Finnish Journal of Ethnicity and Migration

Vol. 5, No. 2 / 2010 (Publication: January 2011) www.etmu.fi

Publisher Contents • The Society for the Study of Ethnic Relations and International Migration Engaging in a New Society: (ETMU) South Asian Religions in the Nordic Countries and • This journal is available online at http://www.etmu.fi /fjem/ Editorial • ISSN 1796–6582 3 Tuomas Martikainen & Martin Baumann: South Asian Religions and Editorial Staff Civic Engagement in the Nordic Countries and Switzerland • Editor-in-Chief: Tuomas Martikainen Articles – South Asian Religions (University of Helsinki) 7 Martin Baumann: Civic Social Capital and Hindu Tamil Priests and • Assistant Editor: Tiina Kanninen Temples in Switzerland (University of Tampere), 16 Göran Larsson & Nina Björkman: South Asian Muslims in the Nordic • Book review editors: Countries: An Overview based on the Existing Literature Laura Hirvi (University of Jyväskylä), Suvi Keskinen (University of Turku), 24 Marianne Fibiger: Young Tamil in Denmark and their Relation to Kati Ala-Ilomäki Tradition and Collective Memory • Desktop Publishing: Jouni Korkiasaari 33 Måns Broo: ISKCON and South Asian Hindus in Finland: Strategies for (Institute of Migration) Integration 39 Knut A. Jacobsen: Leadership Structures and Government Regulation Editorial Board of in Norway • Kris Clarke (California State University, 47 Katarina Plank: Mindful Medicine: The Growing Trend of Mindfulness- Fresno), Based Therapies in the Swedish Health Care System • Elli Heikkilä (Institute of Migration), 56 Frank Neubert: Western Hindus and ‘Global Hinduism’: Discourses on • Vesa Puuronen (University of Kuopio), Conversion to ‘Hindu Religions’, Acceptance of Converts, and Social • Teppo Sintonen (University of Jyväskylä), Engagement • Ismo Söderling (Population Research Articles Institute/Väestöliitto), 63 Filio Degni, Sakari Suominen, Jussi Kauhanen & Walid El Ansari: • Camilla Nordberg (University of Helsinki), Religious-Ethnic Differences in Alcohol Consumption and Abstinence • Arno Tanner (University of Helsinki), among 15–17-Year-Old Adolescents Attending School in Turku, Finland • Marja Tiilikainen (University of Helsinki) 70 Ann Phoenix: Adult Retrospective Narratives of Childhood Experiences Partner Institutions of Serial Migration and Reunifi cation with Mothers 79 Mika Helander: Reproduction of Ethnicity through Transnational Fields • CEREN, Institute of Migration, Population and Spaces – Applying Bourdieu Research Institute/Väestöliitto Book Reviews Contact 88 Tuomas Martikainen: Paul Bramadat, Matthias Koenig (eds.). • All correspondence to Tiina Vaittinen, International Migration and the Governance of Religious Diversity. tiina.vaittinen@uta.fi 90 Doris Jakobsh: Knut Jacobsen (ed.), South Asian Religions on Display: Guidelines for Contributors Religious Processions in South Asia and the Diaspora. • Internet: www.etmu.fi /fjem/ Continues on next page ...

ISSN 1796-6582 Finnish Journal of Ethnicity and Migration

Vol. 5, No. 2 / 2010 (Publication: January 2011) www.etmu.fi

Contents (continues) Advisory Editorial Board • Martin Bauman (University of Lucerne, Switzerland) Book Reviews • John Eade (CRONEM/Roehampton 91 Perttu Salmenhaara: Suvi Keskinen, Anna Rastas & Salla Tuori (eds.), University) En ole rasisti, mutta... Maahanmuutosta, monikulttuurisuudesta ja • Mikko Lagerspetz (Åbo Akademi) kritiikistä. • Peggy Levitt (Wellesley College) 93 Laura Assmuth: Salla Tuori, The Politics of Multicultural Encounters: • Randy Lippert (University of Windsor) Feminist Postcolonial Perspectives. • Yngve Lithman (University of Bergen) 95 P. Pratap Kumar: Richard Alba, Albert J Raboteau & Josh DeWind • Diana Mulinari (Lund University) (eds.) Immigration and Religion in America: Comparative and Historical Perspectives. • Sari Pietikäinen (University of Jyväskylä) 98 Gabriel Faimau: Nasar Meer, Citizenship, Identity and the Politics of • Pirkko Pitkänen (University of Tampere) Multiculturalism. • Alex Stepick (Florida International University) 100 Tapio Kuure: Jussi Ronkainen, Väliviivakansalaiset: Monikansalaisuus asemana ja käytäntönä. • Charles Westin (CEIFO/University of Stockholm)

About the Journal The Finnish Journal of Ethnicity and Migration (FJEM) is devoted to the high quality study of ethnic relations and international migration. Published biannu- ally by the Society for the Study of Ethnic Relations and International Migra- tion (ETMU), this peer-reviewed, interdisciplinary, open-access journal pro- vides a forum for discussion and the refi nement of key ideas and concepts in the fi elds of ethnicity and international population movement. Although inter- national in its scope of interests and range of contributors, the journal focuses particularly on research conducted in Finland and other Nordic countries. Opinions expressed in the FJEM articles are those of the authors and do not necessarily refl ect the views of ETMU.

ISSN 1796-6582 Finnish Journal of Ethnicity and Migration

Vol. 5, No. 2 / 2010 Editorial www.etmu.fi

South Asian Religions and Civic Engagement in the Nordic Countries and Switzerland

Tuomas Martikainen and Martin Baumann

The articles collected in this special issue are based on presen- have settled there (see Table 1). Some 138,000 had settled in tations given at a workshop titled “Engaging in a New Soci- the Nordic countries and approximately 29,000 in Switzerland ety: Conference on South Asian religions in the Nordic coun- by 2009. Their share of all fi rst-generation immigrants2 was as tries and Switzerland” in Turku, Finland, 14–15 June 2010. follows: Denmark 7.3%, Finland 3.2%, Norway 11.1%, Swe- The event was organised and fi nanced by the Centre of Excel- den 2.9% and Switzerland 1.7%. The low fi gures show that lence in Post-Secular Culture and a Changing Religious Land- South Asians do not form a particularly large group in any of scape in Finland at Åbo Akademi University, the Depart- the receiving countries, but, nevertheless, Indian, Sri Lankan ment for the Study of Religions of the University of Lucerne and Pakistani groups constitute noteworthy minorities. Ban- (Switzerland), and the Donner Institute, Turku (Finland). The gladeshi, Bhutanese and Nepalese are smaller in numbers, main emphasis of the workshop was to study methods of civic and they have also not been particularly visible in research. engagement among South Asian people and religious organi- As elsewhere in Europe, discussion of the second generation sations in the West. is currently growing, even though fi rst-generation immigrants still constitute the largest segment. The religious diversity of South Asia is well represented South Asian immigration and religions in Europe among the immigrants. Religious background is also often associated with particular regional, linguistic, and national In the aftermath of the Second World War and the post-war cultures. For instance, Hindus from North and reconstruction period, many people from South Asia1 arrived settled predominantly in the UK as well as in numerous other and settled in Europe, especially from Bangladesh, India and countries. Others include Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Indian Pakistan. Initially, the largest group of migrants were low- Muslims; Christians from Kerala; Jains from Gujarat settling skilled, male workers in search of work. This was made rather in Manchester, London and Antwerp; Buddhists from Thai- easy by the fact that many were still British subjects, as Brit- land, Burma, , and Laos; from the Punjab with ain was the central target for most immigrants at this stage. a stronghold in the UK, but also Italy; Parsis from Bombay; While some returned, many stayed and were later followed by and Tamil Hindus, Christians and Muslims from Sri Lanka women, children and relatives, in what was to become chain migration from the same localities and regions. After the inde- Table 1. First-generation immigrants from South Asian countries in pendence of South Asian states, and the ensuing economic and the Nordic countries and Switzerland in 2009. political unrest, and, later, with intensifi ed globalisation from Denmark Finland Norway Sweden Switzerland the 1980s onward, the migration fl ows have become more Bangladesh 502 1,197 736 5,500 1,086 diverse. Now they also include highly skilled labour migrants, Bhutan 39 3 31 30 15 entrepreneurs and students, but also refugees fl eeing civil war India 6,196 3,624 9,349 16,457 8,277 and persecution. All of the different migration fl ows have been Nepal 1,188 899 460 504 337 followed by marriage migration and family reunifi cation in the country of settlement. Pakistan 19,880 1,179 30,161 9,161 1,917 The composition and size of South Asian immigration dif- Sri Lanka 10,663 649 13,436 6,652 16,889 fers between different countries. While the Nordic countries Total 38,468 7,551 54,173 38,304 28,521 and Switzerland have not been among the main targets of Source: Statistics Denmark, Statistics Finland, Statistics Norway, South Asian immigration in Europe, still a signifi cant number Statistics Sweden and Swiss Federal Offi ce of Statistics.

3 FINNISH JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY AND MIGRATION VOL. 5, NO. 2/2010 who settled as asylum seekers all over Western Europe. The Civic social capital and civic engagement presence of these groups has played an important role in the diversifi cation of religious life in Europe despite the fact Debates over social capital have been frequent in the social that rates of conversion (both to and from the South Asian sciences during the 1990s and 2000s. Several articles on this religions) have been rather low. In addition to immigration, issue address a particular strand of interest in the concept, South Asian religions have entered the Western religious fi eld namely Alex Stepick’s, Terry Rey’s and Sarah Mahler’s (2009) also through religious movements that have been predomi- notion of civic social capital. Introduced in the book Churches nantly spread by Western converts. There is a long list of reli- and Charity in the Immigrant City, and building upon Pierre gious traditions that added to the Western religious spiritual Bourdieu, James Coleman and Robert Putnam, Stepick and market in this way. Among the most well-known are the so- his research team introduced the term of civic social capital. called (ISKCON), Transcendental He and the team employed the term “largely to shift focus and other neo-Hindu groups, but also various Buddhist tra- away from social capital’s emphasis on economic benefi ts to ditions, some Sikh-Santh groups and many others are part individuals and towards activities that are also civic. We are of the multicoloured and diverse category of “South Asian interested in social ties that extend beyond one’s immediate religions”. Even though their growth has mainly taken place family and friends.” (Stepick, Rey & Mahler 2009:14) Study- since the 1970s, there is a history related to the Theosoph- ing immigrant religious communities in Miami, Florida, the ical Movement dating back to the late nineteenth century researchers focused in particular “on how religious organiza- that introduced many ‘South Asian’ religious concepts in the tions enable or deter social relationships with the broader civic West, including karma, reincarnation, and the glorifi cation of society” (ibid.). “Indian spirituality”. In order to analytically employ the concept, Stepick dif- Over about three decades, numerous studies have exam- ferentiated civic social capital along the forms of bonding, ined the various South Asian religions and groups ‘abroad’. bridging and linking social capital. Bonding social capital Whereas during the 1970s and 1980s research focused on the “emerges from networks where people share perceived iden- so-called new religious movements (NRMs), including Tran- tity relations. It refl ects social ties among people defi ned as scendental Meditation, Ananda Marga and ISKCON, since the socially homogeneous or similar in race, ethnicity, gender, 1990s research has increasingly focused on immigrant South class, and/or religion” (Stepick, Rey & Mahler 2009:15). Asian groups and their religions. In 1986, Kim Knott from the Bonding social capital provides emotional support and mutual University of Leeds published a pioneering study entitled Hin- help to like people. duism in Leeds. In the study, she used ethnography, including Bridging social capital “ties together people who are participant observation and interviews, to reconstruct and por- socially different” (ibid.), i.e. it goes beyond the limited range tray the living world, the priest and the in Leeds. of like and similar people. The concern with bridging social At the time it was unusual to use social-scientifi c methods to capital in immigrant organisations has to do “with bridging study living religions, but since then the focus of research has social ties that link immigrants to the broader civic society” strongly moved on to study contemporary religions and their (ibid.). Stepick and his group argue that bridging activities place and signifi cance in European societies. Much of the may “promote a sense of civic responsibility, overcome divi- existing research on immigration-based South Asian religions siveness and insularity, and encourage not only tolerance but in Europe has been historic-descriptive, aiming to reconstruct cooperation” (ibid.). Bridging social capital links different and describe the life of South Asian people and their organisa- groups with one another and strives for the common good and tions. While the studies have described and analysed adapta- for strengthening society at large. tions and changes in religious ritual, worship and identity for- Linking social capital, fi nally, establishes ties between mation, attempts to establish generalisations have also been “people who are not only different, but also unequal in power common. and access to resources. […] [It] spans vertical arrangements The Nordic countries and Switzerland have not been at of power, infl uence, wealth, and prestige” (Stepick, Rey & the forefront in the study of South Asian religions in Europe, Mahler 2009:16). Importantly, this form of civic capital links despite a number of researchers active in the fi eld.3 As else- people and organisations with different levels of power. For where, a dichotomy has prevailed between the study of NRMs example, a leader of a marginalised group may establish ties and immigrant religions, and it has been rarely crossed. In to spokespersons of infl uential pressure groups, and to elected this respect, the role of ISKCON is signifi cant, as it is prac- and appointed offi cials. Linking is thus status-bridging social ticed among the Krishna community, where both immigrants capital and may open doors to new resources and a secure, and native converts often practice together. However, in terms acknowledged place in society. of immigration the Nordic countries provide an interesting Civic engagement is promoted by both individuals, often example of rather small, and sometimes recent, immigrant leaders of a group, and organisations. Taking the perspective societies, where also the scale of South Asian migration is and vocabulary of social capital is just one approach and ave- rather small. In this way they can broaden our understanding nue for discussing the engagement of individuals and groups of immigrant settlement in different contexts. with the larger society. Other approaches come from sociolog-

4

ical system theory or may be observed and analysed through Knut Jacobsen’s (University of Bergen, Norway) article discourse theory. analyses leadership structures among Tamil Hindus in Nor- way. Jacobsen’s detailed analysis of the roles of ‘manager’, ‘priest’ and ‘’ show that the Christian congregational Articles model only partially makes sense of leadership structures among Tamil Hindus. The priest is mainly a provider of ritu- The articles in this special issue highlight various develop- als, while the manager and the board are in charge of the run- ments in South Asian religions in fi ve countries: Denmark, ning of the temple. This fact is not understood by Norwegian Finland, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland. A unifying aspect public authorities, who demand higher education of foreign (though, not as much as we had hoped) is references to the “religious leaders” in order to gain legal entry to Norway. This usefulness of civic social capital as an analytical concept. The is done in the name of equal treatment of religious traditions, papers do not provide country-by-country surveys or system- even though the aim of this policy is to prevent radical Mus- atic comparisons, but, rather, they present particular, topical lim clerics from entering the country. issues studied in depth in one country, thus lending points of Katarina Plank (University of Lund, Sweden) looks at Bud- reference and an analytical lens to similar situations and con- dhism as medicine, that is, how mindfulness therapies, cog- texts. The papers touch on issues such as government regula- nitive behavioural therapy and ‘non-religious ’ are tion of organisational forms, leadership, authority, authentic- interwoven in Sweden. She shows how Buddhist concepts are ity, and the second generation. integrated into Western medical praxis and transformed in the Martin Baumann’s (University of Lucerne, Switzerland) process. text discusses civic social capital and Hindu Tamil priests and Frank Neubert (University of , Switzerland) studies temples in Switzerland. constitute the largest Asian the emergence of ‘Global Hinduism’. By contrasting the ISK- immigrant minority in Switzerland. The article provides sta- CON and Siva Subramuniyaswami he analyses the tistical and qualitative information on the arrival, settlement different strategies of understanding ‘Hinduism’ and argues and current situation of Tamil people in Switzerland, pro- for a gradual emergence of ‘Global Hinduism’ that has trans- cesses of religious institutionalisation, and examples of civic gressed ethnic boundaries and is becoming a global religion engagement by conceptual means of bonding, bridging, and like Buddhism, and . The Hindu diaspora linking social capital. plays an important role in these developments. Göran Larsson (University of Gothenburg, Sweden) and All in all, the focus of the articles is more on develop- Nina Björkman (Åbo Akademi University, Finland) provide a ments among immigrant religions, but they also show links literature survey of South Asian Muslims in the Nordic coun- to developments among NRMs. Based on the articles, we can tries. The article deals with the religious and cultural activ- safely state that organised religious groups play an important ities of South Asian Muslims in Norway, Denmark, Swe- role in civic engagement for immigrants. On the one hand, den and Finland, especially those of the Ahmadiyya Mission, they provide a place for ethno-religious socialisation, and, on Tablighi Jama‘at and Jamaat-e-Islami. The authors note that the other hand, they are avenues for both learning necessary while many Muslims arrived in the 1960s and 1970s as labour civic skills and for reaching out to society. Religious organ- migrants, today also South Asian students represent an impor- isations are also called to take on functions that the initia- tant faction of South Asian Muslims. They also point to the tors were not prepared for, including growing state interest in need for further research on South Asian Muslims in general. their activities and serving as places of ethno-religious rep- Marianne Fibiger (Aarhus University, Denmark) focuses resentation for the local society. While these processes are on young Tamil Hindus and their relationship to tradition by well-known in older immigration societies, the Nordic and using the lens of collective memory. Fibiger concentrates on Swiss experiences can contribute to a broader understanding the second generation of Sri Lankan Tamil Hindus, who nego- of these phenomena. They also provide new insight to the tiate between their religious Hindu, cultural Tamil and social notion of ‘immigrant religion’, which is too often associated Danish identities. The article discusses the interplay between with Islam only. the local setting, late-modernity, and the way in which espe- cially young, well-educated Sri Lankan Tamil Hindus negoti- ate their relationship to tradition in terms of their parents and Bibliography of society, and among each other. Måns Broo (Åbo Akademi University, Finland) studies the Baumann, Martin, Brigitte Luchesi & Annette Wilke (eds.) relationship between ISKCON and South Asian Hindus in Fin- (2003) Tempel und Tamilen in zweiter Heimat. Hindus land. The article highlights issues arising from both local con- aus Sri Lanka im deutschsprachigen und skandinavischen ditions and the individual agency of local leaders in giving a Raum, Würzburg: Ergon. place for Indian immigrants among the ISKCON movement in Jacobsen, Knut A. & Kumar, Pratap (eds.) (2004) South Finland. Hence, despite global tendencies in the Hare Krishna Asians in Diaspora: Histories and Religious Traditions, movement, local choices and strategies are still important. Leiden: Brill.

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Knott, Kim (1986) Hinduism in Leeds: A Study of Religious cal and Empirical Perspectives, Oxford: Berghahn Books, Practice in the Indian Hindu Community and in Hindu- 342-387. Related Groups, Community Religions Project Mono- Stepick, Alex, Terry Rey & Sarah J. Mahler (2009) ‘Religion, graph, Leeds: University of Leeds. Immigration, and Civic Engagement’, in Alex Stepick, Larsson, Göran (ed.) (2009) Islam in the Nordic and Baltic Terry Rey & Sarah J. Mahler (eds.) Churches and Char- Countries, London: Routledge. ity in the Immigrant City. Religion, Immigration and Civic Rumbaut, Rubén (2007) ‘Ages, Life Stages, and Generational Engagement in Miami, New Brunswick, New York, Lon- Cohorts: Decomposing the Immigrant First and Second don: Rutgers University Press, 1-38. Generation in the United States’, in Alejandro Portes & Josh DeWind (eds.), Rethinking Migration: New Theoreti-

Authors Notes 1 There are various defi nitions of ‘South Asia’. In this article it Martin Baumann refers to Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri University of Lucerne Lanka. Some defi nitions also include Afghanistan, Burma Department for the Study of Religions (Myanmar), Iran and the Maldives. 2 First generation refers to people born abroad and second genera- Kasernenplatz 3 tion to people born to immigrant parents in their country of settle- CH-6003 Luzern ment, see Rumbaut 2007. The number of immigrants differs from Switzerland country to country. The data for 2009 is as follows: In Denmark [email protected] immigrants constituted 9.5% (526,036) of the total population of 5.5 million; in Finland 4.4% (233,183) of the total population of 5.4 million; in Norway 10.2% (488,753) of the total population Tuomas Martikainen of 4.8 million; in Sweden 14.3% (1,337,965) of the total popula- Åbo Akademi University tion of 9.3 million; and in Switzerland 21.7% (1,680,197) of the Comparative Religion total population of 7.8 million. Fabriksgatan 2 3 Nordic scholars are, however, quite visible in the study of FI-20500 Åbo (Tamil) Hindus (e.g., Baumann, Luchesi & Wilke 2003, Jacob- Finland sen & Kumar 2003) and Islam in Europe (e.g., Larsson 2009), though the latter has not in most cases had a particular South tuomas.martikainen@abo.fi Asian focus.

6 Finnish Journal of Ethnicity and Migration

Vol. 5, No. 2 / 2010 www.etmu.fi

Martin Baumann Civic Social Capital and Hindu Tamil Priests and Temples in Switzerland

Abstract A minority of about 50,000 Hindu Tamils has come to Switzerland during the past three decades. Among other things, the Tamil refugees from Sri Lanka have established numerous Hindu temples and sought to recreate self-defi ned structures to preserve their cultural and religious identity. Taking leave from existing studies and recent research, this article applies the concept of civic social capi- tal to Hindu Tamil priests and temples. It differentiates the dimensions of bonding, bridging and lin- king capital in order to apply a new analytical perspective on processes of social integration of Hin- du Tamils in Switzerland. Emphasis is on aspects such as social and communal “services” provided in temples, priests and temple presidents participating in interreligious activities, and priests main- taining active relations with the media, municipalities, and other social institutions. It argues that in some cases priests and temple presidents have been successful in their use of bridging and linking capital to enhance their status and prestige as well as provide enhanced visibility to the Hindu Tamil minority, thus far more or less unnoticed in Switzerland.

Keywords: Hindu Tamils, Switzerland, Hindu temple, civic social capital, priest

Introduction known. The discussions and results of the meeting are not of relevance here, rather the fact that the invitation and partici- Not long after I had started teaching and researching in Swit- pation of the priest points to various links and levels of this zerland I was invited to a meeting on “Asian religions in special issue of FJEM focusing on South Asian religions and Swiss school books” at the University of Zurich in 2002. The civic engagement: The priest was invited by the university, meeting to analyse the representation of “Buddhism” and an institution with more access to prestige, power, and infl u- “Hinduism” brought together teachers, scholars, Ph.D. stu- ence in the context of Swiss society than the priest’s own tem- dents, school offi cials, and representatives of Buddhist and ple. The priest took part in the meeting, was able to establish Hindu traditions. The single, and thus labelled, “representa- links with many (more or less) infl uential persons, and cham- tive” of Hindu religions was the head priest of the Sri Sub- pioned his Brahmanic view of a nondualist “Hinduism”. It ramaniar Alayam (temple) in Adliswil (near Zurich), Mr. T. may be argued why a devotee from the Zurich ISKCON tem- Sarahanabavanantha kurukkal. The priest had been invited ple was not also invited, but this might have complicated the because of his good German language skills and because he “scene”. However, the fact that Mr. Sarma (the short version was head priest of one of the biggest Hindu temples in the of his long name) was selected to be the Hindu representative conurbation of Zurich. In addition, a lengthy documentary on was grounded in the fact that he himself was bearer of various Swiss television about his temple had made the priest widely forms of social capital: Mr. Sarma was not only founder, man-

7 FINNISH JOURNAL OF ETHNICITY AND MIGRATION VOL. 5, NO. 2/2010

ager and head priest of one of the biggest Tamil Hindu tem- tute a comparatively small minority of about 3,000. Other ples in Switzerland, but he was also a highly regarded mem- migrants from South Asian countries comprise just a few hun- ber of the Swiss National Interreligious council, and since the dred people (Federal Offi ce of Statistics 2008a). About 90 % widely seen TV documentary, one of the Tamil people known to 95 % of the Sri Lankans are Tamils, amounting to approxi- and respected in Switzerland. mately 45,000 to 47,500 Tamils in Switzerland. This and similar meetings, for example on “world religions” Tamils fl ed the war-torn South Asian island after the mid- and their implications for health care and local cemeteries, 1980s. For 25 years, from the 1983 pogrom to the end of the gatherings for ‘prayer for peace’ and interreligious exchange, war in 2009, continuous streams of refugees fl ed and came to and many more, are just snippets of the multitude of activ- South India, Australia, North America, and Europe. Estimates ities and engagements of South Asian leaders and religious for in Western Europe range from 200,000 communities in Switzerland. Though usually rarely publicly to 250,000. known, South Asian individuals and religious, cultural, social, In Switzerland, Tamil refugees have been distributed to all and political groups are generally engaged in civil society, cantons and communities. As asylum seekers they received seeking support, empowerment and change – both in Switzer- support from the local community and had to stay there for land and in the country and region they left behind. a time. Only after gaining secure legal status, more mobility This paper looks at various forms of civil engagement by was possible. Quite a number came to the cities and towns employing the analytical lens of social capital vocabulary and where work opportunities were better and there was less social the distinction between bonding, bridging, and linking social marginalisation and control. Also, it was easier to meet rela- capital. In order to systematically highlight such civic activi- tives and fellow Tamils, and Tamil cultural and religious asso- ties, the paper focuses on one South Asian minority in Swit- ciations as well shops were within easy reach. As a result, in zerland, i.e. Hindu Tamils from Sri Lanka. Among other char- 2008 the vast majority of Tamil people lived in the German- acteristics, Tamil people constitute the largest Asian immi- speaking part of Switzerland, Zurich and Bern and the north- grant minority in Switzerland. The fi rst part of the paper pro- western cantons forming clear strongholds (Federal Offi ce of vides statistical and qualitative information on the arrival, Statistics 2009:10). settlement and current situation of Tamil people in Switzer- At the start of 2010, almost 50,000 migrants from Sri Lanka land. Part 2 takes a look at processes of religious institution- resided in Switzerland: 17,800 had acquired Swiss national- alisation, i.e. the founding of numerous Hindu temples to ity (35.5 %), 28,000 Sri Lankan citizens were on a continual venerate the gods and perform the annual festivities. Part 3 and secure legal stay (56 %), and 3,960 asylum seekers had provides examples of civic engagement by scrutinising activ- been provisionally admitted (fi gures from the Federal Offi ce ities of Hindu temples and priests according to the distinc- for Migration 2010a: 5 and 2010b; Federal Offi ce of Statis- tion of bonding, bridging, and linking social capital. It will tics 2009a). Importantly, since the late 1990s, the number of become obvious that Hindu leaders and organisations create Sri Lankan immigrants securing permanent status and those civic social capital on various levels. Many of the endeav- receiving Swiss citizenship grew exponentially. Whereas from ours, however, are not directed towards the country and soci- 1974 to 2001 only 2,300 Sri Lankans had gained Swiss citi- ety of residence. Rather, as former refugees their point of zenship, from 2002 to 2009 some 15,500 were nationalised. identifi cation and engagement rests to a large extent with the The main reasons for this signifi cant development were three country and people they left behind. The conclusion sums up special state regulations to legalise the stay of Tamils in Swit- the fi ndings, discusses the concept of civic social capital, and zerland (after failed state repatriation programmes in the early provides perspectives on topical issues of leadership, sec- 1990s), as well as acknowledge their length of stay, as many ond generation, and publicity. Overall, the article strives to had arrived in the mid-1980s. In late 2009, 91.5 % of the refu- contribute to the analyses of civic engagement of immigrant gees either were nationalised or had acquired a legally secure leaders and groups in line with the view that “[C]ompared to stay; only 8 % still faced an insecure future and a potential the wealth of American research […], research on religion move back to Sri Lanka (Moret & Efi onayi, Stants 2007:44, and civic engagement in European countries is still scarce” Federal Offi ce of Migration 2010a, 2010b). (Liedhegener 2010:135). Taking up Swiss citizenship was often motivated by prag- matism: on the one hand, a Swiss passport ensured a secure stay, opened prospects for a better job, and enabled easier 1. Tamil people in Switzerland – data and profile entry to Sri Lanka as a Swiss citizen than as a Tamil, non-res- ident Sri Lankan. On the other hand, identifi cation with Sin- Tamil people from Sri Lanka form the largest immigrant group halese-dominated Sri Lankan nationality was poor and the of the various South Asian minorities in Switzerland. Indeed, change of passport was considered merely an administrative at about 50,000 (including nationalised Sri Lankans) they act. As such, gaining citizenship does not necessarily imply form the most numerous Asian immigrant group in Switzer- strong identifi cation bonds with the new country. Rather, as land. Indians and the Thai make up some 17,000 and 15,000, will be argued later, the identifi cation remained heavily tied respectively (including those nationalised); Vietnamese immi- to Tamil regions (Northern Sri Lanka), the province of grants make up 13,300; and migrants from Pakistan consti- emigration and place where parents and relatives still lived. It

8 MARTIN BAUMANN

is most likely, however, in the course of time and the matur- tural areas (Federal Offi ce of Statistics 2009b:9, Federal offi ce ing of the young generation that the focus of identifi cation will of Statistics 2010). The importance of caste diminishes as well strongly shift towards the country of residence, i.e. Switzer- and is contested by education, wealth, occupation, and socio- land (Baumann 2002, Eulberg 2010). economic status. With arranged marriages, however, caste According to Swiss Census 2000, the educational and eco- remains signifi cant and salient (Lüthi 2005:47). nomic situation of Sri Lankan Tamils had been plainly below average: in 2000, only 17 % of Tamils obtained an advanced education and 17.5 % secondary education (compared to 2. Hindu Tamils and religious institutions total Swiss national education 19.2 % and 51.3 %), whereas a majority of 65.5 % of Tamils gained only primary educa- In religious terms, according to research by Christopher tion (total Swiss 29.5 %, Bovay 2004:40). Less advanced edu- McDowell, 87 % of the Tamil refugees arriving in Switzer- cation and the provisional legal status of admittance limited land during the period between 1983 and 1991 were Hindus chances for upward mobility. This relegated Tamils to take (McDowell 1996:119). Later research indicated that the dis- up jobs in less-prestigious sectors: in 2000, 38.2 % worked tribution was some 70 % Hindu – most followers of the god in the poorly-paid sector of restaurant kitchens (total Swiss Civan (Skt Śiva) and his family, around 9 % Roman-Catho- employed 5.4 %) and 11.9 % in the likewise inadequately paid lic, 5 % Protestant, some Muslim, and – importantly – around health care sector, as nurses and fl oor cleaners (total Swiss 13 % without any religious affi liation (numbers for Germany, 10.9 %, Bovay 2004:117). In particular, the insecure legal applicable to Switzerland as well, see Baumann & Salentin status predominant during the 1990s forced Tamils to take 2006). The number of Hindu Tamils thus can be estimated at any job, at times two jobs simultaneously. Only a job, regu- around 30,000 (C. Baumann 2003, Baumann 2007:226; for lar income, and one’s own social security made it possible to Indian Hindus, see Wälchli 2008). obtain a more secure and lasting stay in Switzerland (Markus Religious practice takes place both in the home and in 2005, Baumann 2007:230-232). With acquiring a secure, regional temples. As Christopher Fuller emphasised with legal stay, the signifi cant increase in citizenship, and a strong regard to South India, “temples, and what goes on in them, are emphasis on education, Tamil people will be able to fi nd bet- but one part of Hinduism as a whole. Much Hindu religious ter jobs and enjoy a chance for upward mobility. practice takes place in the home” (Fuller 1988:50), i.e. prac- It needs to be mentioned that Tamils themselves worked tices such as fasting, devotion, and praying are as important to improve their situation. Following the fi rst massive wave for Hindu religious life as temple worship. of Tamil asylum entries in the mid-1980s, populist media and Bearing this in mind, importantly since the arrival of politicians assaulted Tamils as ‘drug dealers and social secu- women and children in the late 1980s and early 1990s, Hindu rity fraudsters’. During the 1990s, however, Tamils achieved Tamils started to found religious and cultural institutions and a more positive image in wider society, due to their diligence, to open their own shops for the provision of goods badly industriousness, reliability, willingness to adapt and eager- needed in daily life. The 1990s can be called a time of insti- ness to learn (Bühlmann 2002). Nowadays, the second gener- tutionalisation, temple proliferation, and long-term establish- ation has advanced in terms of educational level, and almost ment in the Swiss diaspora. Also, the Liberation Tigers of all speak the vernacular (German, Swiss German and French Tamil (LTTE) gained a strong foothold and infl uence in West Switzerland) and identify with Swiss life and Switzer- among Tamils, though the organisation’s range of power and land. Public opinion values Tamil people as a model minority control remained contested among Tamils, journalists, and the of integration. However, socio-economic indicators and data state security service. strongly point to modest, low-key social incorporation within During the 1990s and early 2000s, Hindu Tamils founded the lower strata of Swiss society. numerous temples. In 2010, there were 18 temples of varying As in Sri Lanka, Tamils in the diaspora strongly kept to size, the majority located in the conurbations of cities in the endogamy in marriage patterns, i.e. not marrying outside German-speaking cantons (see map). the ethnic group but having a Tamil husband or wife. Both Spacious temples in con verted warehouse depots evolved in Switzerland and Germany, among all ethnic groups Tamils on the outskirts of Zurich (Adliswil, in 1995), the capital scored highest in the rate of endogamy (Bovay 2004:67, Bau- Bern (1994, relocated 2002), and Basel (initially 1986, relo- mann 2000:104). This is signifi cant as it conveys the impor- cated in 1989, 1994, and 2009). These temples have been tance of handing down religious and cultural traditions to the complemented by many mid-sized or small temples in con- next generation. Generally speaking, in a high percentage of verted cellars, houses and warehouses. The bigger temples marriages between like religious and ethnic partners, children stage the annual temple festival with impressive public pro- are socialised in the same religious tradition and the mainte- cessions, attended by several thousand participants and visi- nance of traditions is secured, while religiously mixed mar- tors. The festival is both an occasion for religious observation riages render the maintenance of religious traditions much less and reconnecting with like kin and friends (Luchesi 2008, Eul- likely. Recent fi gures point to a nascent change toward more berg 2008, 2010). interethnic marriages between Tamils and the Swiss, indicat- Interestingly, the fi rst purpose-built Hindu temple is ing a process of acculturation in this as in other social and cul- planned for inauguration in 2011 in Trimbach (Northwest

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Switzerland). Most likely, the Sri Manomani Ampal Alayam youth and women’s groups, language classes, a theatre group, in Trimbach will become as central and important for Swiss a library, and more. Hindu Tamils as the monumental, purpose-built Sri Kamad- Predominantly fi rst generation immigrants, always men, chi Ampal Alayam in Hamm/Germany (Baumann & Luchesi, lead and manage the ‘established’ institutions and organisa- Wilke 2003, Liebheit 2009). For many priests in both Swit- tions. Thus far, only few members of the second, upcoming zerland and Germany, the Sri Kamadchi temple serves as the generation have become involved in governing a religious and achievement of a vision and a model: the completion of a vis- cultural organisation. Young Tamils have started creating and ible, “true” Hindu temple where the special favour of the gods founding their own spaces and institutions, such as sports clubs rests. (football, cricket), a Tamil students’ union, and the (political) The religious and cultural organisations are usually set up , as well as on the religious front the as associations. According to Swiss law they need to have Saivanerikoodam temple as part of the interreligious project rules of order and a democratically elected board. These regu- in Bern. Generally, however, the ‘estab- lations are employed and interpreted in different ways, as will lished’ institutions and new groups work together and support be illustrated later. Generally, the local community, canton and one another in times of need. state do not support or fi nancially subsidise a religious organi- In the following, Part 3 will analyse activities of civic sation. The aims and activities of the various institutions thus engagement engendered by Hindu Tamil immigrants and their have to be resourced by Tamils on their own through contribu- religious associations and temples. tions and voluntary work. In general, it is possible to observe a distinction between religious activities tied to the private home and the priest and temple; and cultural, educational, 3. Hindu Tamils and civic social capital sporting and other activities bound to Tamil cultural and social associations. Only rarely do the activities come together under During the past 25 years Tamil immigrants invested much one organisational frame, such as the Sri Manomani Alayam time, voluntary work, and fi nancial resources to support and in Trimbach, founded in 1991 as the ‘Association for Sup- engage Tamil people and to recreate social, cultural, and port of Tamil Culture in Switzerland’, and the Hindu tem- religious institutions and ways of life. Reviewing the list of ple in Basel offering counselling for Tamil people as well as organisations and groups founded by Tamils in Switzerland, in

10 MARTIN BAUMANN

a list provided in 2007 by Moret & Efi onayi, Stants, we count Temple worship is not a group ritual and thus does not cre- some 90 different listings, among them political organisations, ate or promote solidarity among fellow Tamils. In particular, contact and support points, national and local cultural associ- caste distinctions impede a common solidarity. Rather, soli- ations, Hindu temples and Pentecostal churches, sports and darity primarily relates to extended family members and fel- leisure clubs, as well as Tamil media groups (2007:136-154). low caste members. Due to the diasporic shortage of Hindu Generally, Tamils are heavily organised, and members of the temples, Tamils from different castes visit the same temple, upper Brahmin and Vellala castes know how to get things where high, middle, and low caste people all gather. Commu- moving. The networks and institutions are means for support, nality fi nally ends when the common meal is distributed at the orientation, and reconstruction; also ways for creating pres- end of the pūjā: Sometimes, upper-caste people take the meal tige, status and infl uence as well as to some extent re-estab- with them, to eat at home and not in communion with lower lishing former power relations and inequalities. caste fellows. The pattern is likely to change with the evolu- Employing the approach of civic social capital as sug- tion of the second generation, but thus far studies on the issue gested by Alex Stepick and his research team (Stepick, Rey are lacking. & Mahler 2009a), in the following we will employ the dis- In recent years, a few Hindu temples have added a link to tinctions between bonding, bridging and linking social capi- their websites called “services” (Tam. ālayacēvaikal [services tal to Hindu Tamil religious organisations and religious lead- of [the] temple]). Services include various activities, both ers, i.e. priests. In which ways and by which means do Hindu religious and non-religious, as well as bonding and bridging temples and priests engender civic engagement according to activities. For example, the already mentioned Sri Sivasub- the three forms? To what extent do they promote activities that ramaniar temple in Adliswil lists several such services on its go beyond a focused religious function? Tuomas Martikainen website (www.murugantemple-zh.ch). The fi rst-stated ser- in his study on Immigrant Religions in Local Society, study- vice encompasses the provision of a library (Tam. kumaran ing amongst other things such socially engaged activities in nūlakam) with booklets and texts. The literature offered on Turku, called this the “‘secular’ activities” of religious organ- display is almost exclusively in Tamil, and most texts deal in isations (Martikainen 2004:230). Indeed, as studies under- one way or another with religious topics. As such, setting up score, most diasporic religious immigrant places are multi- a library serves the temple’s own, and not a wider population, functional sites with religious and non-religious activities and constitutes another form of bonding social capital. going hand in hand (Warner & Wittner 1998, Behloul 2004). The next “service” on the list encompasses cultural events for Tamils as well as non-Tamils. Typically, by way of an exam- ple, a picture shows two Tamil girls performing Indian dances 3.1. Bonding social capital (bharatanāṭyam) for a non-Tamil audience with accompany- Bonding social capital “emerges from networks where peo- ing explanations by a young man. Such cultural activities are ple share perceived identity relations” (Stepick, Rey & Mahler intended to promote interest and awareness among the wider 2009a:15), i.e. immigrant people of the same religion or eth- public and to help develop mutual trust in face-to-face rela- nicity. It provides emotional support and mutual help to like tions. Other such activities include inviting school and other people. groups, such as teachers, parish members and the general pub- Basically, Tamil Hindu temples provide religious wor- lic, to visit. All of these activities can be labelled bridging ship and rituals. Temples offer the opportunity to be near the social capital as they establish ties beyond Tamil people, to gods and to ‘see’ them when (Skt., Tam. taricanam) members of the broader civic society. is granted – seeing and being seen by the divine (Eck 1998). Furthermore, the “services” listed include gatherings such Also, devotees can give offerings, venerate the gods and beg as religious festivals and rites of passage. Interestingly, the for their boon, and thank for wishes fulfi lled. Socially, the tem- temple lists these as a service of the third tier, following the ple is a place for meeting like kin and friends and be together library and the activities for non-Tamil visitors – not among among those of the same language and culture. Temples pro- the fi rst and foremost services. vide worship (Tam. pūcai, Skt. pūjā), meeting opportuni- Finally, the website’s service listings include pictures of a ties, and the distribution of free food after the worship, which group of boys going to a boys’ school in eastern Sri Lanka. serves as a means for in-group integration; it brings together Obviously, the temple fi nancially supports the school. Some Hindu Tamils scattered in different towns and villages and boys might be orphans, while others are with their family. As a provides emotional support and solace to people in an alien result of the civil war and dwindling state support, in particu- culture and society. A Hindu temple, in particular the larger lar schools for Tamil children have been in need of extra fi nan- ones with the provisions of a kitchen and a spacious ‘function cial support. This activity, too, can be labelled bonding social room’ for celebrating marriages and hosting cultural presen- capital, as it strengthens ties between people of the same cul- tations (dance, theatre etc.), creates what Robert Orsi called a tural-linguistic group. “sense world” (Orsi 1985:172). For many, the Hindu temple is Other temples, such as the above-mentioned Sri Kamad- a basic point of religious orientation. Through festivals, ritu- chi Ampal temple in Hamm/Germany, provided support to als, acts, sights, sounds, and smells it generates an atmosphere build an orphanage after the devastating tsunami in late 2004. of authenticity not reproducible in the private domain. Supporting schools and helping to establish an orphanage or

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a hospital are activities that strengthen bonds from the secure Baba group staged a celebration with children of the so-called diaspora to the former homeland in need. ‘Hindu classes’ to perform devotional songs. In addition, rep- In a similar way, for example Jains in Antwerp and Man- resentatives of the Catholic parish, and of Muslims, Buddhists chester sent money and assistive equipment to provide support and Baha’i had been invited to perform a prayer and to partic- and relief after the earthquake disaster of 2001 in the Gujarat. ipate as honoured guests in the celebration. The birthday fes- As Stepick and his project team illustrate with case stud- tival provided both bridging ties to other religious leaders as ies of Cuban, Haitian, and other immigrant groups in Miami, well as linking capital to the dominant church in the canton. remittances and political, religious, and moral support are In general, in religious terms Hindu Tamils and Hindu common and well-established forms of transnational civic organisations in Switzerland are less interested in forms of social engagement (Stepich, Rey & Mahler 2009a, Hansing bridging social capital. On the one hand, this has to do with 2009). At this stage, compared with long-established immi- the severe time constraints on priests and temple board mem- grant groups, Hindu Tamils in Switzerland and Western bers, who are already absorbed with arranging matters for Europe engage less in civic projects in the society of residence their own temples. On the other hand, internal reservations but strongly in the society they left years or even decades and distinctions based on status, caste and political interests before. Engagement in the society and region left behind takes impede the formation of lasting internal bridging forms and on social, fi nancial, as well as political forms. umbrella organisations. For example, the initiative to estab- lish a national board of Hindu priests in Switzerland never became a success. The impulse to organise such a board was 3.2. Bridging social capital voiced by the National Interreligious Council of Switzerland According to Stepick and his team, bridging social capital to Tamil priests in the early 2000s. Some priests took up the “ties together people who are socially different” (Stepick, Rey idea, but due to internal disagreement and the more or less & Mahler 2009a:15), i.e. activities and engagement go beyond open involvement of the LTTE, the endeavour never really left the limited range of like and similar people. its founding stage (C. Baumann 2003:280). With regards to Hindu temples, this form is constituted in activities such as welcoming school groups and other non- 3.3. Linking social capital Tamil groups, as noted above, and taking part in religious dialogue activities. Most often, Christian leaders or groups Linking social capital, fi nally, establishes ties between “peo- arrange for an interreligious dialogue meeting and invite Jews, ple who are not only different, but also unequal in power and Muslims, Baha’i and Buddhists, as well a “representative of access to resources” (Stepick, Rey & Mahler 2009a:16). It is a Hinduism”. Most Hindu priests fl uent in German or French vertical link to power, infl uence, wealth, and prestige. highly appreciate such invitations as a sign of acknowledg- In contrast to the comparatively low rate of bridging social ment and respect and most make an effort to accept such invi- capital, temple presidents and temple priests exercise vari- tations. On the other hand, due to time constrains of the usu- ous forms of linking social capital. For example, the above- ally working priests, such interreligious meetings represent an mentioned Sri Sivasubramaniar temple was founded with the extra burden. Most often, the priest is salaried by the temple help of well-established Swiss persons from Zurich in 1994. board to conduct religious activities in the temple, and has to In order to fi nd a suitable place for the temple, a board was match his earnings with ‘secular’ work. formed with members from the National Interreligious Coun- In similar terms, participation in the annual ‘week of reli- cil of Switzerland, the president of the Protestant Churches gions’ in November, inaugurated by the National Interre- of Zurich, and people from academia and the municipality ligious Council of Switzerland, is another form of bridging (constituting linking social capital of the priest Sarma). This activity. However, such involvement implies a lot of surplus board was instrumental in lending credibility to enable the organisational work for those involved with the management leasing of an industrial hall in a suburban community of Zur- of a temple. For example, the president of the Sri Manomani ich. The temple fl ourished, the priest worked energetically to temple in Trimbach, the fi rst purpose-built temple in Switzer- attract many devotees, and by and by the temple became one land, was asked to take part in the interreligious week in 2009. of the best-known Hindu temples in Switzerland. On the basis The main idea was to signal the openness of the temple and its of this, a cultural programme of Swiss television produced a board and to provide the fi rst steps of communication with the fi lm on the annual temple festival 2001, another form of link- wider society. Having no experience yet of what was expected ing social capital for the main priest and temple manager, and to come, the president asked a Ph.D. student who was cur- Mr. Sarma. Participating in the Swiss Interreligious National rently studying the temple to help in arranging a day of “open Council and, for example, in conferences and meetings such Hindu temple” during the week. As such, the president made as those outlined in the introduction, provided further ave- use of his linking social capital in asking a university member nues of linking for the priest. The many links to school teach- to support the bridging activity in organisational terms. ers, journalists, fi lm-makers, municipal offi cials, and most Only rarely an interreligious activity is initiated on the recently a stint as an actor in the fi lm ‘Madly in Love’ (as a Hindu side. One example was the celebration for the 80th priest, 2009), enhanced both the social capital and prestige of birthday of Sathya Sai Baba in 2006: In Lucerne, the local Sai the head priest.

12 MARTIN BAUMANN

In the early 2000s, the Swiss board members had been it possible to meet some of its needs. The maintenance and active in working to establish democratic structures to organ- costs, nevertheless, have to be met entirely by Hindu Tamils ise the running of the Sri Sivasubramaniar temple. However, affi liated to the priest and temple. the imposed democratic structures with the strong infl uence of affi liated members led to a crisis in 2002: Mr. Sarma, the head priest and manager of the temple, felt that such struc- Conclusion tures of democratic decision making were inappropriate for running a temple and its activities. Also, rumours about infl u- Looking at the short history of some 20 years of Hindu Tamil ence of the LTTE were strong. The priest quit his involvement institutionalisation in Switzerland, we observe various exam- with the temple and in 2004, as numerous Hindu Tamils had ples of bonding, bridging, and linking social capital. There is begged him (his own words and version), he opened his own a strong emphasis on inner-group bonding activities, as Hindu temple not far from the former temple and located in the same Tamils and leaders are eager to recreate the cultural and reli- municipality. After six years, Mr. Sarma moved his Sri Vishnu gious bonds and institutions of Sri Lankan Jaffna. Forms of Thurkkai Amman temple to another place in the canton of bridging activities are rare though not absent; involvement in Zurich, away from the competing Sri Sivasubramaniar tem- bridging activities most often result from outside initiatives. ple. In November 2009, the groundbreaking ceremony took In contrast, individuals and leaders maintain various verti- place for the relocated goddess temple, now placed in Dürn- cal linking relations to persons and institutions with access to ten. Mr. Sarma had been successful in inviting the president power, infl uence and prestige. Such status linking supports a of the municipality of Dürnten, Mr. Hubert J. Rüegg, to play generally positive reception of Tamil people and their temples a part in the ceremony. The participation of the municipality’s and enables some of the temples’ needs to be provided for. head established (again) important linking ties to appointed To a large extent, the examples of Hindu Tamil civic local offi cials and contributed to the acceptance of the temple engagement listed here emphasise the positive benefi ts of in the community. A day later, a national newspaper published social capital. Bridging and linking ties supported, amongst a positive article about the groundbreaking ceremony, includ- others, the establishment of Hindu temples, receiving privi- ing a colour photograph showing the priest Mr. Sarma and leges, and in general establishing a well-regarded place in the community president decorated with a fl ower , an Swiss society. However, the supporting vertical relations often orange Indian scarf on his shoulders and around his head, tak- entailed a reverse effect and constituted strikingly patronising ing part in a ritual (Hahn 2009). The attendance, participation, structures: Swiss people and institutions in power and with and welcome speech of the president legitimised the Hindu more prestige told ‘the poor refugees’ how to act, how to orga- temple in the community and region. nise and what to do. Though this was done with good inten- In similar ways, other temples and religious leaders in Swit- tions, the patronising attitudes reinforced the inequalities of zerland and abroad have been successful in establishing sup- Swiss society and manifested the power difference between portive status-linking ties to people and institutions of infl u- the Swiss supporters and the foreign recipients. The gener- ence and prestige. For example, the priest of the Sri Thurk- ous help and tolerance were benefi cial, but came with expec- kai Amman temple near Lucerne, Mr. N.R. Sasithara Sarma, tations of acting in accordance with the donors’ terms. Only maintains good contacts and relations with local journalists, later, with better languages skills and with their own exper- clergy of the Roman-, members of the uni- tise about Swiss society and its implicit rules, Hindu leaders versity, and members of the local municipality and the can- gained the competence to transform bridging and linking ties ton. These vertical contacts and the priest’s friendliness and for Tamils’ self-determined interests, goals, and accumulation responsiveness have produced repeated media coverage of the of prestige. As such, to enable bridging and linking social cap- Hindu temple and the priest in the local newspaper; the use ital to surmount patronising structures and to allow empow- of the community halls of the Catholic parish for celebrating erment and self-determined action, at least a certain level of Hindu festivities (e.g. see above); support in creating a book- equality in prestige, access to power and institutional basis are let about the temple and its gods; two short fi lms about Hindu necessary. In the case of immigrant communities, leadership festivals (Sindemann 2004); and a book by Mr. Sasithara and length of stay are decisive variables. In line with the factor Sarma about Hindu rituals (forthcoming). Contacts and nego- of leadership, the article provided examples of Hindu leaders, tiations with the local municipality, fi nally, enabled allowance i.e. priests and temple board presidents, as they took on crit- for a special place at the local river to dispose the ashes of ical roles in engendering civic social capital (for leadership, cremated persons (Eulberg 2009). The priest, in contrast to see Stepick, Mahler & Rey 2009b:260f). the reluctant temple board, supported arrangements for vis- Regarding the variable ‘length of stay’, conspicuous its by local school groups, parish groups, and the general pub- degrees of engagement and civic social capital have been lic. This civic engagement fostered a better understanding of directed towards Tamil speaking regions in Sri Lanka. It is too Hindu ritual and religiosity among the wider public, generated early in the immigration and settlement process of Sri Lankan mutual trust, and promoted an awareness of the plurality of Tamil people to observe forms of civic engagement directed religions in the canton. The various linking ties enhanced pub- towards the host society. Rather, the focus of engagement of lic knowledge and acceptance of the Hindu temple and made the diaspora group rests clearly with the country and culture

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of emigration. In view of the uncertain fate of relatives and dus aus Sri Lanka im deutschsprachigen und skandi- the loss of educational and social infrastructure in the wake of navischen Raum, Würzburg: Ergon, 275-294. the war, the emphasis on the former homeland is very under- Baumann, Martin (2000) Migration, Religion, Integration: standable. Despite this general focus, however, a few individ- Vietnamesische Buddhisten und tamilische Hindus in uals in the upcoming, younger Tamil generation have become Deutschland, Marburg: diagonal. heavily engaged, for example, as local politicians or intercul- Baumann, Martin (2002) ‹Migrant Settlement, Religion and tural mediators (women in particular), socially and politically Phases of Diaspora›, Migration. A European Journal of participating in the development of Swiss society. They can be International Migration and Ethnic Relations, 33/34/35: labelled both pioneers and examples of success based on their 93-117. own efforts and commitment (Markus 2005). Baumann, Martin (2007) ‹Götter, , Geist und Seele: It will be interesting to see whether the focus of engage- Hindu-Traditionen in der Schweiz›, in Martin Baumann & ment and identifi cation of the second and third Tamil genera- Jörg Stolz (eds.), Eine Schweiz – viele Religionen. Risiken tions will shift towards the country and society of residence. und Chancen des Zusammenlebens, Bielefeld: transcript, Diaspora studies and diasporic phase models suggest such a 223-237. development, in particular if the host society grants oppor- Baumann, Martin & Brigitte Luchesi, Annette Wilke (2003) tunities for upward social mobility and the engendering of a Tempel und Tamilen in zweiter Heimat. Hindus aus Sri feeling of belonging, acceptance, and participation (Baumann Lanka im deutschsprachigen und skandinavischen Raum, 2002). Würzburg: Ergon. In addition, recent developments of Hindu Tamil leaders Baumman, Martin & Kurt Salentin (2006) ‹Migrant Religious- and temples leaving the state of invisibility and gaining more ness and Social Incorporation. Tamil Hindus in Germany›, publicity – through media reports, participation in interreli- Journal of Contemporary Religion 21 (3): 297-323. gious dialogue, their own websites, and grand temple festivals Behloul, Samuel-Martin (2004) Muslims in Central Swit- – will expand and strengthen bridging and linking ties to the zerland: From Migrants to Diaspora-Muslims, research wider public. The extent to which the fi rst purpose-built Hindu report, Lucerne: Dept. for the Study of Religions, Univer- temple in Switzerland will expand civic engagement will be sity of Lucerne. worth noting. Most likely, as observed with the impressive Bovay (2004) Religionslandschaft in der Schweiz. Eidgenös- Sri Kamadchi Ampal temple in Hamm/Germany, the archi- sische Volkszählung 2000, in collaboration with Raphaël tecturally South Indian-styled Sri Manomani Ampal temple in Broquet. Bundesamts für Statistik, Neuchâtel: Bundesamt Trimbach will attract many Swiss visitors, groups, and media. für Statistik. Also, it is likely that the temple will draw more Hindu Tamils Bühlmann, Christopher (2002) Klimawechsel: vom Feind zum to its festivals than any other Hindu temple in Switzerland. As Freund: Tamilen in der Schweiz (1980–2000), diploma in Germany with the Sri Kamadchi temple and its head priest thesis, Department of History, University of Fribourg. and manager Sri Paskarakurukkal, the wide publicity most Eck, Diana L (1998) Darśan, Seeing the Divine Image in likely will transform the Sri Manomani temple and its dili- India. 3rd edition, New York, Chichester: Columbia Uni- gent president for Swiss authorities and sectors (media, pol- versity Press. itics, churches, schools) into the representative of Hinduism Eulberg, Rafaela (2008) ‘Hindu-Traditionen in der Schweiz’, in Switzerland. The appearance of the new, publicly visible in Michael Klöckner & Udo Tworuschka (eds.) Handbuch temple will further change the thus-far hidden, hardly noticed der Religionen, 19th supplement, München: Olzog. presence of Hindu religion – perceived more often than not as Eulberg, Rafaela (2009): ‘Wettening the ashes – burial rites exotic and foreign – into an accepted religion in a pluralistic of Tamil Hindus in Switzerland. Continuity and Changes Swiss society. in the reproduction of religious identities in a Diaspora situation’, paper present at the 3rd SSEASR Conference ‘Waters in South and Southeast Asia: Interaction of Cul- Acknowledgements ture and Religion’ of the South and Southeast Asian Asso- ciation for the Study of Culture and Religion (SSEASR), Many thanks to Rafaela Eulberg from the University of 03.-06.06.2009, in Denpasar/Indonesia. Lucerne for her useful suggestions and additions. Eulberg, Rafaela (forthcoming) Tamilische Hindu-Praxis in der Schweiz: Verortung und Dynamiken in der sri-lank- ischen Diaspora, Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Dept. for Bibliography the Study of Religions, University of Lucerne. Federal Offi ce for Migration (2010a) ‘Bestand im Asylproz- Baumann, Christoph Peter (2003) ‘Tamilische Hindus und ess in der Schweiz nach Nationen am 31.12.2009’, Bern: Tempel in der Schweiz: Überblick und exemplarische Bundesamt für Migration. (Available online at: http:// Vertiefung anhand der Geschichte des Vinayakar-Tempels www.bfm.admin.ch/content/dam/data/migration/statistik/ in Basel’, in Martin Baumann, Brigitte Luchesi & Annette asylstatistik/jahr/2009/stat-jahr-2009-d.pdf, last accessed Wilke (eds.) Tempel und Tamilen in zweiter Heimat. Hin- 04.01.2011).

14 MARTIN BAUMANN

Federal Offi ce of Migration (2010b) ‘Erwerb des Schweizer für Migration (also available in French, available online Bürgerrechts nach früherer Staatsangehörigkeit, Art der at: http://www.bfm.admin.ch/content/dam/data/migration/ Einbürgerung und Geschlecht, seit 1974 – Sri Lanka’, publikationen/diasporastudie-srilanka-d.pdf, last accessed Bern: Bundesamt für Migration, received on request on 04.01.2011). 24.6.2010. Orsi, Robert (1985) The Madonna of 115th Street: Faith and Federal Offi ce of Statistics (2009a) ‘Ständige ausländische Community in Italian Harlem, New Haven: Yale Univer- Wohnbevölkerung nach Staatsangehörigkeit, 1980-2008’, sity Press. Neuchâtel: Bundesamt für Statistik. Sindemann, Kerstin-Katja (2004): ‘Religionsvielfalt im Federal Offi ce of Statistics (2009b) ‹Informationen aus der Kanotn Luzern: Hinduismus’, 2 short fi lms on the Hindu Demografi e›, Newsletter Demos 4, December. (Avail- New Year and the annual temple festival at the Sri Thurkkai able online at: http://www.bfs.admin.ch/bfs/portal/de/ Amman temple, Root-Gisikon (near Lucerne), Lucerne: index/news/publikationen.html?publicationID=3779, last Dept. for the Study of Religions, University of Lucerne. accessed 04.01.2011). Stepick, Alex, Terry Rey & Sarah J. Mahler (2009a) ‘Religion, Ferderal Offi ce of Statistics (2010) ‘Mit Schweizern verheira- Immigration, and Civic Engagement’, in Alex Stepick, tete Ausländer nach detaillierter Staatsangehörigkeit und Terry Rey & Sarah J. Mahler (eds.) Churches and Char- Geschlecht›, Neuchâtel: Bundesamt für Statistik. ity in the Immigrant City. Religion, Immigration and Civic Fuller, Christopher J. (1988) ‹The Hindu Temple and Indian Engagement in Miami, New Brunswick, NJ, and London: Society›, in M.V. Fox (ed.), Temple in Society, Winoma Rutgers, 1-38. Lake: Eisenbrauns, 46-66. Stepick, Alex, Sarah J. Mahler & Terry Rey (2009b) ‘Conclu- Hahn, Wilma (2009) ‘Gemeindepräsident feiert mit Hindus’, sions: Religious Leadership and Civic Social Capital’, in in Tagesanzeiger, 23.11.2009. Alex Stepick, Terry Rey & Sarah J. Mahler (eds.) Churches Hansing, Katrin (2009) ‘Unidos en la Fe. Transnational and Charity in the Immigrant City. Religion, Immigration Civic Social Engagement between Two Cuban Catholic and Civic Engagement in Miami, New Brunswick, NJ, and Parishes’, in Alex Stepick, Terry Rey & Sarah J. Mahler London: Rutgers, 250-272. (eds.) Churches and Charity in the Immigrant City. Reli- Wälchli, Ursina (2008) ‘’Ein Tempel ist wie eine Waschmas- gion, Immigration and Civic Engagement in Miami. New chine’. Die religiöse Organisation der indischen Hindus in Brunswick, NJ, and London: Rutgers, 119-131. der Schweiz’, unpublished MA thesis. Bern: University of Liebheit, Melanie (2009) ‘Wiedergeboren in Westfalen’, doc- Bern. umentary fi lm of the Sri Kamadchi Ampal temple and an Warner, Stephen R. & Judith G. Wittner (eds.) (1998) Gath- interview with its main priest, Sri Paskarakurukkal, 88 erings in Diaspora. Religious Communities and the New min, DocCollection. Immigration, Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Liedhegener, Antonius (2010) ‘Churches and Denomina- tions’, in Helmut K. Anheier, Stefan Tpoepler & Regina A. List (eds.) International Encyclopaedia of Civil Soci- Author ety, New York: Springer, 133-138. Luchesi, Brigitte (2008) ‘Parading Hindu Gods in Public: Martin Baumann New Festival Traditions of Tamil Hindus in Germany’, in University of Lucerne Knut A. Jacobsen (ed.) South Asian Religions on Display, Department for the Study of Religions London, New York: Routledge, 178-190. Kasernenplatz 3 Lüthi, Damaris (2005) ‘Soziale Beziehungen und Werte im CH-6003 Luzern Exil bewahren. Tamilische Flüchtlinge aus Sri Lanka im Switzerland Raum Bern’, working paper 30, Dept. of Anthropology, [email protected] Bern: University of Bern. (Available online at: http:// www.anthro.unibe.ch/unibe/philhist/anthro/content/ e1765/e1766/e1814/e1816/e1817/fi les1818/ab30_ger.pdf, last accessed 04.01.2011) Markus, Vera (2005) In der Heimat ihrer Kinder. Tamilen in der Schweiz, Zurich: Offi zin. Martikainen, Tuomas (2004) Immigrant Religions in Local Society: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives in the City of Turku, Ǻbo: Ǻbo Akademi University Press. McDowell, Christopher (2005) Tamil Asylum Diaspora. Sri Lankan Migration, Settlement and Politics in Switzerland, Oxford: Berghahn Books. Moret, Joëlle, Denise Efi onayi & Fabienne Stants (2007) Die srilankische Diaspora in der Schweiz, Bern: Bundesamt

15 Finnish Journal of Ethnicity and Migration

Vol. 5, No. 2 / 2010 www.etmu.fi

Göran Larsson and Nina Björkman South Asian Muslims in the Nordic Countries: An Overview based on the Existing Literature

Abstract The following article deals with a number of topics relating to the religious and cultural activities of South Asian Muslims in Norway, Denmark, Sweden and Finland. While Finland has the longest his- tory of Muslim presence, it has a signifi cantly smaller Muslim minority than the other Nordic coun- tries. This, and other differences, contributes to the very different settings for Muslims in the above- mentioned countries. While many Muslims arrived in the 1960s and 1970s as labour migrants, today the many foreign students from South Asia represent an important faction of South Asian Muslims. Transnational networks have also become increasingly important, and the Ahmadiyya mission, Tab- lighi Jama‘at and Jamaat-e-Islami, among others, all play an important role in the religious fi eld. The material available is, however, still very scarce and, as the fi ndings of this article conclude, further research is sorely needed to give an overview that goes beneath the surface of religious activities in these communities.

Keywords: South Asian Muslims, Muslim organisations, Ahmadiyya, Tablighi Jama’at, Jamaat-e-Islami

A quick search on the Internet reveals that the study of Islam various groups and people of different interests to support or and Muslims in the Nordic countries has advanced over the criticise Islam and Muslims who live as minorities in Western last decade, and that a growing number of recent academic Europe. Migrants who want to adhere to their religious tradi- articles, chapters and books have focused on topics such as tions are also using the latest information and communication Muslim organisations, Muslim women, migration and dias- technologies to keep in contact with their religious leaders in pora issues, and Islamic law. Besides academic studies and their home countries, and several Muslim ulama have become journalistic reporting it is also clear that a so-called Muslim prominent spokespersons on the Internet or via satellite tele- presence on the Internet has become more visible, and most vision shows that are broadcast from the Middle East, South Muslim groups today have their own web pages. Apart from Asia or other parts of Europe (see, for example, Skovgaard- this material it is also easy to access a large number of blogs, Petersen & Gräf 2009, Galal 2009). discussion lists and portals that are devoted to Islam and Mus- Still it is evident that the research on Muslim migrants to lim affairs. Some of these sites and forums are set up by Mus- the Nordic countries is a young speciality within the academic lims, who want to discuss or promote Islam, but others are fi eld of Islamic studies. Even though we have basic informa- focused on criticising or harassing people of Muslim cultural tion about the institutionalisation of Islam and Muslims we backgrounds (see, for example, Larsson 2007 on this develop- still lack important data that can shed light on the religious life ment). Consequently, the Internet can be used for connecting of, for example, the migrants of a South Asian background.

16 GÖRAN LARSSON AND NINA BJÖRKMAN

For example, we hav