuaquan. The examination is rural to urban lifestyles, the younger generation is less undertaken using Green’s [2012] notion of vernacular likely to live in a village that would preserve local tradi- tradition and Tajfel [1974] and Turner’s [1975] theories tion, and to compound the problem local traditions die of identity. along with older tradition bearers. This is the problem facing most Chinese vernacular martial arts at present. Vernacular Martial Arts, Rural Community, and Urbanization in China Identity and Martial Arts Chinese martial arts as cultural practices and tradi- Apparently, the current urbanization has created some tional sports have been documented to as early as the sense of identity crisis for peasants in China [Chen Song Dynasty (960-1279). In cities, such as Kaifeng, 2005; Wang, Ni 2005; Xiong 2008; Yang 2013]. “Who I exhibitions were held as a form of muscular theatre to am?” and “Where and to what group do I belong?” have provide recreation for citizens [Lin 1996: 210; Lorge become problems for rural populations. Members of a 2012: 131-135]. In the countryside, peasants practiced former peasant class, especially the young who shuttle martial skills to develop fighting ability to protect their back and forth between cities and their hometowns, property. Especially the Baojia System4 promoted the are suffering a strong identity crisis never experienced spread of martial arts in rural areas. This system encour- in the past. aged peasants to practice martial arts in daily life and The term ‘identity’ is a key word in the area of helped reinforce the importance of martial arts culture. humanistic and social science, because “a sense of belong- Historically, martial arts became integral to village daily ing is basic to the human experience” [Villarreal 2009: life via both artistic and practical channels. V]. It derives from the Latin “idem” meaning “the same” The term “vernacular” is borrowed from linguistics [Gleason 1983: 930]. Normally identity is connected with and architecture where it alludes to regional domestic different kinds of “folk groups” in the context of folklore forms. In the present context, then, vernacular martial [Bauman 1971: 32]. In the area of society, Tajfel [1974, arts are traditions that meet the need of local groups in 1982a] and Turner [1975, 1983] developed the theory of which they are practiced and preserved, and typical char- identity. Tajfel [1982b: 2] argues “group identification” acteristics of the region’s folk culture [Green 2012: 288]. has two necessary components, the sense of awareness of Traditionally, the vernacular martial arts of China have membership and the sense that this awareness is related been structured hierarchically based on a familial model to some value connotations. that fostered mentoring relationships. Currently, large- The relevance between martial arts and identity scale and persistent urbanization threatens the stability has been argued not only in the West, but also in the of this traditional model. S.S. Zhang argues that many East. Miller [2003] examined how the group identity folk cultures became fragmented and ultimately vanished was formed by capoeira, an Afro-Brazilian martial art. with the deconstruction and disappearance of villages in Frank [2006: 55] explored “the dynamic construction of the process of urbanization, especially from the begin- identity that arose out of daily practice and forced prac- titioner to alternately embrace and question taijiquan as an ancient, Daoist art”. In moviedom,